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BdR  1,  JANUARY,  1951 

Home  on  the  Range 

Ruth  Tressman          1 
The  Gadsden  Purchase  Lands 

J.  J.  Wagoner        18 
On  the  Navaho  Trail :  the  Campaign  of  1860-61 

Max  L.  Heyman,  Jr.        44 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications 

(continued)     .        .        .        Wilma  Loy  Shelton        64 

Notes  and  Documents 68 

Book  Reviews 83 

NUMBER  2,  APRIL,  1951 

Short-Line  Staging  in  New  Mexico 

William  Swilling  Wallace        89 

The  Navaho  during  the  Spanish  Regime  in  New 

Mexico    ....        Donald  E.  Worcester      101 

A  Coronado  Episode 

J.  Wesley  Huff      119 
Old  Settlers  in  Otero  County 

Dan  McAllister      128 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications 

(continued)     .         .         .         Wilma  Loy  Shelton       137 

Notes  and  Documents 148 

Book  Reviews 165 

NUMBER  3,  JULY,  1951 

Washington  Ellsworth  Lindsey 

Ira  C.  Ihde       177 
Cristobal  de  Onate 

Agapito  Rey       197 

Development  of  the  Cattle  Industry  in  Southern 

Arizona,  1870'  and  80's    ' .         .        J.  J.  Wagoner      204 


Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications 

(continued)     .         .        .        Wilma  Loy  Shelton      225 

Notes  and  Documents 242 

Book  Reviews 248 

NUMBER  4,  OCTOBER,  1951 

The  Rough  Riders 

Royal  A.  Prentice      261 

Fort  Union  Memories 

Genevieve  La  Tourrette      277 

A  Boy's  Eye  View  of  the  Old  Southwest 

James  K.  Hastings      287 

Washington  Ellsworth  Lindsey 

(concluded) Ira  C.  Ihde      302 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications 

(continued)      .        .        .        Wilma  Loy  Shelton      325 

Notes  and  Documents 332 

Book  Reviews 342 


Map,  Hillsboro  Stage  Line 91 

Hillsboro  Stagecoach 93 

Lieut.  Royal  A.  Prentice 261 

Fort  Union  Chaplain  Headquarters  ....  277 

Chalmers  Lowell  Pancoast 336 

P.  347 — the  author's  name  should  read,  Wyllys. 




1  4- 

Palace  of  the  Governors,  Santa  Fe 


January,  1951 






VOL.  XXVI  JANUARY,  1951  No.  1 



Home  on  the  Range 

Ruth  Tressman  ...       1 

The  Gadsden  Purchase  Lands 

J.  J.  Wagoner 18 

On  the  Navaho  Trail:  the  Campaign  of  1860-61 

Max  L.  Heyman,  Jr 44 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications  (continued) 

Wilma  Loy  Shelton 64 

Notes  and  Documents 68 

Book   Reviews  83 

THE  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  Subscription  to  the  quarterly  ia 
$3.00  a  year  in  advance;  single  numbers,  except  those  which  have  become  scarce,  are 
$1.00  each. 

Business  communications  should  be  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  A.  F.  Walter,  State 
Museum,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. ;  manuscripts  and  editorial  correspondence  should  be 
addressed  to  Prof.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Stnta  Fe,  New  Mexico 


VOL.  XXVI  JANUARY,  1951  No.  1 


IF  a  woman  is  considered  a  necessary  component  of  a  home, 
homes  on  the  range  were  almost  non-existent  in  the 
early  days,  say  1860-1880,  in  the  Great  West.  Nor  were  such 
homes  as  were  established  on  the  plains  and  farther  west 
made  by  the  women  the  movies  usually  give  us  as  "the  West- 
ern type."  Though  there  eventually  came  to  be  many  kinds  of 
range  women  as  there  were  many  kinds  of  range  men,  one 
is  at  a  loss  to  find  one — even  a  half-breed — lying  around  in 
sexy  poses  on  any  table,  divan,  or  rock  that  is  handy,  as  Jen- 
nifer Jones  did  in  "Duel  in  the  Sun,"  or  one  who  made  an 
analogy  between  breeding  children  and  breeding  stock  in  the 
free  terms  used  by  the  girl  in  "Red  River,"  nor  does  one 
find  many  as  glamorous  as  Jane  Russell  nursing  Billy  the 

The  few  good  women  of  the  range  were  luxuries  the  aver- 
age cowboy  only  dreamed  he  some  day  might  afford.  They 
came  sometimes  from  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  other  South- 
ern states,  occasionally  from  families  with  aristocratic  tra- 
ditions. Later,  to  ranches  on  the  Great  Plains,  came  women 
from  families  that  moved  west  from  Illinois,  Missouri,  east- 
ern Kansas.  For  the  most  part  they  came  from  conventional, 
God-fearing  families,  and  though  necessity  forced  them  to 
adopt  some  independent  attitudes,  they  did  not  try  to  change 
to  "Western"  types.  In  fact  they  clung  as  tenaciously  as  en- 
vironment would  permit  to  the  old  ways  in  a  new  land.  In 
the  South  West  the  Spanish  taught  them  a  way  of  living 
suited  to  the  climate  of  Arizona  and  New  Mexico.  On  the 

Great  Plains  danger  from  Indians  and  lack  of  materials 
largely  determined  the  type  of  house  they  lived  in,  but  on  the 
whole,  their  basic  concepts,  the  guides  by  which  they  lived, 
changed  very  little.1 

No  matter  what  the  location  or  financial  state  of  the 
ranch  wife,  her  resourcefulness  was  taxed  by  difficulties  of 
travel  and  by  isolation  and  loneliness.  The  woman  who  lacked 
buoyancy,  adaptability,  and  some  resources  within  herself 
did  not  belong  on  the  range.  Even  given  these  qualities,  her 
life  expectancy,  so  the  census  of  1860  indicated,  was  shorter 
than  that  of  a  man  on  the  frontier.2  At  present  the  life  ex- 
pectancy of  an  American  woman  exceeds  that  of  the  men 
by  several  years.  However,  1860  is  a  very  early  date.  Things 
changed  rapidly  in  the  West.  Hence,  if  a  woman  had  the 
stamina  to  endure  her  first  years  on  a  ranch,  she  seems  gen- 
erally to  have  gained  satisfaction  from  her  life,  an  ability 
to  take  things  in  her  stride. 

Most  chronicles  written  by  range  women  are  optimistic. 
For  example,  a  traveler  to  Greeley,  Colorado,  in  1871,  tells 
how  women  in  that  locality  seemed  happy  and  laughed  at 
commiseration  in  spite  of  the  still  present  fear  of  Indians.3 
Another  traveler,  Meline,  in  1866,  reported  the  same  attitude 
held  by  a  ranch  woman  near  Colorado  City.4  In  like  vein  Mrs. 
Sophie  Poe,  describing  life  in  New  Mexico  in  the  1870's  and 
1880's,  indicates  contentment  and  love  for  the  country.4* 

There  was  reason  for  this  perhaps  in  the  very  geography 
of  the  Plains-Mountains  country.  Something  expansive  about 
life  in  this  region  may  have  counteracted  any  tendency 
toward  melancholia.  Furthermore,  the  range  woman  prac- 
tically had  to  be  objective  in  her  thinking.  Usually  there  was 

1.  Nancy   Wilson   Ross,    Westward  the   Women.   Henry   Holt  &   Co.,   1944.   Many 
examples   cited. 

2.  William  F.  Sprague,  Women  and  the  West.  Christopher  Publishing  House,  Bos- 
ton,  1940,  p.  118. 

3.  A  few  women  who  have  written  their  reactions  to  range  life  say  that  it  made 
them  broader  minded,  but  one  of  these  women  was  obviously  scandalized  by  the  fact 
that  a  neighbor  plowed  for  a  woman  other  than  his  wife.  cf.  Clarice  A.  Richards,  A 
Tenderfoot  Bride,  p.  69. 

4.  Ibid.,  p.   107.  This  was,  be  it  noted,  before  the  terrific  winter  of  1866  which 
led  many  Colorado  ranchers  to  leave  their  ranches.  Some  of  their  deserted  shacks  may 
still  be  seen  in  Western  Colorado. 

4a.     Buckboard  Days.  Caldwell,  Idaho,   1936. 


not  time  to  be  otherwise.  Also  she  gained  satisfaction  from 
the  respect  with  which  she  was  treated  in  a  country  where 
women  were  rare.  At  any  rate,  the  life  seems  to  have  been 
interesting  and  vital  for  women  strong  enough  to  endure  the 
physical  strain,  and  the  homes  they  created  no  doubt  bene- 
fited from  this  fact. 

As  has  been  said,  a  home  of  his  own  was  something  the 
average  cowboy  dreamed  about.  What  he  called  "home" 
might  be  a  large  ranch  house,  headquarters,  or  a  bunk  house, 
or  a  dugout  he  called  his  own.  But  a  real  home,  so  his  songs 
said,  might  necessitate  his  quitting  his  cowboy's  life  and  was 
likely  to  be  left  to  some  distant,  happy  future.  As  the  song, 
"The  Old  Chisholm  Trail,"  has  it, 

When  I  thought  of  my  girl,  I  nearly  would  cry, 
I'll  quit  herdin'  cows  in  the  sweet  bye  and  bye. 

If  later  in  life,  he  came  into  some  money  or  his  boss  gave  him 
a  stake,  he  might  marry.  Many  range  men  never  married,  or 
if  they  did,  they  moved  back  East  or  to  town  to  a  more  shel- 
tered existence.5  However,  a  few  wealthy  cowmen  whom 
luck,  or  the  government,  or  the  gods  of  free  enterprise  had 
favored  did  have  homes,  generally  speaking  stable  and  happy 
ones.  The  houses  they  owned  varied  greatly.  Men  from  the 
East  or  from  foreign  countries  generally  built  better  homes 
than  the  typical  Westerner.  Some  of  these  were  "display" 
houses.  There  are,  for  example,  the  Maxwell  house  at  Fort 
Sumner,  New  Mexico,6  the  Kenedy  house  and  others  of  Span- 
ish style  near  the  Rio  Grande  in  Texas.7  But  these  are  the 
exceptions,  not  the  rule  of  the  range. 

The  lone  cowboy  waiting  for  a  break  does  not  seem  to 
have  worried  much  about  the  home  he  could  provide  for  a 
girl — if  he  got  the  girl.  His  songs,  very  sentimental,  tell  of 
the  kind  of  girl  he  thought  he  wanted.  "Snagtooth  Sal"  and 
"Pretty  Little  Black-eyed  Susan"  were  apparently  both  popu- 
lar. Sometimes  the  cowboy  was  sensible,  like  the  one  who 
made  up  the  song  about  "Biscuit  Shootin'  Susie,"  the  waitress 

5.  Tom  Scott,  Sing  of  America.  Thomas  Y.  Crowell,  1947,  p.  79. 

6.  Illustration  in  Sophie  Poe,  Blackboard  Days,  p.  100,  and  Wm.  A.  Keleher,  Max- 
wett  Land  Grant.  Rydal  Press,  Santa  Fe,  p.  88. 

7.  Illustration  in  C.  L.  Douglas,  Cattle  Kings  of  Texas.  Dallas,  1939,  p.  99. 


at  the  station.  Sometime  he  bragged  about  all  the  girls  he 
knew — wishful  thinking — and  cast  his  vote  for  an  outdoor 
type  rather  than  a  "lady." 

But,  Lord,  they're  all  ruffles  an'  beadin' 
And  drink  fancy  tea  by  the  pail ; 
I'm  not  used  to  that  sort  of  stampedin' 
Longside  the  Santa  Fe  Trail!8 

Again  he  wanted  her  "all  over  gol-durned  fluffs."9 

The  cowboy  was  not  always  considered  such  a  good  matri- 
monial bet  by  families  back  east.  One  ballad  sung  by  Lomax 
warns  the  girls  not  to  be  fascinated  by  uncouth  cowboys  who 
can  only  lead  them  to  a  hard  life,  and,  when  they  come  a'- 
courtin',  will  look  them  over  and  have  nothing  better  to  say 
than  "Your  Jonny-cake's  burned."  One  cowboy  rationalized 
such  a  situation  :9a 

Her  parents  don't  like  me,  they  say  I'm  too  poor; 
They  say  I'm  unworthy  to  enter  her  door. 
I've  no  wife  to  quarrel,  no  babies  to  bawl ; 
The  best  way  of  living  is  no  wife  at  all. 10 

Sometimes,  of  course,  the  cowboy  got  the  girl.  And  when 
he  did,  he  treated  her  well  according  to  his  lights.  Just  how 
the  girl  who  was  "all  over  gol-durned  fluffs"  managed  if  she 
married  the  cowboy  is  another  story.  One  thing  is  certain, 
the  saying  that  a  trousseau  is  what  the  bride  will  wear  for 
the  next  five  years  was  even  more  true  on  the  early-day  range 
than  now.  A  Sears-Roebuck  trousseau,  which  by  careful 
choosing  could  be  had  for  twenty  dollars,  was  likely  to  have 
to  survive  dust  storms,  insects,  possibly  a  dirt  floor,  and 
possibly  a  sod  roof  from  which  the  mud  trickled  down  in  a 
really  good  rain.  Ole  Olson,  the  slow,  prosaic  Swedish  car- 
penter back  in  Minneapolis,  did  much  better  by  his  wife  in 
the  matter  of  housing  than  the  "romantic"  cowboy.11 

Shelter  did  vary  greatly,  though,  according  to  section  and 

8.  John   A.   and   Alan   Lomax,   Cowboy  Songs  and   Other   Frontier  Ballads.   The 
Macmillan  Co.,   1947,  p.  310. 

9.  P.  A.  Rollins,  The  Cowboy.  Charles  Scribner's  Sons,  1936,  p.  73. 

9a.  I  do  not  believe  in  communal  ownership  of  the  ballads,  so  I  see  the  author  as 
a  definite  individual. 

10.  Lomax,  p.  165. 

11.  Sprague,  p.  106. 


means.  There  were  the  cabins  and  the  great  houses  of  Texas, 
the  sod  house  of  Kansas,  and  the  adobe  house  of  New  Mex- 
ico.12 Because  of  this  variety  of  types,  houses  will  need  dis- 
cussion by  areas,  though  many  other  factors  which  made  up 
a  ranch  woman's  life  were  the  same  everywhere. 

Texas  ranch  houses  varied  greatly.  The  earliest  were  on 
ranches  near  the  Gulf  and  the  Mexican  border  and  were  rath- 
er pretentious  places  worthy  of  feudal  estates.  There  was  a 
great  house  related  in  type  to  the  plantation  homes  of  the 
deep  south  on  the  Kenedy  ranch,  established  by  Captain 
Mifflin  Kenedy  in  the  1850's.  Mexican  influence  prevails  in 
the  house  on  the  San  Ygnacio  ranch  between  Laredo  and 
Brownsville.  This  is  a  two-story  house  one-room  deep  with 
balconies.  It  was  built  in  the  1870's.  An  example  of  Mexican 
brick  work  dating  from  mid-nineteenth  century  is  the  Car- 
men ranch  house  near  Brownsville.13  A  typical  ranch  house 
evolved  near  San  Antonio  has  been  described  as  having  been 

rectangular,  one  room  deep,  two  or  three  rooms  long  with  a  pitched 
roof  extending  over  a  porch  or  porches.  The  entire  house  was  raised 
off  the  ground  (not  a  dugout),  but  was  never  more  than  one  story  in 
height.  Stone  construction  was  used  almost  entirely,  often  stuccoed 
or  whitewashed;  shingle  roofs  and  long  porches  across  the  front  were 
further  characteristics.  There  were  fireplaces  of  stone,  simple  mantles, 
plastered  and  white-washed  walls  and  ceilings  of  wide  boards.14 

In  Northwest  Texas,  where  materials  were  scarce,  houses 
were  even  less  pretentious.  Pictures  of  Captain  Doan's  house 
at  a  crossing  of  the  Red  River  show  an  adobe  home  with  a 
long  porch  and  fireplace,  a  shelter  hardly  adequate,  which 
was  in  its  day  a  stopping  place  for  senators  and  governors 
as  well  as  cattle  men.15 

In  Western  Texas  and  in  the  Panhandle  a  dugout  was 
likely  to  be  the  first  headquarters  house  of  a  new  ranch.  But 
women,  then  as  now,  objected  to  an  underground  existence.15* 

12.  Carl  Coke  Rister,  Southern  Plainsmen.  University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  Norman, 
1938,  pp.  58-69. 

13.  Antiques,  53:  439  (June,  1948). 

14.  Texas;  American  Guide  Series.  Hastings  House,  1947,  p.  152. 

15.  J.  M.  Hunter,  Trail  Drivers  of  Texas.  Nashville,  Tenn.,  1925,  p.  776. 

15a.  Perhaps,  eventually,  men  will  have  to  solve  the  problem  of  control  of  the 
atom  bomb  because  women  will  simply  refuse  to  live  like  moles  in  indefinite  anticipation 
of  atomic  war. 


One  woman  won  this  battle  against  an  underground  exis- 
tence. The  story  goes  that  when  Mrs.  Henry  Campbell,  wife 
of  a  manager  on  the  great  Matador  ranch,  arrived  at  head- 
quarters in  1878,  she  refused  to  live  underground ;  so  a  two 
room  shack  was  built  from  lumber  hauled  hundreds  of  miles 
from  Fort  Griffin  to  Palo  Duro.  The  shack  was  called  the 
"White  House"  because  it  was  the  seat  of  government  of  the 
cattle  empire.16 

Various  headquarters  houses  on  the  3,000  acre  XIT 
ranch,  also  in  the  Panhandle,  were  comfortable  frame  homes, 
surrounded  by  cottonwoods,  very  unpretentious.  A  two-room 
cabin  served  as  the  first  home  of  the  Charles  Goodnights, 
though  a  larger  home,  built  later,  is  the  one  existing  today. 
In  contrast  to  these  shelters  for  native  Americans,  a  great 
stone  house  was  built  for  Goodnight's  Scotch  partner, 

What  of  the  women,  when  there  were  any,  who  inhabited 
these  houses?  Texans  seem  to  have  been  most  successful  in 
establishing  ranch  homes  in  the  1860's  and  1870's  and  most 
reticent  in  saying  anything  about  them.178  Men  have  written 
world  histories  and  in  writing  them  have  neglected  women. 
Hunter's  collection  of  short  autobiographies,  Trail  Drivers 
of  Texas,  contains  scattered  references  to  wives  and  homes, 
along  with  a  few  eulogies.  However,  it  tells  us  very  little 
about  what  the  women  thought  or  how  they  fared.  In  the 
1850's  and  through  the  early  1870's  there  was  some  danger 
of  Indian  raids.  A  woman  could  pack  a  gun.  She  could  also 
brave  the  elements.  Mrs.  A.  Burks,  following  the  trail  with 
her  husband,  says  she  did  not  have  a  difficult  time.  She  liked 
camp,  liked  having  the  men  in  camp  rival  each  other  in  find- 
ing delicacies  for  her.18  A  few  women  pictured  in  Hunter's 
volume  flourished  in  the  later  period  of  range  history,  when 
Texas  was  rather  less  "hell  on  women,"  and  seem  always  to 
have  been  materially  well  off.  But  these  women,  remember, 

16.  Frank  King,  Wranglin'  the  Past.  Trail's  End  Publishing  Co.,  Pasadena,  1935, 
1946,  p.  85. 

17.  J.   E.   Haley,   Charles   Goodnight,   Cowman   and  Plainsman.   Houghton-Mifflin 
Co.,  1936,  p.  814. 

17a.     Perhaps    Texans    were    actually    less    negligent    in    this    matter    than    men 

18.  Hunter,  p.  29. 


were  the  wives  of  the  owners  or  managers  of  ranches,  not 
of  the  hired  men  on  horseback.  Their  history,  however,  is 
one  part  of  our  story. 

Most  famous  among  Texas  ranch  women  was  Mrs. 
Charles  Goodnight,  who  was  a  favorite  among  cowboys 
throughout  the  Texas  Panhandle.  Mrs.  Goodnight  was  a 
southern  "lady"  and  remained  so.  She  supplied  tact  and  un- 
derstanding when  those  qualities  were  needed.  Even  though 
the  Goodnights  were  at  one  time  very  wealthy,  they  made  no 
display  of  wealth.  Mrs.  Goodnight  sat  at  a  table  with  their 
cowboys  and  gave  them  berries  she  picked  herself.  Her 
home  at  the  JA  Ranch  headquarters  for  some  years  was  a 
two-room  cabin.  There  were  dugouts  for  the  boys  and  a 
bunk  house,  a  mess  house,  and  corrals.19  Of  Mrs.  Goodnight' s 
isolation  more  will  be  said.  Just  now  let  us  look  at  other 
ranch  homes. 

Charles  Siringo  mentions  several  such  homes,  among 
them  that  of  Shanghai  Pierce,  by  whose  wife,  Nanny,  he  had 
been  mothered  in  his  youth.  From  what  we  know  of  Shanghai 
Pierce's  dominating  personality  and  loud  voice,  we  wonder 
whether  Nanny  ever  raised  her  voice  above  a  whisper.  We 
can  be  quite  sure  she  did  not  lack  material  comforts,  Pierce 
having  had  a  way  of  having  money  even  when  everyone  else 
went  broke,  but  all  we  really  know  of  her  is  that  she  lived 
at  Rancho  Grande  headquarters.20  Siringo  tells  also  of  a  trail 
boss  who  married  a  farmer's  daughter  he  met  on  a  trip  and 
adds  that,  "The  journey  to  the  Panhandle  of  Texas  was  con- 
tinued with  a  new  girl  cook  to  dish  up  the  grub."  For  this 
girl  for  a  while  a  range  home  was  the  whole  great  outdoors. 
Siringo  himself,  one  of  the  greatest  cowboys  of  them  all, 
"retired  to  a  town"  during  the  years  of  his  marriage.21 

On  a  large  ranch  there  were  men  cooks,  and  one  does  not 
often  get  a  picture  of  an  overworked  wife  slaving  for  the 
boys.  We  have,  however,  one  account  of  Texas  ranch  life  by 
the  wife  of  a  man  not  so  prosperous.  Mrs.  Kruse,  wife  of  a 
trail  driver,  speaks  of  having  moved  into  a  little  vacant 

19.  Haley,  p.  314. 

20.  Charles  Siringo,  liiata  and  Spurs.  Houghton-Mifflin  Co.,  1931,  p.  11. 

21.  Ibid.,  p.  43. 


shanty  near  a  spring  in  Hayes  county,  without  either  floor  or 
chimney,  chinked  with  mud  which  fell  in  when  it  rained.  Her 
husband  built  a  chimney  and  floored  the  house.  His  wife, 
meantime,  baked  thousands  of  biscuits  for  his  trips  up  the 

Colorado  ranch  houses  might  be  of  either  type,  the  dug- 
out introduced  by  Anglo-Americans,  or  the  adobe  introduced 
by  Spanish  Americans.  The  far  greater  number  of  temporary 
ranch  homes  were  crudely  constructed  dugouts.  A  dugout  in 
flat  territory,  if  built  in  a  conventional  way,  consisted  of  a 
hole  about  four  feet  deep  and  walls  built  up  about  three  feet 
with  sod.  A  ridge  pole  was  placed  across  the  center  and 
smaller  poles  were  laid  across  these.  On  the  poles  were 
placed  brush,  a  layer  of  sod,  and  then  a  layer  of  earth.23  Even 
after  permanent  buildings  of  adobe  or  stone  were  provided, 
dugouts  were  still  used  as  winter  homes  by  line  riders  and 
stock  tenders. 

In  New  Mexico,  Spanish  influence  and  climate  often  led 
to  the  building  of  adobe  dwellings  by  American  settlers.  Some 
of  these  houses  are  the  precursors  of  what  the  present-day 
architect  calls  the  "ranch-type"  house.  Among  these  are  the 
house  of  the  famous  John  Chisum  near  Roswell  and  the  head- 
quarters house  on  the  WS  ranch  near  Las  Vegas.  Chisum 
was  a  bachelor  who  kept  a  woman  relative  on  the  place  to 
make  it  a  home,  so  his  establishment  fits  my  definition.  The 
house  was  long,  low,  rambling  with  long  galleries.  On  pic- 
tures, it  looks  like  a  frame  house,  but  it  is  an  adobe  one  with 
wooden  trim  and  picket  fence.  The  furniture  and  everything 
in  it,  Chisum  said,  cost  "a  sight  of  money."  But  this,  remem- 
ber, was  his  acquisition  after  forty  years  of  sleeping  "on  old 
mother  earth's  bosom."  At  any  rate  he  made  it  a  home  to  be 
remembered  by  giving  an  occasional  big  dance  and  making 
it  generally  known  for  hospitality.24  This  home,  somewhat 
remodelled,  still  exists  and  is  now  the  property  of  Cornell 

22.  Hunter,  p.  16 

23.  Texas,  American  Guide  Series,  p.  154. 

24.  Poe,  pp.  161-165. 

25.  New  Mexico,  American  Guide  Series.  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque, 
p.  153. 


Other  men  besides  Chisum  wanted  the  best  in  homes  and 
home  furnishings  when  fortune  permitted.  I  have  mentioned 
the  Maxwell  House,  a  very  pretentious  place  with  rich  fur- 
nishings, whether  the  inmates  thereof  were  happy  or  not. 
The  Dorsey  ranch  near  it  was  described  in  the  Las  Vegas 
Gazette,  April  26,  1884 : 

The  Ranch  of  Dorsey  is  a  large  unpretentious  adobe  building  situ- 
ated in  a  wide,  shallow  arroyo,  bordered  by  cottonwood  trees  and  sur- 
rounded by  wire  fence.  Inside,  the  ranch  is  furnished  magnificently, 
especially  the  parlor,  Dorsey's  sleeping  room  and  the  guest  rooms  for 
visitors,  of  which  the  house  has  several  and  which  are  in  constant  use. 
A  piano  stands  in  the  sitting  room,  which  also  contains  a  well  selected 
library  and  a  completely  appointed  sideboard.26 

Other  homes  were  less  pretentious.  Mrs.  Poe  describes 
her  own  first  home  on  the  VV  Ranch  ten  miles  from  Lincoln, 
New  Mexico,  a  cabin  the  smallness  of  which  at  first  dismayed 
her.  "A  room  on  the  north,  another  on  the  south,  with  the 
kitchen  between ;  all  so  low  that  even  I,  barely  five  feet  two 
inches  tall  could  stand  upon  a  chair  and  touch  the  ceilings." 
Each  room  had  but  one  window.  However,  there  were  pine 
planks  on  the  floor  because  this  was  a  log,  not  an  adobe, 
cabin.  Each  living  room  had  a  large  fire  place,  the  kitchen  a 
large  wood-burning  range  with  a  large  reservoir  for  water 
heating.  There  was  a  long  table,  for  guests  must  always  be 
fed.27  Mrs.  Poe  mentions  having  seen  other  small  ranch 
dwellings  between  Las  Vegas  and  Roswell  in  1883  and  hav- 
ing wondered  about  the  women  who  lived  in  them,  for  this 
section  at  this  time  was  being  divided  into  smaller  ranches. 

Agnes  Morley  Cleaveland  describes  the  ranch  home  of  a 
family  that  started  out  with  some  money.  Her  mother, 
widowed  from  her  first  husband,  and  soon  to  be  separated 
from  her  second,  built  a  ten-room  ranch  house  on  a  side  hill. 
There  were  gray  shingles,  white  veranda  pillars.  Into  it  went 
a  piano,  wagon  loads  of  books,  some  pieces  of  fine  furniture 
brought  from  Iowa.  Though  the  Cleaveland  ranch  was  any- 
thing but  prosperous  at  times,  the  cultured  mother  continued 

26.  Quoted  by  Keleher,   p.   139.   A   picture  of  the  WS   Ranch   is   in   J.   J.   Cook, 
Fifty  Years  on  the  Frontier.  New  Haven,  1943,  p.  162. 

27.  Poe,  p.  217. 


to  create,  somehow,  a  home  in  which  English  was  correctly 
spoken,  children  were  expected  to  go  to  college,  and  a  feeling 
of  family  pride  and  solidarity  prevailed. 

Several  accounts  of  the  difficulties  of  bringing  pianos 
across  the  desert  for  the  cultural  advantage  of  young  daugh- 
ters attest  to  the  rancher's  desire  to  maintain  some  culture 
and  some  of  the  graces  of  life  in  his  Western  home.  He 
learned,  too,  to  provide  his  wife  with  an  excavated  store 
room — a  cellar  to  Northerners.28  The  average  woman  in  an 
adobe  dwelling  wanted  most  of  all  a  floor,  and  she  got  it. 
So,  with  a  great  effort,  the  women  brought  some  of  the 
amenities  of  life  to  the  Southwest  simply  by  insisting  on  hav- 
ing them.  In  fact,  as  nearly  as  one  can  tell  from  pictures  and 
written  accounts,  they  fared  rather  better  than  their  sisters 
farther  north  in  the  1880's. 

In  general  plan  the  typical  ranch  headquarters  of  the 
Northwest  was  not  so  different  from  that  of  the  Goodnights 
in  Texas.  Granville  Stuart  mentions  "a  few  log  cabins  com- 
prising a  bunkhouse,  a  cook  house,  blacksmith  shop,  stable, 
corral,  and  hay  land  enough  fenced  to  cut  tons  of  hay."29 
Hough  says  that  if  a  ranch  house  was  very  modern,  it  might 
have  shingles,  with  a  porch  and  veranda  taking  the  place  of 
the  midway  hall.30  It  might  have  a  huge  fireplace,  a  big  "can- 
non" stove,  and  rough  bunks  lining  the  walls  on  either  side.31 
Pictures  of  these  ranches  in  the  Northwest  are  depressing. 
Roosevelt's  famous  ranch  in  the  North  Dakota  Bad  Lands 
was  no  exception.32 

An  employee  on  a  ranch  often  lived  in  a  sod  house,  con- 
sidered good  enough  for  an  "old  batch."  In  the  way  of  a 
dwelling  he  had  very  little  to  offer  a  woman.  Suppose  our 
man  is  a  line-man  working  for  an  absentee  owner.  Emerson 
Hough  describes  his  possible  home : 

Linecamps  or  out-dwellings  for  the  men  would  still  be  of  the  old 
style — the  walls  perhaps  of  logs  or  sod,  the  roof  being  perhaps  laid 
with  rude  half -tiles  hollowed  out  of  divided  saplings  and  laid  so  that 

28.  Mary  Kidder  Rak,  A  Cowman's  Wife-  The  Macmillan  Co.,  1938.  pp.  9-11. 

29.  Granville  Stuart,  Forty  Years  on  the  Frontier.  Cleveland,   1925,  II,  239. 

30.  Emerson   Hough,   The  Story  of  a   Cowboy.  Appleton-Century,    1938,   p.   39. 

31.  76fd. 

32.  Briggs,  p.  248. 


they  "broke  joints,"  the  edges  of  two  convex  ones  fitted  in  the  hollow 
of  one  concaved,  so  that  the  water  would  thus  be  carried  off  as  it  is  on 
a  tile  roof  so  fitted.  Over  this  might  be  a  covering  of  small  logs,  willow 
boughs  and  grass,  and  over  all,  dirt.33 

The  homesteader's  home  was  likely  to  be  like  this,  too;  a 
popular  ballad  asks  for  a  girl  to  share  "the  little  old  sod 
shanty  on  my  claim."34 

At  least  one  Montana  ranch  wife,  young  and  possessed  of 
a  gay  heart,  has  left  us  a  record  of  the  particular  home  she 
had,  which  she  considered  better  than  most.  She  had  a  log 
cabin  and  a  spring  house,  which  gave  her  perpetual  running 
water,  and  extra  tents  for  overflow  cowboys  and  guests.  This 
was  in  1887.  She  wrote  back  home  to  Illinois : 

You  ask  what  I  do  with  my  washing.  Why  I  wash  it,  iron  it,  wear  it, 
and  wash  it  again.  I  have  every  convenience,  and  I  do  not  lift  a  pail 
of  water  or  turn  a  wringer  or  clean  up.  We  have  splendid  water  under 
the  spring  house.  My  kitchen  is  large  and  I  have  no  trouble  providing 
for  all  the  men  by  putting  the  two  tables  together.  There  is  no  need 
of  furnishing  napkins  for  G —  and  I  and  Ed  are  the  only  ones  of  the 
crowd  who  ever  saw  one.  I  made  four  cream  pies  and  a  cocoanut  pie 
yesterday,  and  how  quickly  they  vanished  before  the  hungry  boys.35 

If  the  Southern  ranch  wife  was  better  off  in  the  matters 
of  housing  and  climate,  the  Northern  woman  could  more 
easily  provide  a  balanced  diet  for  her  family.  The  Montana 
ranch  woman  mentioned  above  said  that  she  had  plenty  of 
milk  and  eggs,  that  neighbors  brought  potatoes  and  other 
vegetables,  that  meat  included  beef,  antelope,  rabbit,  wild 
turkey,  chicken,  and  venison.  She  mentions  a  dinner  of  hot 
biscuit  (she  had  baking  powder  and  white  flour) ,  and  veni- 
son steak,  tomatoes,  cream  pie  and  coffee.  She  added  happily 
that  her  guests  "thought  they  would  call  again  when  they  got 

On  the  ranches  of  the  Southwest  little  food  was  grown, 
so  a  woman  had  to  work  harder  to  accomplish  less  in  a  culi- 
nary way.  A  New  Mexican  diet  was  likely  to  consist  of  meat, 

33.  Ibid.,  p.  346. 

34.  Lomax,  p.  405. 

35.  William  M.   Thayer,  Marvella  of  the   West.  Henry  Bill  Publishing   Co.,   Nor- 
wich, Conn.,  1888,  p.  608. 

36.  Ibid.,  p.  615. 


potatoes,  beans,  sow-belly  (salt  pork) ,  dried  fruit  and  canned 
goods.  Cakes  were  baked  somehow  for  parties,  eggs  or  no 
eggs.  The  woman  who  could  bring  around  a  recipe  for  an 
eggless  cake  was  a  blessing  to  her  neighbors,  for  eggs  were 
rare.  We  hear  of  "jerky" — a  kind  of  home-dried  beef  the 
beginnings  of  which  do  not  sound  appetizing.  Indians  from 
Santa  Fe  sometimes  peddled  fruit  to  settlers  farther  south.37 

In  Texas  and  on  the  Southern  Plains  generally  cornbread 
and  molasses  were  staples  of  the  diet,  as  were  also  bacon  and 
beans.  White  flour  was  a  luxury  anywhere,  costing  as  much 
as  $25  a  barrel  or  more.38  In  summer,  camp  fires  provided  a 
good  means  of  cooking.  Bread  could  be  baked  in  a  Dutch  oven 
and  corn  pones  on  heated  rocks  of  the  hearthstone.39  Women 
soon  learned  to  bake  sour-dough  biscuit,  a  masculine  inven- 
tion born  of  necessity. 

About  clothes  the  range  woman  was  chronically  conven- 
tional and  feminine.  She  persisted  in  wearing  what  were  then 
considered  lady-like  clothes,  even  when  these  clothes  were 
clumsy  and  out  of  keeping  with  the  life  she  led.40  She  wore 
a  skirt  and  rode  side-saddle,  or  she  split  the  skirt  moderately 
if  she  straddled  her  horse.  She  made  clothes  if  the  nearest 
store  offered  any  cloth.  The  Sears-Roebuck  catalog  kept  her 
fairly  well  informed  about  style — Sears-Roebuck  version. 
(In  fact,  the  catalog  took  the  monotony  from  many  a  quiet 
evening  with  the  family  and  so  contributed  much  to  the  sta- 
bility of  home  life  on  the  range.) 

Sophie  Poe  tells  of  a  visit  from  a  younger  sister  from 
Illinois,  who  brought  the  first  bustle  to  one  section  of  New 
Mexico  in  the  1880's.  Sister's  bustles  were  stuffed  with  old 
newspapers,  but  since  newspapers  were  rare  in  New  Mexico, 
wire  contraptions  were  soon  concocted  to  make  the  bustles 
bustle  properly.41  The  Western  woman  did  not  want  her 
clothes  to  be  different  from  those  of  her  Eastern  sister.  She 
just  had  a  harder  time  coming  by  the  latest  fashions,  and 

37.  Cleaveland,  pp.  169-164. 

38.  Hunter,  p.  876. 
89.     Rister,  pp.  74-75. 

40.  Look   Magazine's   volume  of  pictures,    The   Santa  Fe   Trail,   shows   styles   of 
the  West. 

41.  Sprague,  p.  175. 


she  was  likely  to  have  too  much  sewing  to  do  for  the  children 
to  worry  about  her  own  dress. 

Another  function  of  the  pioneer  ranch  home  was  nursing 
the  sick  in  one's  own  or  a  neighbor's  family.  The  subject  is 
worth  a  paper  in  itself,  so  I  shall  mention  here  only  a  few  of 
the  remedies  that  might  be  administered.  To  purify  the  blood, 
there  were  sulphur  and  molasses,  sassafras  and  sage  tea.  For 
snakebite  one  used  chicken  entrails,  if  one  had  the  chicken,  to 
draw  out  the  poison.  Wet  earth  served  for  bites  and  stings, 
sunflower  seed  soaked  in  whiskey  for  rheumatism.42  There 
are  tales  of  using  whiskey  for  smallpox  (it  killed),  and  to- 
bacco (Bull  Durham)  and  onion  leave  for  gangrene  (it 
cured.)  In  addition,  the  endless  patent  medicines  were  on  the 
home  shelf.  Every  household  felt  its  responsibility  to  a  neigh- 
bor in  times  of  illness,  for  doctors  were  few  and  usually  far 

Nor  were  women  the  only  dispensers  of  remedies  in  a 
ranch  home.  When  a  woman  was  ill,  we  are  told,  cowboys 
brought  every  kind  of  kill-or-cure  medicine  they  had  ever 
used  for  anything.43  Why  more  people  did  not  die  from  the 
cures  I  do  not  know,  except  that  range  constitutions  were 
strong.  Suffice  it  to  say  here  that  these  attempts  at  doctoring 
evidence  the  feeling  of  responsibility  for  one's  neighbor 
which  was  a  definite  part  of  ranch  life. 

So  much  has  been  said  about  the  hospitality  of  the  ranch 
home  that  more  seems  superfluous.  Everyone  knows  about 
cowboy  dances,  in  hall  or  home,  to  which  men  and  women 
rode  fifty  miles,  each  woman  bringing  a  cake  and  possibly 
carrying  a  fresh  dress  in  a  flour  sack  attached  to  her  saddle. 
There  was  also  the  day-to-day  hospitality  which  might  neces- 
sitate the  preparing  of  three  dinners  in  one  day  if  friends  or 
strangers  happened  in  in  sequence  and  not  simultaneously.44 
Friend  or  stranger  or  even  enemy,  whoever  happened  by, 
had  to  be  fed.45 

Whether  the  ranch  woman  really  worked  with  cattle  de- 
pended on  the  circumstances  and  the  woman.  If  she  were 

42.  Cleaveland,  pp.  146-148. 

43.  Rollins,  p.  73. 

44.  Ross,  p.  174. 

45.  Thayer,  p.  610. 


alone,  a  widow  possibly,  she  might  have  had  to  do  so.  Some- 
times she  did  so  from  choice.46  Usually  she  was  not  expected 
to  do  rough  work,  but  emergencies  might  demand  it.47 

Children  on  the  range  were  financial  assets.  At  an  early 
age,  fourteen  or  younger,  a  boy  could  rope  a  steer.  Even 
younger  children  could  ride  many  miles  for  mail  or  to  deliver 
messages.  Children  could  spot  a  maverick  or  a  cow  ear- 
marked but  not  branded  and  could  report  cows  that  had 
"bogged  down."  The  average  ranch  home  was  a  good  home 
for  a  child,  partly  because  he  was  an  economic  asset  rather 
than  a  liability,  as  he  or  she  sometimes  is  in  our  cities.  Such 
a  child  took  responsibility  young,  but  he  also  felt  secure  and 
"wanted"  in  his  home.  Nor  was  a  ranch  child  likely  to  be 
nagged  or  over-protected.  A  boy  might  stay  away  from  home 
all  day.48  He  might  have  said,  like  Robert  Frost's  farmer, 
"Home  is  the  place  where,  when  you  have  to  go  there,  they 
have  to  take  you  in."  At  any  rate  the  ranch  child  learned 
early  to  be  observing  and  to  rely  on  himself. 

Much — possibly  too  much — has  been  said  of  the  loneliness 
and  trials  of  range  life.  Careful  dating  is  necessary  in  any 
account  of  such  hardship  and  loneliness  on  the  frontier.  Some 
of  our  earliest  accounts  of  frontier  life  were  written  by  wives 
of  army  men  and  by  travelers.  In  Texas  the  Rangers  pre- 
ceded the  ranchers.  The  account  of  experiences  of  an  army 
wife  on  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  in  1847  by  Susan  Magoffin, 
though  illuminating,  is  not  a  ranch  woman's  experience.49 
Nor  is  the  diary  of  the  beautiful  and  ill-fated  Narcissa  Whit- 
man,50 wife  of  a  missionary  to  the  Indians,  representative  of 
a  ranch  wife's  experience.  Pamelia  Mann,  famous  for  having 
put  General  Houston  in  his  place,  was  the  aggressive  hotel 
manager  produced  by  a  boom  town.51  Though  accounts  of 
these  women  give  some  picture  of  life  in  the  West,  they  be- 

46.  Cleaveland,  p.  26. 

47.  Mary  Kidder  Rak,   writing;  of  life  on  an  Arizona  ranch   in   the   1900's,   says 
she  preferred  work  with  cows  to  indoor  work. 

48.  Cleaveland,  pp.  103-104. 

49.  Susan  Magoffin,  Down  the  Santa  Fe  Trail  Ed.  by  Stella  Drum.  Yale  Univer- 
sity Press,  1926. 

50.  Bernard  de  Vote,  Across  the  Wide  Missouri.  The  Houghton-Mifflin  Co.,   1947, 
p.  252. 

51.  Frank  J.  Dobie  gives  an  account  of  her  in  The  Flavor  of  Texas.  Dallas,  1936. 


long  to  days  earlier  than  the  great  days  of  the  range.  Not 
that  hardship,  loneliness  and  danger  were  not  real  in  ranch 
history.  They  were  so.  But  our  range  country  developed  so 
fast  that  in  making  any  generalization  one  must  know 
whether  one  is  talking  about  the  1860's  or  the  1890's  and 
whether  the  date  was  early  for  a  given  section. 

In  early  days  in  any  section  some  women  were  likely  to 
be  alone  for  long  periods  of  time.  Mrs.  Charles  Goodnight 
was  almost  entirely  alone  for  six  months  in  1876-77,  her 
nearest  neighbor  having  been  seventy-five  miles  away.  Mrs. 
Thomas  Bugbee,  also  of  the  Texas  Panhandle,  had  a  similar 
experience.52  Mrs.  M.  Looscan,  an  early  settler  in  Texas, 
considered  that  the  strength  needed  in  the  early  days  was 
against  "invisible"  danger — just  a  fear  of  what  might  hap- 
pen with  no  one  near.53  Agnes  Morley  Cleaveland  comments, 
"It  was  this  deadly  staying  at  home  month  in  and  month  out 
keeping  a  place  of  refuge  for  their  men  when  they  returned 
from  their  f arings  forth  that  called  for  the  greater  courage, 
I  think."54  She  cites  the  example  of  a  Mrs.  Eugene  Manning, 
alone  with  a  small  son  for  many  months.  Sophie  Poe  men- 
tiones  lack  of  company  in  her  first  ranch  winter,  except  for 
her  dog  and  an  occasional  visit  to  her  nearest  neighbor,  Mrs. 
Pat  Garrett,  a  Spanish-American  woman  with  whom  she 
could  not  speak.55  Even  a  man  could  be  long  without  company 
of  his  own  type.  May  Rhodes  quotes  her  husband:  "For 
years  I  was  the  only  settler  in  a  country  larger  than  the  state 
of  Delaware."56  But  these  days  passed.  Mrs.  Nannie  Alder- 
son,  who  had  minded  being  left  alone  at  roundup  time  in 
1883,  says  that  by  1906  in  Montana  "loneliness  was  a  thing 
of  the  past."57 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  experience  of  the  earliest 
settlers  (Narcissa  Whitman  was  apparently  breaking  under 
the  strain  before  the  Indian  massacre),  one  hears  very  lit- 

52.     Haley,  p.  459. 

63.     Mrs.  Looscan  is  quoted  in  D.  G.  Wooten,  A  Comprehensive  History  of  Texas. 
Dallas,  1938,  p.  649. 

54.  Cleaveland,  pp.  156-157. 

55.  Poe,  p.  221. 

56.  May  D.  Rhodes,   The  Hired  Man  on  Horseback.  Riverside  Press,  Cambridge, 
1938,  p.  27. 

57.  Nannie  Alderson,  A  Bride  Goes  West.  Farrar  and  Rinehart,  1942,  pp.  59,  271. 


tie  of  mental  difficulties  brought  on  by  loneliness  in  later 
years.  One  reason  is  that  the  woman  who  went  west  was  a 
young  woman  full  of  optimism.  Ranch  life  was  hard — yes. 
But  the  West  was  developing  so  rapidly  in  the  70's  and  80's 
that  by  the  time  the  thrill  of  newness  and  the  enthusiasm  of 
youth  had  worn  off,  the  nearest  neighbors  were  closer.  Chil- 
dren, too,  contributed  to  the  sanity  of  their  mothers.  Just 
try  brooding  over  your  state  some  day  with  a  four-year-old 
child  around!  Again  be  it  remembered,  a  ranch  woman 
gained  security  from  the  esteem  in  which  she  was  held.  All 
sources  agree  that  after  the  danger  of  Indian  attacks  had 
passed,  a  woman  was  safe  in  the  Cattle  Country.  Though 
now  and  then  a  stranger  or  a  pilfering  Indian  might  give 
rise  to  some  real  apprehension,  a  ride  across  the  average 
ranch  in  1889  was  probably  safer  from  masculine  inter- 
ference than  a  walk  down  a  big  city's  street  on  an  evening 
in  1950. 

To  a  woman's  sense  of  importance  and  security  in  the 
West  may  be  attributed  the  Western  woman's  early  interest 
in  Women's  Rights,58  paradoxical  as  that  statement  may 
sound.  For  one  thing,  the  Western  woman  wanted  a  better 
world  and  was  trying  to  build  one.  For  another,  operating 
socially  as  she  did  in  a  "seller's  market,"  she  could  afford  to 
think  and  talk  independently  without  danger  of  losing  favor 
with  the  men  in  her  social  group.  So  in  the  later  days  of  range 
history  ranch  women  took  active  interest  in  things  outside 
their  family  and  neighborhood  circles.  That  all  this  made 
her  home  happier  would  be  hard  to  prove.  One  can  say  there 
is  more  companionship  where  people  can  talk  things  over 
on  a  more  equal  basis.  However,  one  simply  cannot  measure 
the  spiritual  and  social  qualities  of  a  home  as  one  can  its 
physical  dimensions.  In  general,  what  broadens  the  interests 
of  any  member  of  a  family,  if  it  can  be  shared,  makes  for 
good  human  relations ;  but  in  the  ranch  family  good  human 
relations  had  always  existed — or  else  the  men  and  women 
who  were  poorly  adjusted  to  their  environments  just  did  not 
write  memoirs. 

58.     Anne  Ellis   tells   about   this   early   interest   in    Plain   Anne   Ellis.    Houghton- 
Mifflin.  1931,  pp.  188-194. 


Family  life  on  the  range  was  likely  to  be  stable — if  there 
was  money.  This  sounds  mercenary.  However,  in  reading 
of  pioneer  families  generally,  one  finds  that  the  unstable  ones 
were  those  in  which  money  and  goods  needed  for  some 
measure  of  security  were  absent.  A  woman  might  look  for  a 
better  provider  for  her  children.  A  man  might  get  into  a 
shooting  fracas  and  just  leave.  But  usually  there  were  family 
stability  and  tranquility.  Ranch  families  belonged  to  a  stable 
class.  In  Colorado,  for  example,  people  like  the  Iliffs  and  the 
Snyders  were  a  conservative,  almost  puritanical,  element  in 
the  population.  They  were  people  of  good  social  standing,  in- 
terested in  schools  and  roads  and  in  their  own  and  their 
neighbor's  children.  Perhaps  the  most  characteristic  thing 
of  them  is  that  they  had  time  to  help  each  other  and  in  doing 
so  contributed  to  their  individual  and  family  well-being. 

By  J.  J.  WAGONER 

THE  problem  of  dividing  the  range  into  profitable  units 
has  existed  in  Arizona  since  the  open  grasslands  com- 
menced to  be  overcrowded.  The  old  policy  of  grazing  out  the 
range  and  moving  on  had  become  impossible  by  the  80's.  Per- 
manent location  and  the  opportunity  to  develop  necessitated 
proper  land  legislation.  Unfortunately,  the  federal  land  laws 
were  based  upon  an  arbitrary,  eastern-conceived  number  of 
acres  rather  than  upon  the  possibilities  of  utilization  and 
production.1  Though  the  rancher  in  a  semi-arid  region 
usually  required  at  least  four  sections  to  adequately  support 
his  family,  no  provision  for  the  acquisition  of  the  requisite 
amount  was  ever  written  into  a  federal  statute.2 

Whenever  possible,  Arizona  cattlemen  obtained  legal 
control  of  ranch  holdings  and  fenced  the  area.  However,  in- 
vestment in  land  valued  from  a  few  dollars  to  fifty  or  more 
was  not  extremely  attractive,3  so  a  more  common  procedure 
involved  staking  a  water  claim  and  using  the  surrounding 
open  range  lands.  The  Homestead  Act  of  1862  provided  for 
the  free  distribution  of  160-acre  farms,  which  ultimately 
caused  the  break-up  of  the  cattlemen's  open  range.  Yet  it 
furnished  immediate  basis  for  securing  grants  along  natural 
streams  and  consequently  control  over  adjacent  lands.4  Large 
organizations  frequently  arose  when  cowboys  took  home- 
steads and  transferred  them  after  five  years  to  their 

Additional  land  was  obtainable  under  the  Timber  and 
Culture  Act  of  March  13,  1873,  which  was  a  variation,  not  a 
modification,  of  the  Homestead  Act.6  Supposedly,  title  to 

1.  A.   B.    Hart,    "The   Disposition   of   Our   Public   Lands,"    Quarterly   Journal  of 
Economics,  I,  No.  2    (January,  1887),  p.  182. 

2.  John  W.  Powell,  Report  on  the  Lands  of  the  Arid  Region,  2nd.  ed.,  pp.  23-24. 

3.  Arizona  Citizen,  September  25,  1876. 

4.  12  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  392. 

5.  Clare   M.    Love,    "History    of   the    Cattle   Industry    in    the   Southwest,"    pt.    2, 
Southwestern  Historical  Quarterly,  XX,  No.   1    (July,   1916),  p.  7. 

6.  17  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  605. 




one-quarter  section  was  granted  in  return  for  the  cultiva- 
tion of  forty  acres  of  timber  over  a  period  of  ten  years.  But  it 
was  impossible  to  legislate  forests  into  the  arid  regions,  and 
by  judicious  fraud  the  Act  was  made  just  another  means  of 
increasing  the  size  of  land  holdings.7 

By  1875  the  need  for  liberality  in  the  disposition  of  West- 
ern land  was  obvious.  President  Grant  recommended  the  en- 
actment of  laws  recognizing  the  limitation  of  certain  arid 
lands  for  pasturage.8  Two  years  later,  on  March  3,  the  Desert 
Land  Act  became  a  statute,9  the  initial  modification  of  the 
land  system  in  the  interests  of  cattlemen  in  southern  Arizona. 
The  increase  of  the  number  of  acres  to  640  was  definitely  a 
concession,  and  the  requirement  for  irrigation  within  three 
years  and  the  payment  of  $1.25  per  acre  presented  only  tem- 
porary obstructions. 

The  desert  entry  was  profitable  to  stockmen  since  it  could 
be  held  three  years  for  twenty-five  cents  an  acre.  According 
to  the  1877  report  of  the  Surveyor-General  of  Arizona,  nearly 
a  hundred  declaratory  statements  had  been  filed  under  the 
Act  by  October,  actual  residents  of  the  territory  comprising 
the  majority  of  applicants.  The  early  grantees  in  Pima 
County  included  several  erstwhile  pioneers,  namely  Thomas 
and  Samuel  Hughes,  E.  N.  Fish,  A.  P.  K.  Safford,  Franklin 
and  Don  A.  Sanford,  and  Sabino  Otero.10  To  fully  conform 
with  irrigation  provisions,  such  honest  settlers  and  ranchers 
were  often  compelled  to  take  their  land  in  zigzag  shape, 
thereby  confining  it  to  the  proximity  of  streams.  One  claim 
on  unsurveyed  lands,  for  example,  had  forty-four  corners.11 
But  on  October  1,  entries  were  temporarily  suspended  and 

7.  Walter  P.  Webb,  The  Great  Plains,  p.  412. 

8.  Congressional  Record,  44  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  pt.  1,  p.  32. 

9.  Statutes  at  Large,  p.   377.   By  26   Statutes  at  Large,   p.   391,   only   320   acres 
could  be  acquired. 

10.  Arizona  Citizen,  August  11,  1877.  The  first  twenty-four  locaters  and  the  quan- 
tities of  land  received  are  as  follows :  John  Moore  640   acres ;   Thomas   Hughes   320 ; 
Samuel  Hughes  280.21;  E.  N.  Fish  640;  James  Southerland  160;  S.  A.  Parkinson  320; 
J.  P.  Cramer  160;  R.  A.  Wilbur  640;  J.  C.  Handy  640;  Pedro  Aguirre  640;  Thomas 
Elias   640 ;  Juan   Elias  320 ;  Sabino  Otero  640 ;   A.   P.   K.   Safford   640 ;   S.   R.   DeLong 
640;  W.  B.  Coyle  640;  William  Eustis  640;  Franklin  Sanford  639.64;  Don  A.  Sanford 
640;  Thomas  Driscoll  640;  H.  B.  Govern  640;  F.  Maish  640;  C.  M.   Dullard  640;  and 
Alvan  Smith  640  acres. 

11.  Ibid.,  October  27,  1877. 


investigations  were  made  to  determine  and  set  aside  lands 
which  were  strictly  agricultural.12 

Of  the  first  twenty-four  claims,  six  were  disallowed  be- 
cause they  were  located  on  Mexican  land  grants.13  Charles 
D.  Poston,  Registrar  at  the  Florence  land  office,  was  in- 
formed by  J.  A.  Williamson,  Commissioner  of  the  General 
Land  Office,  in  a  letter  dated  August  9,  1877,  that  section 
eight  of  the  Treaty  of  Guadalupe  Hidalgo  must  be  enforced  ;14 
squatters  on  the  Arivaca  grant  were  to  be  apprised  of  their 
inability  to  secure  titles  under  the  public  land  laws. 

Not  the  least  benefactors  of  the  law  were  speculators. 
United  States  Surveyor-General  of  Arizona,  John  Hize, 
wrote  in  1887  that  perjury  was  frequently  committed  and 
that  certain  parties  obtained  as  much  as  four  to  five  thousand 
acres  under  the  law  by  illegal  methods.15  Their  schemes  were 
difficult  to  counteract,  since  they  fulfilled  the  requirements 
of  the  land  offices  in  filing  application  and  paying  twenty-five 
cents  per  acre  down.  By  1887  no  less  than  half  the  claimants 
who  had  taken  up  405,797  acres  in  the  Gila  land  district  were 
non-resident  speculators.  Out  of  199,026  acres  filed  upon  dur- 
ing the  fiscal  years  1885-87,  for  example,  113,178  acres  went 
to  people  who  resided  outside  the  territory.16 

The  frauds  as  to  reclamation  of  the  desert  lands  easily 
became  the  rule  rather  than  the  exception.  Some  idea  of  the 
preference  for  desert  land  entries  is  indicated  by  the  official 
reports  of  the  United  States  Land  Office  at  Tucson.  The  area 
of  public  lands  entered  and  selected  in  the  southern  district 
for  the  year  ending  June  30,  1890,  totaled  118,692.79  acres, 
of  which  over  half,  62,589.53  acres,  was  contained  in  desert 
land  entries.  Lands  pre-empted,  22,900  acres,  and  homestead 
entries,  21,199.26  acres,  were  followed  by  11,779.63  acres 

12.  Ibid.,  October  13,  1877. 

13.  Ibid.,    August    25,    1877.    The    BIX    claimants    were    Wilbur,    Handy,    Aguirre, 
Thomas  and  Juan   Elias,  and  DeLong. 

14.  See  9  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  929.  Article  VIII  of  the  February  2,  1848,  treaty 
provided  that  property  belonging  to  Mexicans  in  ceded  territories  must  be  inviolably 
respected.   Also  see  10  Statutes  at  Large,  Art.   V,  p.   1035   whereby  Article  VIII  was 
made  applicable  to  the  Gadsden  Purchase  area. 

15.  "Report  of   the   Surveyor-General   of   Arizona,"   Report   of   the   Secretary   of 
Interior,   1887-1888,   p.   604. 

16.  Ibid.,  p.  605. 


of  timber-culture  lands  and  only  226.37  acres  of  mineral 

Obviously,  modification  of  the  law  was  inevitable  and  in 
August,  1890,  the  amount  of  land  which  one  person  could 
acquire  was  reduced  to  320  acres.18  The  following  year  an- 
other proviso  stipulated  that  improvements  equal  to  $3  per 
acre  ($1  per  year  for  three  years)  for  reclamation  purposes 
must  be  added,  that  one-eighth  of  the  entry  should  be  put 
under  cultivation,  and  that  only  residents  of  the  state  or 
territory  where  the  land  was  situated  had  the  privilege  of 
entry.19  Needless  to  say,  speculation  tended  to  decline. 

Sometimes,  however,  the  cattle  barons  themselves  re- 
tarded settlement  under  the  land  acts  by  enclosing  large 
areas  with  barbed  wire  fences.  They  chose  the  best-watered 
sites  and  left  no  gates ;  the  land  was  "their  range"  and  late 
comers  were  treated  as  intruders.20  It  was  not  until  Febru- 
ary 25,  1885,  that  Congress  prohibited  all  enclosure  of  the 
public  domain  except  under  a  title  legally  applied  for.21 

There  were  many  violations  of  the  law  as  cattlemen  at- 
tempted to  resist  the  settler  and  small  stockman.  J.  S.  Hans- 
ford  was  one  of  many  who  were  prevented  from  residing  on 
their  homestead  entries  by  ranchers.  Judge  William  Walker, 
Acting  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land  Office,  advised  him 
in  September,  1885,  to  inform  the  United  States  District  At- 
torney and  seek  remedy  in  the  county  and  state  courts.22 

Other  settlers  were  more  aggressive.  In  June,  1893,  the 
four-mile  fence  erected  by  Colin  Cameron  for  the  Calabasas 
Company  was  cut  down ;  the  fence  was  on  the  south  side  of 
the  land  grant  and  encompassed  what  many  dissident  citizens 
of  the  Nogales  area  considered  to  be  public  domain.23  Ap- 
parently the  company  had  fenced  land  originally  claimed  un- 
der the  Calabasas  grant  from  the  Mexican  Government ;  yet 
much  of  the  land  had  been  wrested  by  the  courts  and  trans- 
ferred to  the  public  domain.24  Consequently,  in  March,  1899, 
Mr.  S.  J.  Holzinger,  special  agent  for  the  General  Land  Of- 

17.  Report  of  the  Governor  of  Arizona  to  the  Secretary  of  Interior,   1890,  p.  8. 

18.  26  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  391.  21.  Exec.  Doc.  166.  49  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  p.  1. 

19.  Ibid.,  p.  1096.  22.  Arizona  Daily  Star,  September  17,  1885. 

20.  Love,  op.  tit.,  pp.  4-7.  23.  Tempe  News,  June  10,  1893. 


fice  of  the  Department  of  Interior,  notified  Messrs.  Cameron, 
Wise,  et.  al.  in  the  vicinity  of  Nogales,  Calabasas,  and  along 
the  Santa  Cruz  to  remove  their  illegal  fences  within  sixty 
days.25  Thus  a  victory  over  the  large  land  grabbers  was 

Quite  often  the  lack  of  fences  created  problems  relatively 
as  great.  Friction  between  the  commanding  officer  of  Fort 
Grant  and  cattlemen  of  the  locality  illustrates  the  point. 
Since  no  fence  surrounded  the  reservation,  cattle  frequently 
strayed  over  the  boundaries  for  water  or  grass  and  soldiers 
invariably  chased  them  away.  The  officer  in  charge  even 
threatened  to  have  the  animals  shot,  and  several  were.  The 
infuriated  ranchmen  sought  redress,  arguing  that  the  gov- 
ernment should  construct  a  fence;  but  their  protestations 
were  in  vain.26 

The  lack  of  fences  likewise  accentuated  quarrels  between 
cattlemen  and  sheepmen  because  no  authoritative  method  of 
limiting  their  respective  ranges  existed.  The  rapid  settle- 
ment of  southern  Arizona  in  the  80's  and  90's  was  accom- 
panied by  a  limitation  of  the  public  domain  adapted  for  graz- 
ing. With  no  written  law  covering  the  subject,  a  tacit  recog- 
nition of  range  rights,  based  upon  occupation  and  improve- 
ment, had  arisen.  Yet  encroachments  by  sheepmen  upon  es- 
tablished cattle  ranges  was  inevitable,  and  technically  all 
classes  of  livestock  were  equally  entitled  to  the  untaxed  pub- 
lic domain. 

Nevertheless,  it  seemed  unjust  for  sheepmen  to  be  permit- 
ted the  privilege  of  driving  their  flocks  from  the  northern 
to  the  southern  portion  of  the  territory  during  the  winter 
months.27  The  short  invasions  proved  most  destructive  to  the 
cattle  ranges,  be  they  titled  or  merely  possessory.  Conse- 
quently, a  demand  began  in  the  late  1890's  for  the  govern- 
mental control  of  grazing  on  the  public  domain  and  the  pro- 
tection of  the  equitable  rights  of  all  concerned.28 

24.  Oasis,  February  18,  1899. 

25.  Ibid.,  March  25,  1899. 

26.  Ibid.,  August  20,  1898. 

27.  Message  of  Governor  N.  O.  Murphey  to  the  Twenty-first  Legislative  Assembly 
of  the  Territory  of  Arizona,  January  23,   1901. 

28.  Report  of  the  Governor,  op.  cit.,  1899,  p.  14. 


But  before  continuing  with  the  story  of  the  distribution 
and  control  of  the  public  domain,  it  seems  feasible  that  the 
concomitant  national  policy  in  regard  to  the  Mexican  land 
grants  should  be  related.  The  grants  in  the  territory  were 
less  numerous  than  in  New  Mexico  or  California,  and  were 
confined  to  southern  Arizona. 

As  in  all  other  territorial  acquisitions  of  the  United 
States,  the  question  of  the  validity  of  land  titles  was  involved 
in  the  Gadsden  Purchase.  In  Article  V  of  the  Gadsden  Treaty 
(signed  at  Mexico  City  on  December  30,  1853,  and  pro- 
claimed June  30,  1854),  the  United  States  was  bound  to 
recognize  the  validity  of  all  land  titles.29  However,  the  next 
article  provided  that  the  titles  must  have  been  recorded  in 
the  archives  of  Mexico ;  and  a  Mexican  law  of  November  14, 
1853,  had  declared  null  all  alienations  of  public  lands  made 
by  the  states  and  departments.30  Obviously,  the  law  was 
passed  in  anticipation  of  the  sale  of  northern  Sonora  to  the 
United  States,  and  to  remove  objections  which  that  nation 
might  have  to  large  holdings  granted  in  the  area  by  the  State 
of  Sonora  to  Mexican  citizens.  At  least  the  law  was  repealed 
within  a  year  after  the  signing  of  the  Treaty. 

In  1873,  Mr.  Rufus  C.  Hopkins  of  the  Interior  Depart- 
ment made  a  full  examination  of  the  Mexican  archives  for 
official  registers  of  land  grants  made  by  the  Mexican  Govern- 
ment in  Arizona.  The  territory  north  of  Zacatecas  was  judi- 
cially subject  to  the  audiencia  of  Guadalajara,  but  no  docu- 
ments relative  to  the  lands  were  found  in  that  city ;  however, 
the  desired  information  might  have  been  destroyed  in  the 
conflagration  of  1858  (or  1859)  .31 

Eventually  the  status  of  all  the  southern  Arizona  grants 
was  determined  by  Congressional  confirmation  or  rejection, 
though  in  some  cases  the  titles  were  so  complicated  and  ques- 
tionable as  to  require  ultimate  adjudication  by  the  Supreme 
Court.  In  1854  the  office  of  the  Surveyor-General  of  New 
Mexico,  which  then  included  Arizona,  was  established  and 
assigned  as  one  of  its  principal  duties  the  investigation  of 

29.  10  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  1035. 

30.  Arizona  Citizen,  March  25,  1876. 

31.  Sen.  Exec.   Doc.  3,   43   Cong.,   2   Sess.,   pp.   1-6.   A  search  of  the  archives  of 
Spain  might  have  resulted  in   locating  the  documents. 


the  Mexican  land  claims.32  Similarly,  in  1870,  it  became  the 
function  of  the  Surveyor-General  of  Arizona,  then  John  Was- 
son,  to  check  these  claims  and  report  upon  their  validity  to 
the  Secretary  of  Interior,  who  in  turn  submitted  the  reports 
to  Congress.33 

After  commencing  his  work  in  1879,  the  Surveyor- 
General  learned  that  the  majority  of  grants  had  been  aban- 
doned as  worthless  by  the  original  grantees  for  periods  of 
ten  years  or  more,  and  that  speculators,  mainly  from  Cali- 
fornia, had  traced  down  the  heirs  and  purchased  their  rights 
for  practically  nothing.34  By  1888  the  Surveyor-General  had 
examined  and  reported  favorably  on  thirteen  of  the  grants 
and  unfavorably  upon  two.35  Finally  in  1891  the  whole  sub- 
ject was  referred  to  a  specially  created  Court  of  Private  Land 
Claims,  which  assumed  jurisdiction  over  titles  originating 
under  the  authority  of  Spain  or  Mexico.36  The  court  com- 
pleted its  work  in  1904,  having  confirmed  116,540  acres  of 
land  out  of  837,680  acres  claimed.37 

The  legal  procedure  for  each  claim  was  too  involved  to  be 
adequately  discussed  here.38  However,  the  final  settlements 
made  by  the  Court  of  Private  Land  Claims  and  the  United 
States  Supreme  Court  were  important  in  the  organization  of 
large  ranch  units  in  southern  Arizona.  The  grants  which 
were  left  intact  became  the  largest  titled  properties  in  the 
territory,  and  large  squatter  establishments  on  the  lands 
rejected  by  the  courts  were  also  given  secure  titles.  On  the 
disallowed  San  Rafael  del  Valle  claim,  for  example,  the  titles 
of  the  Packard,  Greene,  and  Lewis  Springs  ranches  were 

Validity  of  Baca  Float  number  three  was  not  determined 
until  later.  Homesteaders  who  had  entered  the  grant  were 
benefactors  of  paternalistic  legislation,  since  settlers  evicted 

32.  10  Statutes  tit  Large,  p.  308. 

83.  16  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  304. 

84.  "Report  of  the  Surveyor-General  of  Arizona,"  op.  eft.,  p.  606. 

85.  Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  93,  48  Cong.,  1  Seas.,  p.  158. 

36.  26  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  854. 

37.  Ibid.  In  Appendices  I  and  II  will  be  found  a  detailed  list  of  the  grants,  their 
location,  claimants,   as  well  as  area  claimed,   confirmed,   and   rejected. 

88.  Annual  Report  of  the  Attorney-General  of  the   United  States  for  the   Year 
1904,  House  Doc.  9,  58  Cone.,  3  Sess.,  p.  109. 

89.  Tombstone  Epitaph,  April  1,  1894. 


by  the  local  courts  were  authorized  to  select  "in  lieu"  lands 
twice  the  area  of  the  land  entries  made  prior  to  December  13, 

Meanwhile,  by  the  early  1900's,  several  bills  had  been 
introduced  in  Congress  to  provide  for  the  leasing  and  fencing 
of  the  public  domain ;  but  they  failed  in  passage  because  no 
adequate  classification  of  lands  had  been  made  to  distinguish 
grazing  from  farming  lands.  In  December,  1905,  President 
Theodore  Roosevelt  urged  Congress  to  increase  the  size  of 
homesteads  so  that  a  family  might  be  sufficiently  supported.41 
The  Enlarged  Homestead  Act  of  1909  modified  the  act  of 
1862  ;42  yet  the  320-acre  entries  simply  furnished  an  addit- 
ional bad  effect  on  range  management  in  that  the  number  of 
small  units,  uneconomical  for  grazing  purposes,  was 

It  was  not  until  1916  that  Congress  recognized  the  exist- 
ence of  the  cattle  industry  in  the  West.  Until  the  Grazing 
Homestead  Act  was  passed,  not  a  single  land  law  had  favored 
the  cattleman.43  But  the  640-acre  maximum  entry  was  still 
too  small.  The  arid,  non-irrigable  land  obtainable  had  only  a 
carrying  capacity  of  about  thirty  head  to  the  section.  Most 
stock  raisers  considered  at  least  one  hundred  cattle  necessary 
for  a  competent  living.  Thus  southern  Arizona  cowmen  were 
presented  with  another  law  based  upon  a  fundamental  eco- 
nomic error.44  As  the  grazing  homesteader  selected  the  best 
lands,  his  activities  drove  out  the  open-range  cattlemen  who 
had  become  adjusted  to  arid  conditions.45 

With  no  control  over  the  public  range  nor  means  of  deter- 
mining grazing  rights  of  the  occupants,  the  stock  raising 
industry  had  become  a  struggle  for  existence.  National 
legislation  was  definitely  necessary  to  prevent  the  gradual 
destruction  of  the  range  through  overgrazing,  and  to  build  up 

40.  42  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  108  ;  44  Statutes  at  Large,  pt.  2,  p.  299. 

41.  Congressional  Record,  59  Cong.,  Spec.  Sen.  Sess.,  XL,  pt.  1,  p.  100. 

42.  35  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  639  et.  seq. 

43.  39  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  362  et.  seq. 

44.  Anonymous,    "The   Public   Domain   and   the   Stock-Raising   Homestead   Law," 
American  Forestry,  XXIII,  No.  280  (April,  1917),  p.  243. 

45.  E.  O.  Wooton,  "The  Relation  of  Land  Tenure  to  the  Use  of  the  Arid  Grazing 
Lands  of  the  Southwestern  States,"  U.S.D.A.  Bulletin  No.  1001    (February  23,   1922), 
p.  48. 


its  carrying  capacity  through  regulated  use.  For  ten  years 
or  more  prior  to  the  inception  of  the  Grazing  Homestead  Act, 
the  Arizona  Cattle  Growers'  Association  consistently  advo- 
cated the  administration  of  the  public  domain  under  federal 
control  similar  in  operation  to  supervision  of  the  national 
forest  by  the  Forest  Service.46 

The  letter  of  Governor  George  W.  P.  Hunt  to  President 
Coolidge,  dated  April  9,  1926,  expressed  the  desires  of  an- 
other group  regarding  the  public  domain.  Though  a  consider- 
able portion  of  the  remaining  unreserved  lands  was 
practically  worthless,  it  seemed  unjust  to  Hunt  that  it  be 
kept  in  possession  of  the  Federal  Government  for  the  main- 
tenance of  nonproductive  clerks  rather  than  the  state  tax 
rolls.47  But  the  first  national  law  to  provide  for  regulated 
control  of  the  unappropriated  grazing  lands  and  for  diver- 
sion of  certain  revenues  derived  therefrom  to  the  states  was 
the  Taylor  Grazing  Act  of  June  28,  1934.48  The  stated  pur- 
pose of  the  bill  is 

to  stop  injury  to  the  public  grazing  lands  by  preventing  overgrazing 
and  soil  deterioration,  to  provide  for  their  orderly  use,  improvement, 
and  development,  to  stabilize  the  livestock  industry  dependent  upon  the 
public  range,  and  for  other  purposes. 

In  order  to  achieve  these  goals,  grazing  districts  were  to 
be  established.  Permits  to  graze  livestock  thereon  would  be 
issued  to  stock  owners  (preference  to  contiguous  owners  of 
land  or  water  rights)  entitled  to  participate  in  the  use  of  the 
range,  upon  the  payment  annually  of  reasonable  fees  based 
upon  the  carrying  capacity.  Permits  were  granted  up  to  ten 
years,  renewal  being  subject  to  the  discretion  of  the  Secre- 
tary of  Interior.  Fences,  wells,  reservoirs,  and  other  needed 
improvements  could  be  constructed  within  the  grazing  dis- 
tricts. In  fact,  twenty-five  per  cent  of  all  fees  received  is 

46.  Dwight  B.   Heard,    "The   Public   Range   and   Present   plans   for   its    Control." 
Proceedings  of  the  Ninth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Arizona  Cattle  Growers'  Association, 
1916,  p.  65. 

47.  Congressional  Record,  69  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  LXVII,  pt.  7,  pp.  7362-64 ;  see  also 
Message  of  Governor  George  W.  P.  Hunt  to  the  First  Regular  Session  of  the  Eighth 
Arizona  Legislature,  January  10,  1927,  p.  80. 

48.  48  Statutes  at  Large,  pt.  1,  pp.  1269-76 ;  amended  by  49  Statutes  at  Large,  p. 
976  and  53  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  1002. 


expended  for  range  improvement,  12  ]/%  per  cent  being  allo- 
cated to  the  counties  where  the  fees  are  collected. 

During  the  year  1935  no  permits  were  issued  Arizona 
stockmen  because  no  land  classification  had  been  made  by 
which  the  commensurate  value  of  properties  could  be  deter- 
mined. However,  temporary  licenses  subject  to  revocation  by 
the  Secretary  of  Interior  were  provided.49  Gradually  ten-year 
licenses  were  introduced. 

Arizona  ranchers  were  particularly  interested  in  Section 
15  of  the  Act,  and  also  in  General  Land  Office  Circular 
Number  1336  regarding  the  leasing  of  federal  lands.  No 
application  was  accepted  for  less  than  640  acres  or  more  than 
3,840  acres  and  only  land  adjoining  patented  land  was 
leased.50  All  isolated  tracts  not  included  in  grazing  districts 
were  leased  to  contiguous  owners,  or  sold  to  highest  bidder 
if  not  in  excess  of  760  acres.  The  grazing  fee  rate  in  grazing 
districts  in  Arizona  from  1935  to  May  1,  1947,  was  five 
cents  per  animal  unit  per  month.51  The  Bureau  of  Land  Man- 
agement in  Phoenix,  which  has  control  over  the  grazing 
lands  covered  by  Section  15,  uses  a  formula  based  on  the  car- 
rying capacity  of  grazing  lands  to  determine  fees.  Thus  the 
rancher  is  not  compelled  to  overgraze  to  secure  the  full  value 
of  his  rental. 

A  popular  feature  of  the  Taylor  Grazing  Act  is  the  diver- 
sion of  fifty  per  cent  of  the  fees  returned  to  the  state  for  the 
benefit  of  the  counties  in  which  the  lands  are  situated. 
Though  most  southern  Arizona  counties  are  either  outside 
or  only  partially  within  grazing  districts,  they  receive  some 
remuneration.52  In  1940,  an  average  year,  the  following 
amounts  were  returned  to  them:  Pima  $1,626.00;  Cochise 
$880.00;  Santa  Cruz  $2.50;  Maricopa  $1,482.00;  Graham 
$299.00;  Final  $3,305.00;  and  Yuma  $671.00.53 

Another  commendable  innovation  was  the  McCarron 
amendment  signed  by  the  President  in  July,  1939.  Authority 
for  the  first  time  was  delegated  to  a  local  Advisory  Board  of 

49. Weekly  Market  Report  and  News  Letter,  XIV,  No.  21    (May  28,  1935). 

50.  Ibid.,  XIII,  No.  37  (September  25,  1934). 

51.  Letter  from  Ed  Pierson,  Regional  Chief,  Division  of  Range  Management,   to 
the  writer,  April  15,  1949. 

52.  Ibid. 
63.     Ibid. 


five  to  twelve  stockmen  in  each  district  who  cooperate  with 
a  wildlife  representative.54  It  can  certainly  be  said  that  the 
administration  of  Taylor  grazing  lands  has  been  less  con- 
troversial than  that  of  state  lands  in  Arizona. 

The  allocation  of  certain  federal  lands  to  the  states  for 
educational  purposes  and  for  essential  public  improvements 
has  been  laudable ;  yet  the  designation  of  scattered  sections 
has  not  been  conducive  to  efficient  administration  or  wise 
range  management.  Sections  sixteen  and  thirty-six  were 
reserved  to  the  territory  of  Arizona  for  the  benefit  of 
schools  ;55  unfortunately,  no  revenue  was  to  be  received  there- 
from before  statehood.  In  1895,  Governor  L.  C.  Hughes  esti- 
mated that  the  territory  was  thus  being  deprived  of  $75,000 
to  $100,000  annually.56 

On  April  7,  1896,  however,  the  Governor,  Secretary,  and 
Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  were  authorized,  pend- 
ing enactment  of  a  leasing  law,  to  lease  school  and  univer- 
sity lands  under  rules  prescribed  by  the  Secretary  of  In- 
terior.57 Finally,  on  March  18,  1897,  the  Territorial  Legisla- 
ture provided  for  the  leasing  of  school  lands.  Squatters  who 
had  made  improvements  were  given  a  preferred  right.  Any- 
one paying  annually  up  to  2^  per  cent  of  the  assessed  valua- 
tion was  entitled  to  a  lease  for  a  term  not  exceeding  five 
years,  or  until  the  admission  of  the  territory  as  a  state.58 

The  Enabling  Act,  approved  June  20,  1910,  added  Sec- 
tions 2  and  32  to  the  state  lands.59  Where  any  of  the  desig- 
nated sections  were  appropriated,  other  lands  of  equal  value 
could  be  selected  "in  lieu"  thereof.  In  cases  of  lands  embraced 
within  national  forests  for  which  the  option  of  indemnity 
selection  was  not  exercised,  the  state  received  twenty  per 
cent  of  the  gross  proceeds.60  Land  could  be  auctioned  but 
for  not  less  than  three  dollars  per  acre.61  Furthermore,  no 

54.  Weekly  Market  Report  and  News  Letter,  XVIII.  No.  33  (July  25,  1939). 

55.  12  Statute*  at  Large,  p.  665. 

56.  Report  of  the  Governor,  op.  eft.,  1895,  p.  28. 

57.  29  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  90. 

58.  Revised  Statutes  of  Arizona,  1901,  pars.  4032-4053,  pp.  1015-19. 

59.  36  Statutes  at  Large,  pp.  572-573. 

60.  Ibid.,  p.  574 ;  also  Revised  Statutes  of  Arizona,  1913,  par.  4567,  p.  1478. 

61.  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Arizona   (annotated  and  copyrighted  by  the  De- 
partment of  Library  and  Archives,  July,  1939),  Art.  X,  sec.  5,  p.  65. 


more  than  640  acres  of  grazing  land  could  be  purchased  by 
one  individual.62  Pending  sale,  land  could  be  leased  as  the 
state  legislature  prescribed. 

By  legislative  act  of  1912  the  Land  Commission  was  au- 
thorized to  lease  state  land  for  a  term  not  exceeding  five 
years,  the  minimum  charge  being  set  at  three  cents  per 
acre.63  The  limitation  of  640  acres  to  a  lease  was  cleverly 
evaded  by  various  means.64  Investigation  of  the  Commission 
disclosed  many  fraudulent  practices  on  the  part  of  indi- 
viduals who  were  speculating  in  school  lands.  Perhaps  the 
commonest,  though  not  the  most  reprehensible,  was  sub- 
leasing without  written  consent  at  exorbitant  profit.  Some- 
times holders  of  territorial  leases  would  not  apply  for  a 
permit  for  the  further  occupancy  of  the  land  subsequent  to 
the  territory's  admission,  but  continued  to  exact  the  stipu- 
lated rent  from  sub-lessees.65  Fictitious  names,  or  dummies, 
were  also  frequently-used  devices. 

However,  neither  the  Constitution  nor  the  Enabling  Act 
of  the  state  of  Arizona  made  definite  provision  for  the  classi- 
fication of  state  lands  or  for  the  determination  of  rentals  on 
them.  Under  the  territorial  system  and  during  thirteen 
months  of  the  Commission's  existence,  rentals  were  deter- 
mined by  the  boards  of  supervisors.  As  a  result,  great  in- 
equality existed  among  counties  of  the  state,  since  virtually 
no  attempt  at  classification  had  been  made.66  But  the  land 
code  of  1915  invested  in  the  Commission  the  power  to  classify 
lands  that  had  been  selected,  as  grazing,  agricultural,  timber, 
or  irrigable.67  The  amount  of  minimum  rental  was  again 
affirmed  to  be  three  cents  per  acre  payable  annually  in  ad- 
vance on  leases  made  for  ten  years  with  preferred  right  of 

Occasionally  the  State  Land  Commissioner  has  found  it 

62.     Ibid.,  sec.  11,  p.  66. 

68.     Revised  Statutes  of  Arizona,  1913,  par.  4567,  sec.  12,  p.  1480. 

64.  Arizona  Range  News,  July  5,  1918. 

65.  Report  of  the  State  Land  Commissioner  of  Arizona  to  the  Governor  of  the 
State  (June  6,  1912  to  December  1,  1914),  p.  64. 

66.  Ibid.,  p.  56. 

67.  Acts,  Resolutions,  and  Memorials  of  the  Regular  Session,  Second  Legislature 
of  the  State  of  Arizona,  2  spec,  sess.,  1915,  Chap.  6,  sec.  15,  pp.  19-20. 

68.  Ibid.,  sec.  32,  p.  25. 


imperative  to  change  the  rental  charged.69  The  Commissioner 
in  1933,  Mr.  Howard  T.  Smith,  for  example,  called  in  each 
lease  to  make  a  notation  thereon  that  for  the  two  years  June 
14, 1933,  to  June  14, 1935,  a  reduction  from  three  to  1^  cents 
per  acre  would  be  effective.70  The  plight  of  stockmen  had 
forced  the  decision  of  the  Land  Commission.  Similarly,  the 
county  assessors  in  a  meeting  at  Globe  the  previous  Decem- 
ber had  set  a  one  dollar  acre  maximum  valuation  on  private 
lands.  However,  the  assessors  were  slower  than  the  Commis- 
sion in  reducing  the  valuations,  and  consequently  the  taxes, 
in  several  counties.71 

Arizona  cattlemen  commended  the  Commission  for  recog- 
nizing the  suffering  prevalent  in  the  industry ;  yet  the  com- 
mission showed  dissatisfaction  in  the  inelasticity  of  the 
rental  system,  since  no  set  figure  was  equitable  considering 
the  vast  differences  in  the  value  of  the  range.  They  recom- 
mended reclassification  of  state  land  and  the  establishment 
of  charges  based  thereafter  on  the  carrying  capacity  of  in- 
dividual sections,  as  well  as  on  the  prevailing  beef  market — 
the  two  factors  determining  the  degree  of  fluctuation  of 
rentals  between  definite  minimum  and  maximum  limits.72 
Carrying  capacity  and  prices  are  complementary.  No  stock- 
man must  sacrifice  his  cattle  on  a  low  market  when  the  range 
furnishes  the  possibility  of  a  carryover,  but  there  is  no  choice 
when  the  ranges  are  depleted.  However,  fifteen  years  were  to 
elapse  before  these  fundamental  factors  were  considered  by 
the  legislature. 

Meanwhile,  in  April,  1935,  the  Land  Board  unanimously 
agreed  to  continue  the  l1/^  cent  per  acre  fee  on  state  lands  for 
two  more  years  beyond  June  of  that  year.73  And  in  1937  the 
rate  was  voluntarily  continued  for  an  additional  two  years 
pending  the  completion  of  appraisal  of  state  lands.74 

In  January,  1936,  Works  Progress  Administration  Proj- 

69.  Ibid.,  1933,  Chap.  98,  sec.  1,  p.  467  ;  or  Arizona  Code  Annotated,  1939,  Chap. 
11,  sec.  304,  p.  437. 

70.  Weekly  Market  Report  and  News  Letter,  XII,  No.  19  (June  13,  1933). 

71.  Ibid.,  XIII,  No.  30  (August  7,  1934). 

72.  Twenty-second    Annual    Report    of    the    State    Land    Commissioner    (July    1, 
1933  to  June  30,  1934),  p.  6. 

73.  Weekly  Market  Report  and  News  Letter,  XIV,  No.  1   (January  2,  1936). 

74.  Ibid.,  XVI,  No.  16  (May  11,  1937). 


ect  number  274  was  assigned  to  cooperate  with  the  State 
Land  Department  in  the  classification  of  all  state  lands.75 
Heretofore  no  permanent  records  classifying  the  lands  had 
existed,  unless  in  the  memory  of  department  employees  who 
had  never  seen  the  lands.  Consequently  there  was  no  possible 
basis  for  leasing  grazing  lands  except  at  a  flat  rate,  regard- 
less of  their  value  to  the  lessees.  Furthermore,  the  adminis- 
tration was  unable  to  secure  income  commensurate  with  the 
best  interests  of  industries  utilizing  or  benef itting  from  the 

Specifications  for  classification  included  actual  physical 
examination  of  state  lands  and  the  drafting  of  a  topographi- 
cal map  for  each  township  denoting  all  the  different  types  of 
lands  therein,  namely,  state,  private,  railroad,  public  do- 
main, forest  reserve,  and  Indian  reservation  lands.  The  car- 
rying capacity  was  estimated,  rainfall  and  soil  conditions 
determined,  and  summaries  by  townships  and  counties  made. 

In  addition  to  collecting  detailed  data,  the  project  un- 
covered many  cases  of  completely  inefficient  handling  be- 
cause of  lack  of  information.  For  example,  it  was  found  that 
valuable  irrigation  lands  were  sometimes  under  grazing 
leases  in  violation  of  the  Enabling  Act,  the  Arizona  Consti- 
tution, and  state  land  code.  Subsequent  to  the  investigation, 
however,  they  were  properly  classified  and  rentals  collected 

The  state  also  participated  in  the  federal  soil  erosion 
program.  On  March  18,  1936,  an  agreement  was  made  be- 
tween the  state  of  Arizona  and  the  Soil  Conservation  Service 
of  the  Department  of  Agriculture  whereby  unleased  state 
lands  in  Final  and  Maricopa  Counties  were  to  be  under  the 
supervision  of  erosion  specialists;  the  object  was  to  check 
deterioration  of  the  ranges  by  planting  or  propagating  vege- 
tative covering.78  Lessees  throughout  southern  Arizona  also 
reached  agreements  with  the  Service  for  the  restoration  of 
the  land  to  its  former  capacity. 

75.  Twenty-fourth  Annual  Report  of  the  Arizona  State  Land  Commissioner  (July 
1,  1935  to  June  30,  1936),  n.p. 

76.  Ibid. 

77.  Ibid. 

78.  Ibid. 


State  lands  were  affected  by  federal  statute  in  another 
way  too.  Under  Section  8  of  the  Taylor  Grazing  Act,79  the 
Land  Board  frequently  exchanged  its  lands  within  the  fed- 
eral grazing  districts  for  comparable  "in  lieu"  sections  (pri- 
vate owners  in  the  districts  were  similarly  authorized  by 
the  same  section).  Conflicts  sometimes  arose  between  the 
state  and  private  lease  applicants.  It  was  determined  that 
when  land  was  applied  for  under  both  Sections  8  and  15,  a 
one-year  federal  permit  should  be  issued  under  Section  15  if 
that  application  were  made  first;  but  if  the  state  filed  the 
initial  request,  its  application  went  to  Washington  for 

As  previously  noted,  the  procedure  for  leasing  state  lands 
was  frequently  changed.  The  contracts  up  to  1940  included 
the  "or  date  of  sale"  clause ;  i.  e.,  the  lease  extended  for  five 
years  unless  purchased.  In  that  year,  however,  Mr.  William 
Alberts  authorized  the  elimination  of  the  clause  so  that  a 
potential  buyer  must  wait  the  expiration  of  the  lease.81 

The  method  of  purchasing  state  lands  in  1940  consisted 
of  filing  an  application  along  with  a  one  dollar  fee  at  the  office 
of  the  State  Land  Commissioner.  The  latter  notified  the 
proper  county  board  of  supervisors,  which  made  an  appraisal 
of  the  lands.  After  publication  of  a  list  of  lands  thus  applied 
for,  public  auctions  were  held.  State  lands  were  sold  for  cash 
or  on  terms.  If  on  terms,  the  certificate  of  purchase  ran  for 
thirty-eight  years  after  payment  of  five  per  cent  on  the  pur- 
chase price  and  two  per  cent  in  addition  for  classification  and 

Two  types  of  lands  available  for  renting  by  Arizona 
farmers  and  cattlemen  have  been  discussed,  namely,  public 
domain  and  state  lands.  In  addition,  there  are  national  for- 
ests in  which  the  permit  system  of  grazing  control  is  used. 
There  are  numerous  examples  of  large  ranch  organizations 
comprising  several  different  types  of  lands.  Many  are  in  the 
Willcox  area.  By  1929,  the  J.  H.  Brookreson  Ranch,  for  in- 
stance, consisted  of  some  7,000  acres  of  patented  land 

79.  48  Statutes  at  Large,  pt.  1,  sec.  8,  pp.  1272-73. 

80.  Weekly  Market  Report  and  News  Letter,  XV,  No.  44   (November  24,  1936). 

81.  Ibid.,  XIX,  No.  27   (July  9,  1940). 

82.  Ibid. 


purchased  at  $2  to  $5  per  acre  (originally  deeded  by  the 
government  in  320-acre  homesteads)  and  approximately 
thirteen  sections  of  state  leased  lands.  E.  R.  Hooker  possessed 
some  35,000  acres  of  private  and  20,000  acres  of  state  lands 
in  addition  to  considerable  forest  acreage.  The  Riggs  family 
had  acquired  100,000  patented,  50,000  leased,  and  25,000 
acres  in  forest  lands.83 

By  1904,  some  eight  forest  reservations  had  been  set  aside 
in  Arizona  in  accordance  with  Section  24  of  the  General  Re- 
vision Act  of  1891. 84  Three  of  the  areas  were  south  of  the 
Gila  River.85  The  Santa  Rita  Forest  Reserve  (south  and 
southeast  of  Tucson)  was  created  by  an  executive  order  of 
April  11, 1902.86  The  Santa  Catalina87  (northeast  of  Tucson) 
was  similarly  established  on  July  2  of  the  same  year,  and  the 
Chiricahua  Reserve  on  July  30.88 

The  establishment  of  other  reserves  followed  until  1908 
when  a  process  of  consolidation  began.  On  July  2,  Executive 
Order  number  908  directed  that  the  Santa  Rita,  Santa  Cata- 
lina, and  Dragoon  National  Forests  be  joined  under  the 
name  of  the  Coronado  National  Forest.89  The  reserve  was 
enlarged  on  June  6, 1917,  with  the  addition  of  the  Chiricahua 
Forest ;  also  by  Order  number  90S,90  the  Huachuca,  Tumaca- 
cori,  the  Baboquivari  Reserves  were  consolidated  into  the 
Garces  National  Forest.91  And  on  July  1,  1908,  a  third  ad- 
ministrative district,  the  Crook  National  Forest,  was 

Since  the  reserves  embraced  large  areas  of  grazing  lands, 
they  have  always  been  of  paramount  importance  in  the  his- 

83.  Arizona  Range  News,  August  16  and  23,  September  13,  October  11,  and  No- 
vember 8,  1929. 

84.  26  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  1103.  In  1907  the  name  "forest  reserves"  was  changed 
to  "national  forests." 

85.  Report  to  the  Governor,  op.  cit.,  1904,  p.  111. 

86.  32  Statutes  at  Large,  pt.  2,  pp.  1989-91. 

87.  Ibid.,  pp.  2012-13. 

88.  Ibid.,  pp.  2019-21. 

89.  See  36  Statutes  at  Large,  pt.  2,  p.  2719  for  the  alteration  of  the  boundaries. 
The  best  available  list  of  presidential  orders  is  Presidential  Executive  Orders,  W.P.A. 
Historical  Records  Survey,  2  vols. 

90.  Presidential  Executive  Orders,  Order  No.  2630,  p.  221. 

91.  See  36  Statute  at  Large,  pt.   2,   p.  2687  for  addition  of  lands  on   April  21, 

92.  Presidential  Executive  Orders,  Order  No.  869,  p.  81. 


tory  of  the  cattle  industry  in  southern  Arizona.  In  1925  for 
example,  1,226,506  of  the  1,302,768  acres  in  the  Coronado 
National  Forest  were  usable  for  grazing  for  an  average  of 
10.46  months  per  year  with  a  carrying  capacity  of  37,844 
cattle.93  The  Forest  Service  of  the  Department  of  Agricul- 
ture which  has  supervised  the  reserves  since  1905,  was  given 
the  task  of  seeing  that  the  maximum  number  of  cattle  and 
sheep  were  grazed  with  the  least  possible  injury  to  vegeta- 
tion. Its  range  management  program  involves  the  determina- 
tion of  carrying  capacity,  the  most  adaptable  class  of  stock, 
and  the  grazing  period  for  each  range.94  The  most  beneficial 
use  of  grazing  lands  and  the  best  distribution  of  stock  are 
obtained  through  the  proper  division  of  ranges  among  the 
stockmen  and  among  the  different  classes  of  livestock,  as 
well  as  by  the  development  of  water,  construction  of  drift 
fences,  better  salting  methods,  and  the  eradication  of  poison- 
ous plants.95 

At  first  there  was  no  law  specifically  authorizing  the  sale 
of  grazing  privileges  on  forest  reserves.  But  since  there  was 
also  no  prohibition,  Chief  Forester  Pinchot  ordered  a  small 
charge  beginning  January  1,  1906.96  In  the  years  preceding 
his  extra-legal  step,  considerable  opposition  was  manifested 
in  western  states  against  regulation.  On  February  14,  1899, 
for  example,  delegate  Marcus  A.  Smith  of  Arizona  presented 
a  memorial  from  the  legislature  of  his  state  demanding  graz- 
ing without  restriction.97 

Yet  the  disadvantages  of  free  grazing  were  apparent. 
The  Interior  Department,  which  directed  the  reserves  until 
1905,  found  it  almost  impossible  to  assign  permits  justly  to 
all  applicants,  and  thus  adopted  preferential  rules.  The 
stockmen  residing  on  the  reserves  were  first  considered,  and 
then  persons  with  permanent  ranches  within  reserves  but 

93.  Hearings  before  a  Subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Public  Lands  and  Sur- 
veys, U.S.  Senate,  69  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  1925,  p.  1765. 

94.  Paul  G.  Redington   (District  Forester),  "Forest  Reserves  and  Grazing  Lands," 
Proceedings  of  the  Tenth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Arizona  Cattle  Growers'  Association, 
1917,  pp.  34-35. 

95.  Ibid.,  p.  36. 

96.  Hse.  Doc.  6,  59  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  p.  278. 

97.  Congressional  Record,  55  Cong.,  3  Sess.,  XXXII,  pt.  2,  p.  1879 ;  Session  Laws 
of  the  Twentieth  Legislative  Assembly  of  the  Territory  of  Arizona,  1899,  Council  Me- 
morial No.  1,  p.  88. 


residence  outside.  Next  in  preference  came  those  who  lived 
in  the  immediate  vicinity,  and  finally  outsiders  or  transients 
who  had  some  equitable  claim.98  Without  the  exaction  of  fees, 
however,  restrictions  on  grazing  were  necessarily  lax  and 
westerners  for  that  reason  opposed  the  transfer  of  reserves 
to  a  Department  of  Agriculture  bent  on  the  regulation  of 

Nevertheless,  government  control  was  established  and  the 
Congressional  appropriation  bill  for  the  fiscal  year  ending 
June  30,  1907,  contained  a  provision  relative  to  the  levying 
of  fees.  The  minimum  charge  for  summer  grazing  was 
twenty  to  thirty-five  cents  per  head,  or  thirty-five  to  fifty 
cents  per  head  for  year-long  grazing.  But  the  regulation 
stipulated  that  grazing  fees  would  be  raised  as  the  ranges 
improved  and  the  demand  for  permits  increased.100  From 
1906  until  1910  only  slight  changes  were  made  in  the  regula- 
tions. But  in  1910  fees  were  established  on  the  basis  of 
thirty-five  to  sixty  cents.  An  order  of  the  Secretary  of  Agri- 
culture, effective  January  1,  1912,  added  five  cents  per  head 
per  annum.  In  1915  the  scale  ran  from  forty-eight  to  seventy- 
five  cents  per  head.  The  first  important  increase  came  in 
1916  with  the  raising  of  the  maximum  charge  to  $1.25  with 
gradual  additions  scheduled  until  by  1919  it  would  be  $1.50 
with  a  sixty-cent  minimum. 

Ten  per  cent  of  receipts  from  forest  reserves  were  pay- 
able annually  to  the  territory  to  be  distributed  to  the  counties 
in  which  the  reserves  were  located  for  the  benefit  of  schools 
and  the  construction  of  roads,  providing  that  the  amount  was 
not  equivalent  to  more  than  forty  per  cent  of  a  county's  in- 
come from  all  sources.101  By  a  subsequent  act  of  Congress, 
however,  it  was  provided  that  twenty-five  per  cent  of  the 
money  received  should  be  disbursed  to  the  state.  In  addition, 
ten  per  cent  of  gross  receipts  is  expended  upon  roads  within 
the  forests,  and  about  eleven  per  cent  is  paid  into  the  state 

98.  John  Ise,  The  United  States  Forest  Policy,  p.  169. 

99.  Congressional  Record,  57  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  XXXV,  pt.  7,  pp.  6509-26  and  6566-73. 

100.  C.  E.  Rachford,  "Forest  Service,  Range  Appraisal  Revert,"  Hear  ings,  op.  tit., 
pt.  1,  pp.  17-18. 

101.  34.  Statutes  at  Large,  pp.  1270-71 ;  Biennial  Message  of  the  Governor  of  Ari- 
zona (Joseph  H.  Kibbey)   to  the  Twenty-fourth  Legislative  Assembly,  1907,  p.  41. 


treasury.  Thus  the  share,  of  rents  received  is  at  least  equiva- 
lent in  most  cases  to  the  taxes  which  would  be  collected  from 
the  same  lands  in  private  ownership.102 

The  permit  system  of  renting  is  more  flexible  than  the 
leasing  system.  It  entails  a  definite  number  of  animals  on  an 
amount  of  land  which  the  Forest  Service  estimates  to  be 
sufficient.  The  forage  required  for  a  given  kind  of  animal 
differs  very  little,  and  hence  a  uniform  charge  "per  animal" 
is  easily  applied  whereas  a  uniform  charge  "per  acre"  is  not 
equitable  because  of  vegetation  differences.  Furthermore,  the 
leasing  system  is  conducive  to  overstocking,  especially  if  the 
tenure  is  short.103 

Speculation  was  discouraged,  since  permits  are  not  trans- 
ferable ;  also,  a  stockman  who  waives  his  grazing  preference 
by  agreement  with  a  buyer  of  his  stock  and  private  lands  is 
prohibited  from  obtaining  another  permit  for  three  years, 
unless  surplus  land  of  no  use  to  other  applicants  is  available. 
Moreover,  permits  were  to  run  for  only  one  year  with  prefer- 
ence being  given  to  small  nearby  owners,  other  occupants  of 
the  range,  and  owners  of  transient  stock,  in  that  order.104 

The  first  decade  of  the  existence  of  the  Arizona  Forest 
Reserves  brought  a  rapid  increase  in  the  value  of  grazing 
privileges,  the  higher  price  of  meat  and  the  growing  scarcity 
of  open  range  being  perhaps  the  chief  causes.  While  rentals 
on  Indian,  state,  and  private  lands  rose  accordingly,  the  for- 
est reserve  fees  remained  stationary.  But  finally  in  1917,  the 
Secretary  of  Agriculture  decided  to  correct  the  discrepancy 
by  raising  the  fees.105 

Livestock  associations  in  the  western  range  states  pro- 
tested. The  Arizona  Cattle  Growers'  Association,  eighty-four 
per  cent  of  its  members  having  forest  permits,  registered 
strenuous  objections  at  their  March  convention  in  Globe.106 
The  committee  appointed  to  draw  up  a  protest  to  the  pro- 
posed advancement  in  rates  denounced  the  statement  of  the 

102.  Wooton.  op.  eft.,  pp.  56-57. 

103.  Ibid. 

104.  "National  Forest  Manual,"    (Effective  March,   1924),  Regulation  G-7,  Hear- 
ings, op.  cit.,  p.  61. 

105.  Anonymous,  American  Forestry,  XXIII,  No.  279   (March,  1917),  p.  177. 

106.  E.   H.  Crabb,   "Grazing  Privileges  on  Forest  Reserves,"   Proceedings  of  the 
Tenth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Arizona  Cattle  Growers'  Association,  1917,  p.  65. 


Secretary  of  Agriculture  that  Forest  Service  fees  were  only 
thirty-four  per  cent  of  prices  paid  by  cattlemen  for  grazing 
on  private  lands ;  i.  e.,  3.9  cents  per  head  as  compared  with 
11.7  cents  per  head.  They  contended  that  fencing  and  the 
unregulated  use  of  non-forest  lands  were  conducive  to  the 
most  profitable  range  management.107 

The  demands  of  cattlemen  were  partially  met  when  the 
Department  of  Agriculture  reduced  its  announced  increase 
in  fees  from  33^  to  twenty-five  per  cent.  Future  increases 
were  to  be  contingent  upon  investigations  of  the  actual  value 
of  each  permit  in  the  separate  forests.108  Accordingly,  a  de- 
tailed appraisal  of  national  forest  ranges  began  in  1921  in 
order  that  a  parity  between  forest  and  commercial  rates 
could  be  equitably  established.109 

The  following  year  Arizona  stockmen  formed  an  organi- 
zation in  Tucson  called  the  National  Forest  Permittees'  As- 
sociation to  resist  attempts  of  the  Forest  Service  to  advance 
grazing  fees.  Their  resolutions  called  for  long-term  leases 
in  definite  and  positive  terms,  and  the  recognition  of  es- 
tablished rights  based  upon  use  prior  to  the  creation  of  the 
forest  reserves.  However,  Colonel  W.  B.  Greeley,  Forester- 
in-Chief  at  Washington,  stated  that  existing  rents  did  not 
represent  the  full  commercial  value  of  the  grazing  lands.110 

Generally  the  cattlemen  were  satisfied  with  the  regu- 
lated system  of  grazing  as  promulgated  by  the  Forest  Serv- 
ice, especially  in  times  of  depression.  A  typical  situation  oc- 
curred during  the  mid-20's  when  many  grazing  regions  were 
drouth-stricken.  The  Secretary  of  Agriculture  was  author- 
ized by  Congress  in  March,  1925,  to  waive  any  part,  or  all, 
of  the  grazing  charges  for  the  use  of  national  forests  in  the 
drouth  areas.111  In  the  same  year,  grazing  fees  were  worked 
out  on  the  basis  of  annual  rates  paid  by  stockmen  on  leased 
state  and  private  lands.112  In  1927,  there  was  a  reduction; 
though  the  next  year  the  Secretary  of  Agriculture  approved 

107.  See  the  committee's  letter  to  D.  F.  Houston,  then  Secretary  of  Agriculture. 
Ibid.,  p.  62. 

108.  Anonymous,  American  Forestry,  XXIII,  No.  279    (March,  1917),  p.  177. 

109.  Sen.  Doc.  199,  74  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  p.  267. 

110.  Tucson  Citizen,  June  5,  1922. 

111.  44  Statutes  at  Large,  pt.  1,  p.  1259. 

112.  Weekly  Market  Report  and  News  Letter,  XII,  No.  14   (April  13,  1933). 


a  plan,  to  begin  in  1928  and  continue  through  1930,  whereby 
grazing  charge  would  be  increased  to  the  commercial  basis 
less  twenty-five  per  cent,  the  difference  in  the  two  scales  be- 
ing lessened  twenty-five  per  cent  for  each  of  the  three 

The  extremely  low  prices  of  cattle  and  sheep,  however, 
resulted  in  a  fifty  per  cent  reduction  for  1932.114  Then  a  flexi- 
ble formula  was  worked  out  and  approved  by  Secretary  of 
Agriculture  Wallace  on  May  27, 1933.  It  provided  for  annual 
readjustment  on  the  basis  of  prices  received  for  livestock 
during  the  previous  year  in  eleven  western  states;115  the 
1931  range  appraisal  rate  of  14.5  cents  per  head  per  month 
for  cattle  was  accepted  as  the  base.  Thus,  by  way  of  illustra- 
tion, the  1939  cattle  fee  was  eight  per  cent  lower  than  the 
1931  level;  i.  e.,  the  individal  forest  fee  was  established  by 
simply  taking  ninety-two  per  cent  of  the  base.116 

It  is  true  that  in  spite  of  the  general  acquiescence  in  the 
forest  program,  certain  criticisms  prevailed,  which  were 
slowly  met.  The  demand  for  long-term  permits  culminated  in 
the  enactment  of  the  Clarke-McNary  Law  on  June  7, 1924,117 
which  granted  contracts  up  to  ten  years ;  but  with  the  initia- 
tion of  the  public  domain  administration  under  the  Taylor 
Grazing  Act,  permits  were  once  again  issued  on  a  year-to- 
year  basis.118 

Furthermore,  permission  to  erect  fenced  enclosures  was 
sought.  The  lack  of  arbitrary  lines  of  division  lowered  the 
worth  of  forest  grazing  privileges  in  comparison  with  In- 
dian, state,  or  private  leases,  which  empowered  the  lessees  to 
construct  fences  and  consolidate  ranch  units.  The  difficulty 
in  separating  different  kinds  of  stock  or  the  animals  of  dif- 
ferent owners  is  apparent.  However,  the  Service  did  allow 
so-called  "drift  fences"  to  restrict  the  movement  of  stock  in 
such  a  manner  as  to  secure  their  proper  distribution  on  the 

113.  Sen.  Doc.  199,  74  Cong.,  2  Seas.,  p.  257. 

114.  Report  of  the  Forester,  1933   (Robert  Y.  Stuart),  Annual  Reports  of  the  De- 
partment of  Agriculture,  p.  24. 

116.     Ibid.,  pp.  24-25. 

116.  Weekly  Market  Report  and  News  Letter,  XVIII,  No.  21    (May  2,  1939).  See 
the  letter  of  James  A.  Scott,  Acting  Regional  Forester  at  Albuquerque. 

117.  43  Statutes  at  Large,  pt.  1,  pp.  653-655. 

118.  Weekly  Market  Report  and  News  Letter,  XIII,  No.  47    (December  4,   1934). 


range,  second  in  importance  only  to  the  rate  of  stocking.119 
In  summary  it  can  be  said  that  though  stockmen  occasion- 
ally protested  against  increase  in  grazing  fees  and  certain 
weaknesses  in  the  forest  reserve  laws,  they  almost  invariably 
supported  the  Forest  Service  in  its  efforts  to  improve  range 
conditions;  and  the  constructive  pioneering  of  foresters  in 
developing  a  range  science  in  Arizona  has  been  most  com- 
mendable. Perhaps  the  first  experiment  of  note  began  in 
1903  with  the  enclosing  of  49.2  square  miles  in  the  Santa 
Rita  Forest  Reserve ;  four  contiguous  ranches  were  also  in- 
cluded. Previous  to  that  time,  heavy  pasturing  had  consider- 
ably depreciated  the  range ;  but  by  1910  the  Bureau  of  Plant 
Industry  was  able  to  report  conclusively  that  vegetation 
which  once  flourished  on  the  reserve  could  be  restored  when 
given  a  measure  of  protection.120  In  1915  the  Experimental 
Station  was  transferred  to  the  Forest  Service,  which  has 
continued  to  show  the  benefits  to  be  derived  from  stocking 
ranges  within  their  grazing  capacity.121 

The  basic  objective  in  range  research  involves  detailed 
study  of  conditions  necessary  for  plant  growth;  it  begins 
with  the  soil  and  ends  with  the  marketable  animal.  A  matter 
of  chief  concern  has  been  the  invasion  of  the  ranges  by  mes- 
quite,  cacti,  burroweed,  and  snakeweed.  Though  these  plants 
often  result  in  a  decreased  forage  production,  they  do  not 
have  the  effect  of  poisonous  plants  in  causing  cattle  losses. 
The  latter  have  presented  a  serious  problem.122  In  1916  alone 
some  four  hundred  head  of  cattle  worth  approximately 
$16,000  were  lost  in  forests  of  Arizona.  The  principal  plants 
causing  the  losses  were  three  or  four  species  of  loco.123  Of 
the  experiments  which  have  been  conducted  under  the  super- 
vision of  the  Southwestern  Forest  and  Range  Experiment 
Station  at  Tucson,  many  have  been  concerned  with  the  dif- 

119.  Proceedings  of  the   Tenth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Arizona  Stock  Growers' 
Association,  1917,  p.  47. 

120.  David   Griffiths,    "A   Protected   Stock   Range  in   Arizona,"    U.S.D.A.    Bureau 
of  Plant  Industry,  Bulletin  177,  pp.  7-24. 

121.  Redington,  op.  cit.t  p.  36. 

122.  Kenneth   W.    Parker,    "Control   of   Noxious    Plants    in   the   Southwest,"    Re- 
search Notes,  No.   77    (December,   1939),  Southwestern  Forest  and  Range  Experiment 
Station,  Tucson,  p.  10. 

123.  Redington,  op.  cit.,  p.  36. 


ferent  methods  of  controlling  and  eradicating  noxious  and 
poisonous  weeds.  When  tested  and  proven,  the  information 
obtained  is  disseminated  among  cattlemen. 

Another  important  advantage  which  has  accompanied 
governmental  control  of  the  ranges  is  the  prevention  of 
range  wars,  particularly  armed  conflicts  between  cattlemen 
and  sheepmen,  as  a  result  of  the  closing  of  forest  reserves  to 
"transient"  and  tramp  herds.124  Furthermore,  the  forest 
regulations  have  had  a  salutary  effect  on  the  enforcement  of 
brand  laws.  If  an  application  for  a  permit  shows  that  the 
stock  to  be  grazed  bear  brands  not  recorded  in  the  name 
of  the  applicant,  acceptable  proof  of  ownership  must  be 

Besides  the  lands  described  above  there  are  also  Indian 
Reservations  in  the  Gadsden  Purchase  area.  However,  only 
the  Papagos  are  located  entirely  south  of  the  Gila  River  and 
for  that  reason  the  remainder  of  this  paper  will  be  devoted 
to  them. 

The  Papago  Indian  Reservation  is  situated  about  nine 
miles  southwest  of  Tucson.  It  is  one  of  the  leading  centers 
of  livestock  production  in  southern  Arizona,  chiefly  for  two 
reasons.  First,  the  free  life  of  the  open  range  is  particularly 
compatible  with  the  Indian's  temperament.  Secondly,  most 
of  the  land  is  not  acceptable  to  intensive  agricultural  develop- 
ment, and  the  livelihood  of  the  people  is  therefore  dependent 
upon  the  successful  raising  of  cattle. 

The  annexation  of  Arizona  by  the  United  States  was  most 
disastrous  to  the  Papagos.  Belonging  to  the  Piman  family, 
they  were  early  Christianized  by  the  Jesuits  and  Franciscans, 
later  being  recognized  as  citizens  of  Mexico.  But  with  the  in- 
surge  of  white  settlers,  they  were  not  only  deprived  of  citi- 
zenship, but  also  of  intensive  land  holdings  and  water  rights. 
By  an  executive  order  in  1874  and  by  a  congressional  act  of 
1882,  the  tribe  was  granted  a  meager  69,200  acres  of  which 
41,622  acres  were  allotted  to  363  tribesmen  by  1890.  It  was 
inevitable  that  stock  raising  should  continue  to  be  the  chief 

124.  Will  C.  Barnes,  "The  Story  of  the  Range,"  Hearingt,  op.  eit..  pt.  6,  p.  1586. 

125.  "National  Forest  Manual,"  Hearings,  op.  eit.,  pt.  1,  p.  49. 


economic  pursuit  of  the  Papagos  since  33,062  acres  of  the 
allotted  land  and  the  entire  unallotted  area  of  27,578  acres 
were  considered  valueless  except  for  grazing  purposes.126 

By  executive  order  2300  on  January  14,  1916,  approxi- 
mately two  million  acres  of  public  land  were  set  aside  for 
the  Papagos,  their  first  real  safeguard  against  white  en- 
croachments.127 However,  it  was  learned  that  a  six-mile  strip 
running  generally  east  and  west  across  the  reservation  had 
been  applied  for  by  the  state  of  Arizona  prior  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  the  reservation,  in  accordance  with  its  "in  lieu" 
privileges.128  Certain  private  individuals  had  also  initiated 
valid  claims  to  certain  tracts  under  the  public  land  laws. 
Consequently,  executive  order  2524,  February  1,  1917,  pro- 
vided for  the  elimination  of  the  "six-mile  strip"  and  its  re- 
turn to  the  public  domain,  leaving  three  separate  tracts 
which  were  most  insufficient  for  the  grazing  needs  of  the 
tribe.129  Immediately  the  Indians  began  insisting  that  their 
lands  be  made  contiguous  through  the  closing  of  the  strip 
and  by  the  acquisition  of  the  privately-owned  Santa  Rosa 
Ranch  as  well  as  adjoining  public  land. 

In  1930  a  bill  was  introduced  in  the  United  States  Sen- 
ate contemplating  certain  additions  to  the  reservation,  viz., 
all  the  unreserved  and  undisposed  land  within  the  "strip." 
Also  some  $165,000  was  to  be  appropriated  to  acquire  the 
Santa  Rosa  and  other  privately-owned  lands  to  completely 
consolidate  the  tracts.  Thus  two  advantages  would  be  at- 
tained :  (1)  the  Papagos  could  range  their  livestock  over  the 
entire  reservation  without  trespassing  on  private  grasslands, 
and  (2)  the  encroachment  by  white  and  Mexican  stock  rais- 
ers upon  the  reservation  would  be  limited.  It  was  also  hoped 
that  the  state  would  relinquish  its  "lieu"  selections  within 
the  strip.  The  bill  became  law  on  February  21, 1931,  with  the 

126.  Sen.  Doc.  97S,  62  Cong.,  3  Sess.,  p.  6. 

127.  Indian  Affairs,  Laws,  and  Treaties,  IV,  Sen.  Doc.  53,  70  Cong.,   1  Sess.,  p. 
1005.  Executive  Order  No.  1374    (June  16,  1911)   and  Order  No.  1538    (May  28,  1912) 
reserved  certain  public  lands  for  the  Papagos;  whereas  Orders  No.  1090  (June  17,  1909) 
and  No.   1655    (December  5,   1912)    had  diminished  the  reservation  slightly. 

128.  Constitution  of   the  State   of  Arizona    (annotated   and   copyrighted   by    the 
Department  of  Library  and  Archives,  July,   1939 ) ,  Art.  X,   Sec.  5,  p.  65 ;  36  Statutes 
at  Large,  p.  558. 

129.  Hae.  Report  1934,  71  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  p.  2. 


stipulation  that  the  lands  acquired  should  not  be  subject  to 

Congress  had  previously  voted  $9,500  on  June  28,  1926, 
for  a  purchase  which  embraced  440  acres  of  patented  lands, 
one  quarter  section  being  known  as  the  "Steinf  eld  tract"  and 
the  remainder  as  the  "John  Tierney  tract."  The  latter  was 
practically  all  fenced  and  furnished  valuable  pasture  for  the 
agency  cows.131  Yet  the  Indians  still  need  additional  pasture. 

The  Papago  land  status  has  accentuated  the  more  un- 
desirable features  of  periodic  drouths.  It  is  impossible  to 
determine  exactly  the  quantity  of  land  needed  by  each  stock- 
man, but  it  is  evident  that  the  Papago  range  area  per  capita 
has  been  insufficient,  with  overstocking  and  deterioration 
the  inevitable  result.  The  reservation  comprised  2,375,554 
acres  in  1930  of  which  2,371,804  acres  were  grazing  land. 
Thus  the  range  area  approximated  459  acres  for  each  of 
5,159  Indians.132 

As  previously  stated,  successful  livestock  production  in 
semi-arid  regions  entails  the  possession  of  thousands,  not 
hundreds,  of  acres.  The  white  stockmen  have  obtained  large 
areas  under  the  various  leasing  systems.  But  the  Papago  is 
unable  to  lease  government  lands  and  is  thus  at  a  disadvan- 
tage in  the  competitive  field  dominated  by  his  white  neighbor. 
His  only  solution  was  overstocking,  a  course  which  by  the 
late  40's  culminated  in  poverty  and  virtual  expulsion  from 
the  pursuit  which  had  supported  his  ancestors  for  at  least 
two  and  a  half  centuries. 

Nor  have  the  Papagos  been  able  to  compete  with  other 
Indian  tribes.  By  way  of  comparison,  the  statistics  on  cattle 
sales  for  May,  1935,  are  typical  of  the  inequality.  In  that 
month  the  Papagos  sold  865  head  of  cattle  averaging  only 
$22.71  per  head,  whereas  the  San  Carlos  Apaches  averaged 
$35.75  per  head  for  the  1,700  animals  which  they  sold.  The 
$13.04  difference  could  be  attributed  to  perhaps  three  fac- 

130.  46  Statutes  at  Large,  pp.  1202-03. 

131.  44  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  775 ;  also  see  Sen.  Report  493,  69  Cong.,  1  Sess.,  p. 

132.  Lee  Muck,  Percy  E.  Melis,  and  George  M.   Nyce,   "Economic  Survey  of  the 
Range  Resources  and  Grazing  Activities  on  Indian  Reservations,"  Hearings  before  a 
Subcommittee  of  the  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs,  United  States  Senate,  71  Cong.,  2 
Sess..  p.  12273. 

^     ^ 


tors  favoring  the  Apaches :  (1)  superior  range,  (2)  better 
breeding,  and  (3)  better  marketing  methods.133 

Even  with  government  help  the  Papagos  have  been  un- 
able to  cope  with  the  problem  of  overstocking  and  the  deteri- 
oration of  their  ranges.  The  long  drouth  during  the  winter 
of  1948-49  virtually  finished  the  livestock  industry  on  the 
reservation.  A  possible  solution  may  be  the  program  pro- 
posed by  the  tribal  council  and  approved  by  Secretary  of  In- 
terior Krug  in  1949,  which  would  separate  the  7,400  Indians. 
About  one-third  would  be  diverted  into  farming,  and  an 
equal  number  into  the  white  man's  pursuits,  leaving  the  re- 
mainder as  livestock  growers.134 

Regardless  of  what  is  done  to  alleviate  the  Papago  situa- 
tion, the  system  of  land  ownership  in  Arizona  will  remain 
complicated.  The  problem  of  securing  sufficient  land  for  the 
remunerative  management  of  herds  has  caused  the  stockman 
his  greatest  consternation.  As  a  result  many  ranches  are 
hodge  podges  of  patented,  state,  forest,  and  public  grazing 
lands.  No  standardization  of  leasing  fees  has  been  achieved. 
Consequently,  users  of  low  rental  lands  are  frequently  sub- 
jected to  attacks  by  beneficiaries  of  the  same. 

133.  Annual  Statistical  Report,  Sells  Agency,  Arizona,  Fiscal  Year  Ending  June 
30,  1935,  p.  17. 

134.  Tucson  Daily  Citizen,  March  29,  1949. 

By  MAX  L.  HEYMAN,  JR.* 

FROM  May  to  July  of  1860,  two  and  a  half  regiments  of  the 
United  States  Army  moved  from  the  Department  of 
Utah  into  the  Department  of  New  Mexico.1  The  reason  for 
their  transfer  is  to  be  found  in  the  Report  of  the  Secretary  of 
War  for  1860 :  "In  New  Mexico,  the  outrages  and  depreda- 
tions of  the  Indians  have  been  very  daring  and  numerous, 
and  nearly  the  whole  territory  may  be  said  to  have  been  in- 
fested by  them  throughout  the  season."  To  chastise  the  red 
man,  then,  "in  an  exemplary  manner,"  was  the  duty  for 
which  the  troops  were  called  into  the  Territory.  And  the 
particular  object  of  their  endeavors  was  to  be  "the  numerous 
and  powerful  tribe  of  Navajoes."2 

Trouble  between  the  Navaho  Indians  and  the  Spanish- 
speaking  population  of  New  Mexico  stretched  back  to  the 
beginning  of  the  eighteenth  century.3  In  the  twelve  years 
immediately  preceding  the  American  conquest  of  the  Ter- 
ritory, Navaho  incursions  had  been  extremely  severe.4  In 
the  twelve  years  since  that  time,  the  warriors  of  the 
Navaho  Nation  had  caused  more  trouble  to  the  citizens  of 
New  Mexico  than  any  other  Indian  tribe.5 

During  these  years,  a  desultory  warfare  was  carried  on. 
The  Navaho  raided  the  camps  and  settlements  of  the  Terri- 
tory for  the  purpose  of  stealing  stock.  Mexican  women  and 

*Max  L.  Heyman,  Jr.,  is  a  graduate  student,  Department  of  History,  University  of 
California  at  Los  Angeles. 

1.  The  5th  and  7th  Infantry  Regiments,  three  companies  of  the   10th   Infantry, 
and  two  companies  of  the  2d   Dragoons.   See  General  Orders   No.   10,  April  16,   1860, 
Department  of  Utah,  General  Orders  and  Special  Orders,  1860.  This  material  and  the 
Adjutant  General's   Office  and  Department  of  New  Mexico  items  hereinafter  referred 
to  are  to  be  found  in  the  War  Records  Division  of  the  National  Archives  in  Washing- 
ton, D.  C.  Also  see  Colonel  T.  T.   Fauntleroy  to  Colonel  L.  Thomas,  A.  A.  G.,   Head- 
quarters  of  the   Army,   August   5,    1860,   in   the   Report  of   the   Secretary   of   War   in 
Senate  Exec.  Doc.  No.  1,  36th  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  II,  60. 

2.  Senate  Exec.  Doc.  No.  1,  36th  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  II,  3. 

3.  Hubert  Howe  Bancroft,  Arizona  and  New  Mexico   (San  Francisco,  1889),  222- 

4.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  "The  Government  and  the  Navaho,   1846-1858,"  New  Mexico 
Historical  Review.  XIV    (January,  1939),  82-88. 

6.     Bancroft,  op.  cit.,  673. 



children  captured  on  these  forays  were  enslaved  or  sold  to 
distant  tribes.  Only  incidentally,  however,  did  the  Navaho 
kill  during  these  assaults.  On  the  other  hand,  when  Mexican 
elements  wished  to  enrich  themselves  in  flocks  and  herds, 
they  made  inroads  upon  the  Navaho.  Captives  were  likewise 
enslaved6  and,  by  1861,  it  was  estimated  that  the  residents 
of  New  Mexico  held  over  1,500  of  these  people  in  bondage. 
Even  the  governor  of  the  Territory  was  said  to  own  Navaho 

No  doubt,  many  of  the  depredations  blamed  on  the 
Navaho  were  not  of  their  doing.  But  more  were,  and  numer- 
ous punitive  expeditions,  public  and -private  (the  latter  is 
how  New  Mexicans  often  gained  materially),  were  sent 
against  them.  In  1858,  a  nominal  peace  existed.  Yet,  only  a 
minor  incident  was  needed  to  rupture  it.  Such  an  incident 
occurred.  Thenceforth,  except  for  the  quiet  winter  of  1858- 
59,  the  Navahos  raided  at  will.8 

Continued  successful  forays,  even  within  sight  of  the 
capital  of  the  Territory,  gave  these  warriors  such  confidence 
in  their  bravery  and  prowess  that,  on  April  30,  1860,  they 
became  so  bold  as  to  attack  Fort  Defiance — a  garrisoned 
military  post.9  It  was  this  imprudent  action  on  the  part  of  a 
Navaho  war  party  that  provoked  the  Secretary  of  War  into 
ordering  that  drastic  steps  be  taken  to  quell  the  tribe.10 

At  Fort  Garland,11  late  in  August,  Major  Edward  R.  S. 
Canby,  Brevet  Lieutenant  Colonel,  Tenth  Infantry,12  re- 
ceived a  letter  from  Captain  D.  H.  Maury,  Assistant  Adju- 

6.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  "The  Federal  Indian  Policy  in  New  Mexico,  1858-1880,"  New 
Mexico  Historical  Review,  XII   (July,  1937),  221. 

7.  Oscar  H.  Lipps,   The  Navajos    (Cedar  Rapids,   1909),   64-55. 

8.  Reeve,  "The  Federal  Indian  Policy  in  New  Mexico,"  loc.  cit.,  223  et  seq. 

9.  For  the  report  of  the  attack,  see  Senate  Exec.  Doc.  No.  1,  36th  Cong.,  2d  sess., 
II,  52-56. 

10.  Major  W.  A.   Nichols,   A.  A.  G.,  to  Colonel  T.  T.   Fauntleroy,   July   14,   1860, 
ibid.,  60. 

11.  At  this  time  Fort  Garland  was  in  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico.  At  present, 
and  since  the  Colorado  Territory  was  formed,   it  is   located  in  south-central  Colorado. 

12.  In    1860,    Canby    was    forty-three    years    old.    He    had    graduated    from    West 
Point  in  1839,  after  which  he  served  in  the  Florida  War  until  1842.  On  frontier  serv- 
ice along  the  Great  Lakes  from  1842-1846,  he  participated  in  the  Mexican  War  as  as- 
sistant   adjutant   general,    emerging    with    two    brevet.    He   served    in    California    from 
1849-1851,  took  part  in  the  "Mormon  War"  of  1857-1858,  and  commanded  Fort  Bridger, 
1858-1860,  before  coming  to  New  Mexico.  Following  his  service  in  the  Navaho  campaign, 
he  commanded  the  Department  of  New  Mexico,   1861-1862,  during  the  Confederate  In- 


tant  General,  in  Santa  Fe.  Part  of  its  contents  read  as 
follows : 

The  Department  Commander  directs  me  to  say  that  he  has  decided 
to  commence  active  operations  against  the  Navajos  at  once,  and  he 
wishes  you  to  conduct  them.  ...  in  carrying  out  these  operations  he 
desires  to  entrust  the  greatest  possible  discretion  to  you  ...  he  has 
selected  you  for  this  duty  accordingly.13 

Thus  was  Lieutenant  Colonel  Canby  notified  of  his  assign- 
ment to  command  the  Navaho  Expedition. 

The  campaign  was  planned  to  last  six  weeks  in  October 
and  November.  The  troops,  in  three  columns,  were  to  con- 
verge on  Fort  Defiance  from  their  stations  in  different 
sections  of  the  Territory  and,  from  that  rendezvous,  were  to 
invade  the  heart  of  the  Navaho  country  and  punish  those 
"audacious  predatory  hordes."14  The  Superintendent  of  In- 
dian Affairs,  although  he  usually  frowned  on  the  use  of  one 
tribe  in  fighting  another,  consented  to  the  employment  of 
the  Pueblo  and  Ute  Indians  as  spies  and  guides  for  the  mili- 
tary in  this  expedition  against  the  "common  scourge."15 

Canby  marched  for  Fort  Defiance  on  September  10.16 
Under  orders  to  "seize  and  destroy  the  crops"  in  all  the 
Navaho  planting  grounds  that  his  column  might  come  upon,17 
he  led  the  troops  southwestward  via  Abiquiu  and  Canon 
Largo.18  The  command  didn't  reach  Fort  Defiance,  where  the 

vasion  of  the  Territory.  He  was  one  of  those  administrative  generals  (he  ultimately 
became  a  brigadier  general  in  the  regular  army)  whose  light  has  been  hidden  by  the 
more  dashing  of  their  brethren-in-arms.  He  was  what  might  be  considered  a  military 
assistant  secretary  of  war  from  1862-1864.  He  commanded  the  Military  Division  of 
West  Mississippi,  1864-1865,  and  was  military  governor  in  three  of  the  southern  dis- 
tricts during  Reconstruction.  He  was  killed  in  northern  California  by  the  Modoc  In- 
dians in  April,  1873.  A  sketch  of  his  life  may  be  found  in  the  Dictionary  of  American 
Biography.  N.  B. :  The  author  of  this  article  now  has  in  preparation  a  biography  of 

13.  Maury  to  Canby,  Department  of  New  Mexico,  Letters  Sent,  X,  455,  No.  187. 
(Department  of  New  Mexico  will  hereinafter  be  cited  as  Dept.  of  N.  M.  and  Lettert 

Sent,  LS.) 

14.  Ibid.  Also  see  Fauntleroy  to  Thomas,  August  26,  1860,  Senate  Exec.  Doc.  No. 
1,  36th  Cong.,  2d  Bess.,  II,  63. 

15.  J.  L.  Collins  to  Maury,  September  5,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.  Letters  Received, 
C30a,  1860.   (Letters  Received  hereinafter  cited  as  LR.) 

16.  With  three  officers  and  115  enlisted  men.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  September  9,  1860, 
ibid.,  C32a,  1860. 

17.  Fauntleroy  to  Thomas,  September  9,  1860,  Senate  Exec.  Doc.  No.  1,  36th  Cong., 
2d  seas.,  II,  64. 

18.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  September  19,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  C34a,  1860. 


other  columns  were  anxiously  awaiting  its  arrival,19  until 
October  4 — three  days  later  than  Colonel  T.  T.  Fauntleroy, 
the  department  commander,  had  anticipated.20 

But  Canby  had  expected  to  be  late,  and  had  therefore 
requested  that  the  commanders  of  the  other  detachments 
have  their  reports  and  returns  ready  so  that  there  would  be 
no  unnecessary  delay  in  organizing  the  troops  once  he  did 
arrive.21  Yet,  in  spite  of  this  and  other  attempts  to  forsee 
any  possible  contingencies  that  might  retard  the  prompt 
initiation  of  the  operations,22  considerable  delay  was  expe- 
rienced in  outfitting  and  supplying  the  fifteen  companies 
assigned  to  the  command.23 

Canby  was  able  to  put  two  detachments  of  270  men  each 
into  the  field  by  October  11.  A  third,  smaller,  division  fol- 
lowed them  on  the  thirteenth.  In  converging  on  Fort  Defi- 
ance, the  troops  had  driven  the  Navaho  from  their  haunts 
in  the  Chusca  and  Tunicha  Mountains  westward  toward  the 
Sierra  Limita,  beyond  which  it  was  understood  they  could 
not  go.24  In  that  direction,  then,  the  columns  were  pointed. 
Canby  expected  to  corner  the  Navaho  there  and  "inflict 
punishment  .  .  .  signal  in  its  results  and  lasting  in  its 

Disturbing,  however,  was  the  fact  that  a  want  of  ade- 
quate supplies  further  restricted  the  time  allotted  to  the 
operations.  Canby  expressed  the  feeling  that  it  would  be 
unfortunate  if  the  stores  were  exhausted  before  he  attained 
the  ends  desired,  or  the  failure  of  his  plan  was  fully  demon- 
strated. He  hoped  that  an  additional  force  and  more  trans- 
portation and  subsistence  would  soon  be  forthcoming,  so 
that  he  could  increase  the  size  of  the  third  section  and  thus 
extend  the  scope  of  the  operations.  As  it  was,  there  was 

19.  Major  H.  H.  Sibley  to  Maury,  September  29,  1860,  ibid. 

20.  See  Maury  to  Canby,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LS,  X,  455,  No.  187. 

21.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  September  6,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  C31,  1860. 

22.  See  id.  to  id.,  September  9,  1860,  ibid.,  C32a,  1860,  requesting  clothing  for  the 
troops  and  equipment  for  the  animals. 

23.  There  were  six  companies  of  cavalry  and  nine  of  infantry,  and  fifty  scouts. 
See  Fauntleroy  to  Thomas,  September  9,  1860,  Senate  Exec.  Doc.  No.  1,  36th  Cong.,  2d 
Bess.,  II,   63. 

24.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  October  4,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  C39,  1860. 


equipment  available  for  but  two  companies  of  the  third 
division,  and  bacon  rations  for  only  ten  days.25 

Leaving  Captain  Lafayette  McLaws  to  command  the 
rear  echelon  and  the  dwarfed  third  detachment,  Canby 
headed  the  First  Column  as  it  took  the  field.26  Leading  his 
men  along  the  north  side  of  the  Canon  de  Chelle,  he  was 
joined  by  the  Second  Column,  coming  up  from  the  south, 
on  October  19.  The  Third  Column,  meanwhile,  acted  as  a 
holding  force  to  prevent  the  escape  to  the  southeast  of  any 
Navaho  who  managed  to  elude  the  maneuvers  of  the  other 
two  divisions.  The  Ute  allies  scourged  the  country  between 
the  sections,27  and  succeeded  in  capturing  fifty  or  sixty 
horses  and  about  300  sheep.  But  when  they  failed  to  meet  the 
troops  at  the  mouth  of  the  canon,  Canby  wryly  observed,  "I 
apprehend  that  they  are  satisfied  and  have  gone  home."28 

Now  commanding  the  united  forces,  the  lieutenant 
colonel  employed  his  cavalry  to  reconnoiter  the  country  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Mesa  de  la  Vaca.  Finding  it  impos- 
sible to  penetrate  the  mesa,  he  reluctantly  abandoned  that 
course.29  The  route  taken  on  the  next  phase  of  the  patrol 
traversed  a  picturesque  region  of  red  sand-stone  formations. 
But  the  scenery  offered  little  compensation,  because  the  trail 
was  heavy  and  very  distressing  to  the  animals.  On  one  day, 
the  column  covered  twenty-one  miles,  during  which  the 
mounts  began  to  "yield  sadly."30  One  result  of  these  initial 
operations  was  to  render  the  horses  entirely  unserviceable 
for  the  rest  of  the  campaign.31  Yet,  it  was  not  the  demands 
that  Canby  placed  upon  the  cavalry  that  completely  unfitted 
it  for  further  action. 

26.    Id.  to  id.,  October  12,  1860,  ibid.,  C41,  1860. 

26.  Actually,  he  remained  behind  one  day,  and  caught  up  with  it  at  Palo  Negro. 
Ibid.  Also  see  Lt.  O.  G.  Wagner,  A.  A.  A.  G.,  to  Captain  Lafayette  McLaws,  October 
11.  1860,  ibid.,  W33,  1860. 

27.  Canby  to  A.  A.  A.  G.,  November  8,  1860,  t'6fd.,  C49,  1860.  Also  see  Maury  to 
Fauntleroy,  October  20,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LS,  X,  489,  No.  269. 

28.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  October  19,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  Enclosure  in  C49, 

29.  Id  to  id.,  November  8,  1860,  ibid.,  C49,  1860. 

80.     Sibley  to  Wagner,  November  12,  1860,  ibid..  Enclosure  in  C53,  I860. 

31.  See  id.  to  id.,  November  8,  1860,  Adjutant  General's  Office,  LR,  Enclosure  in 
124  New  Mexico  Department,  1860.  (Adjutant  General's  Office  hereinafter  cited  as 
A.  G.  O.) 


Due  to  an  unprecedented  drought,  this  was  the  second 
year  of  famine  in  New  Mexico.32  At  only  four  camps  during 
the  scout  were  the  essential  requisites  of  water  and  grass 
combined  in  sufficient  amounts  to  improve  the  animals.  Many 
places  where  the  guides  had  assured  him  that  there  was 
water,  Canby  found  none.  The  animals  were  forced  to  do 
without,  or  had  to  drink  the  saline,  "bitter"  waters  of  the 
desert.  Its  consumption  often  proved  fatal,  even  to  horses  in 
apparently  fine  condition.33 

Canby  surmised  that  the  lack  of  water  would  force  the 
Navaho  to  bring  their  stock  to  one  of  the  few  permanent 
springs.  He  therefore  moved  the  command  so  as  to  block  off 
the  avenues  of  approach  to  water — but  to  no  avail.34 

Failing  in  this  attempt  to  trap  the  Navaho,  another 
reconnaissance  was  ordered.  It  revealed  that  many  of  the 
quarry,  with  "immense"  herds  and  flocks,  were  fleeing 
South  and  West  in  the  direction  of  the  Moqui  villages  and 
the  Little  Colorado.35  But,  at  the  same  time,  the  actions  of 
other  members  of  the  tribe  were  quite  provoking,  especially 
to  Brevet  Major  H.  H.  Sibley,  Canby's  second-in-command. 
These  Navaho  displayed  "a  persistent  determination"  to 
hang  on  the  skirts  of  the  moving  column  in  small  parties. 
They  were  "very  numerous  and  bold,  coming  in  sight  of  the 
troops  in  large  numbers  on  the  high  mesas  [above]  the  route 
[of  march]."36  They  annoyed  the  column  "in  every  way 
consistent  with  their  individual  safety,"  yet  they  were  not 
disposed  to  fight.  And  that  exasperated  Sibley.  With  the 
military  advantages  all  in  their  favor,  the  major  was  "forc- 
ibly struck"  by  "the  futile  efforts  of  this  cowardly  tribe"  to 
inflict  any  real  damage  on  the  troops.37  From  a  psychological 

82.     J.  L.  Donaldson,  A.  Q.  M.,  to  Fauntleroy,  November  13,  1860,  ibid.,  N119,  1860. 

33.  See  Canby's  endorsement  on  Sibley  to  Wagner,  November  8,  1860,  ibid.,  124 
New  Mexico  Department,  1860. 

34.  See  Sibley  to  Lt.  L.  L.  Rich,  November  12,   1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  En- 
closure in  C53,  1860. 

35.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  November  8,  1860,  ibid.,  C49,  1860. 

36.  Colonel  C.  Carson  to  Captain  Benj.  C.  Cutler,  A.  A.  G.,  August  31,  1863,  The 
War  of  the  Rebellion:  A  Compilation  of  the  Official  Records  of  the  Union  and  Con- 
federate Armies    (Washington,   1880-1901),  Series  I,  vol.   XXVI,   pt.  i,  251.    (Herein- 
after cited  as  OR  and  all  references  will  be  to  Series  I.) 

37.  Sibley  to  Rich,  November  12,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  Enclosure  in  C53,  1860. 


standpoint,  though,  they  seemed  to  be  doing  a  pretty  good 
job,  particularly  in  so  far  as  Major  Sibley  was  concerned. 

After  nearly  a  month  in  the  field,  Canby  returned  to  Fort 
Defiance.  The  "almost  total  destitution"  of  water  and  grass 
had  limited  the  operations  considerably.  The  results  were 
not  decisive.  Twenty-eight  Indians  had  been  killed  by  the 
troops,  360  horses  and  2,000  sheep  taken.  In  addition,  the 
Utes  had  killed  six  Navaho,  captured  600  horses  and  5,000 
sheep.38  This  seemingly  poor  showing  notwithstanding,  the 
military  had  succeeded  in  forcing  the  Navaho  from  their 
homes  and  grazing  grounds  into  "the  most  desolute  and 
repulsive  country"  that  Canby  had  ever  seen.  And  there, 
great  numbers  of  their  horses  and  sheep  were  reputed  to  be 
dying  of  hunger  and  thirst.39 

During  the  course  of  the  operations,  various  elements  of 
the  Navaho  tribe  made  overtures  for  peace.  To  these  repre- 
sentations, Canby  responded.  There  was  to  be  no  cessation 
of  hostilities  until  the  whole  Nation  willingly  submitted,  "in 
good  faith,"  to  any  terms  which  the  United  States  might 
impose  upon  it.  Though  the  petitioners  protested  their  past 
and  present  friendship,  declared  themselves  opposed  to  the 
war,  and  claimed  that  the  ladrones,  or  bad  men,  of  their  Na- 
tion were  the  cause  of  all  the  trouble,  Canby  remained  ada- 
mant. He  replied  that  the  Nation  was  responsible  for  the 
action  of  all  its  men,  and  that  until  it  brought  the  ladrones 
under  control,  or  eliminated  them,  or  helped  the  troops  to  do 
so,  he  refused  to  listen  to  their  pleas.40  His  stand,  moreover, 
was  in  full  accord  with  the  position  taken  almost  simultane- 
ously by  the  department  commander.41  No  immediate  renewal 
of  the  overtures  followed  these  pronouncements,  but,  shortly 
thereafter,  Canby  learned  that  a  collision  had  occurred 
between  the  Navaho  war  and  peace  factions,  in  which  blood 
had  been  spilled  over  this  issue.42 

At  this  juncture,  Colonel  Fauntleroy  authorized  Canby  to 
take  any  steps  that  might  be  deemed  necessary  if  the  prose- 

as.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  November  17,  1860.  ibid.,  C53,  1860. 

39.  Id.  to  id.,  November  8,  1860,  ibid.,  C49.  1860. 

40.  Id.  to  id.,  November  10,  1860,  ibid.,  C50,  1860. 

41.  Maury  to  Canby,  November  11,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LS,  X,  496,  No.  283. 

42.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  November  10,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  C50,  1860. 


cution  of  winter  operations  was  thought  advisable.  And  he 
forthwith  offered  to  place  four  more  companies  under  the 
lieutenant  colonel's  command  for  that  purpose.43  In  reply  to 
his  superior's  communication,  Canby  presented  his  views 
on  the  situation  at  hand. 

He  had  been  seriously  considering  the  possibility  of  win- 
ter operations  ever  since  the  start  of  the  campaign.  Canby 
stated  that  from  the  beginning  he  had  known  that  the 
Navaho  policy  was  not  to  fight,  and  he  was  convinced  that 
they  would  not  fight  unless  driven  to  points  from  which  there 
was  no  escape  or  unless  forced  to  do  so  in  defense  of  their 
families  and  flocks.  But  the  recent  operations  disillusioned 
him.  Even  when  the  Navaho  were  pursued  to  the  extreme 
limits  of  their  domains,  the  nature  of  the  country  still  per- 
mitted them  to  escape.  He  also  discovered  that  they  were 
willing  to  abandon  family  and  precious  livestock  rather 
than  engage  the  troops  in  whatever  numbers.  "Inhabiting  a 
country  of  considerable  extent;  greatly  diversified  in  fea- 
tures and  climate;  destitute  of  resources  and  impracticable 
for  military  operations  to  an  extent  that  can  only  be  real- 
ized from  personal  observation,"  Canby  was  certain  that  the 
subjugation  of  the  Navaho  could  not  be  accomplished  in  one, 
or  two,  or,  for  that  matter,  three  campaigns.  He  believed  that 
the  work  of  a  "continued  and  persistent"  war,  in  summer 
and  winter,  was  required  to  turn  the  trick. 

As  the  war  party  was  now  the  dominant  element  in  the 
Navaho  Nation,  Canby  maintained  that  no  permanent  peace 
could  be  expected  until  they  were  ousted  from  power. 

Deriving  their  subsistence  to  a  great  extent  from  the  robberies 
they  commit,  having  little  to  lose  and  much  to  gain  by  the  continuation 
of  the  war,  it  will  undoubtedly  be  protracted  by  them  so  long  as  they 
can  wield  the  power  which  they  now  possess  of  intimidating  and  con- 
trolling the  wealthier  and  less  warlike  part  of  the  Nation. 

He  realized  the  futility  of  trying  to  discriminate  between 
the  two,  unless,  that  is,  the  "peaceable  and  well-disposed" 
Navaho  cooperated  with  the  troops.  This  division  of  the 
Nation,  however,  could  not  be  brought  about,  Canby  was 

43.     Maury  to  Canby,  November  11.  1860.  Dept.  of  N.  M..  LS,  X,  495.  No.  288. 


persuaded,  until  the  more  well-to-do  elements  of  the  tribe 
were  made  to  suffer  greater  injuries  than  they  had  thus  far 
sustained.  "Any  peace  that  may  be  made  before  this  result 
is  attained  would  be  a  farce,"  he  declared. 

He  therefore  decided  to  direct  his  subsequent  operations 
against  that  class  in  an  effort  to  "obtain  a  final  settlement 
of  this  question."  To  effect  his  policy  of  divide  and  conquer, 
Canby  proposed  to  occupy  certain  strategic  points  in  the 
Navaho  country  from  which  he  could  keep  the  Navaho  in  the 
desert  by  summer  and  in  the  mountains  by  winter.  Hitting 
at  the  herds  and  flocks  which  constituted  their  main  source 
of  wealth,  he  hoped  to  get  them  to  acquiesce.44 

The  decision  to  continue  the  campaign  during  the  winter 
was  just  what  the  War  Department  ordered — in  a  directive 
received  by  Canby  early  the  next  month.45  From  mid-Novem- 
ber until  March,  patrols  were  constantly  in  the  field,  ferret- 
ing out  the  Navaho  and  harassing  them  with  relentless  pur- 
suit. Moving  with  as  much  secrecy  as  possible,  they  scouted 
around  the  circle  for  the  foe.46  Often,  they  encountered  him 
not  at  all.  But,  in  covering  a  wide  expanse  of  territory,  they 
at  least  examined  areas  heretofore  unexplored.  Where  major 
Indian  signs  were  found,  as  in  the  case  along  the  Puerco, 
Canby  established  temporary  supply  depots  in  the  vicinity 
in  order  to  save  the  troops  time  and  enable  them  to  move 
without  the  encumbrance  of  transportation.47  Navaho 
parties  which  were  surprised  were  attacked  with  the  utmost 
vigor.  No  warriors  were  taken,  but,  by  Canby's  orders,  all 
women  and  children  captured  were  immediately  released 
with  instructions  to  inform  their  people  that  there  would  be 
no  let-up  in  the  operations  until  "the  whole  Nation"  asked 
for  peace.48 

44.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  November  12,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  C54,  1860. 

45.  See  Maury  to  Canby,   November  30,   1860,   Dept.   of  N.  M.,  LS,  X,   508,   No. 

46.  See  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  November  16,  December  11,  1860,  January  6,  14,  and 
28,  and  March  18,  1861,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  C52,  C57,  1860,  Cll,  C17,  and  Enclosure 
in   C34,   and  Enclosures   in   C42,   1861,   respectively. 

47.  Id.  to  id.,  December  11  and  24,  1860,  ibid.,  C57,  1860  and  C2,  1861,  respectively. 

48.  See  Maury  to  Fauntleroy,  October  20,  1860,  Dept  of  N.  M.,  LS,  X,  489,  No. 


While  the  results  of  any  one  of  the  patrols  was  rela- 
tively unimportant,49  in  totality  their  achievements  were 
material.50  Canby  learned  from  captive  Navaho  that  the 
Nation  was  "greatly  perplexed  and  harassed"  by  the  tactics 
employed.  They  lived  in  constant  dread  of  surprise  and, 
consequently,  kept  steadily  on  the  move.  Rarely  did  they 
spend  more  than  two  nights  in  the  same  camp.  They  had  lost 
a  great  deal  of  stock  by  capture  and  from  forced  abandon- 
ment in  their  hasty  flights.51  By  February,  a  large  number 
of  them  were  "reduced  to  the  verge  of  starvation." 52 

Usually  the  saying,  "As  well  might  we  send  boys  into  a 
cornfield  to  catch  marauding  crows  ...  as  to  start  foot- 
soldiers  in  pursuit  of  Indians,"  was  true.53  But  the  equal- 
izing effects  of  snow  and  cold  weather,  sometimes  down  to 
16°  below,64  contradicted,  in  part,  the  generalization  that 
"Infantry  in  the  Indian  country  .  .  .  are  about  the  same  use 
as  so  many  stumps."55 

In  his  reports  to  the  department  commander,  -  Canby 
commended  the  troops  for  their  zeal  and  exertions,56  and,  in 
turn,  Colonel  Fauntleroy  bolstered  the  expedition's  morale 
with  words  of  praise  for  its  efforts.57  Moreover,  the  colonel 
also  called  the  attention  of  the  General-in-chief  to  his  sub- 
ordinate's energetic  and  able  conduct  of  the  campaign.58  The 
governor  of  the  Territory,  in  his  December  message  to  the 
legislature,  announced  that  he  was  informed  that  the  opera- 
tions were  being  executed  by  "Colonel  Canby  .  .  .  with  a 
vigor  and  success  as  honorable  to  himself  as  to  the  valiant 

49.  Fauntleroy  to  Thomas,  January  31,  1861,  A.  G.  O.,  LR,  31  New  Mexico  De- 
partment, 1861.  Also  see  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  January  6,  1861,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR.  Cll, 

50.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  January  28,  1861,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  C34,  1861. 

51.  Id.  to  id.,  January  6,  1861,  ibid.,  Cll,  1861. 

52.  Id.  to  id.,  January  28,  1861,  ibid.,  C34,  1861. 

53.  Quoted  from   the  Daily  Missouri  Republican  in   A.   B.   Bender,    "The  Soldier 
in  the  Far  West,"  Pacific  Historical  Review,  VIII    (June,  1939),  161.  1848-1860. 

54.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  January  6  and  28,  1861,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  Cll  and  C34, 
1861,  respectively. 

55.  Bender,  "The  Soldier  in  the  Far  West,"  loc.  cit.,  162. 

56.  See,  for  example,  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  January  6,  1861,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR, 
Cll,  1861. 

57.  Maury  to  Canby,  November  30,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LS,  X,  508,  No.  314. 

58.  Fauntleroy  to  Thomas,  January  12,  1861,  ibid.,  539,  No.  22. 


troops  under  his  command."59  All  this  was  deeply  gratify- 
ing to  Canby.60 

During  December,  frequent  overtures  for  a  cessation  of 
hostilities  were  made.  Canby  began  to  hope  that  most  of  the 
tribe  would  accede  to  the  conditions  which  he  had  specified 
as  a  necessary  preliminary  to  peace.  With  their  assistance, 
the  troops  could  then  establish  the  identity  and  punish  the 
bands  to  which  the  rest  of  the  Nation  charged  the  responsi- 
bility for  all  the  robberies  and  killings  that  had  occurred. 
This  policy  seemed  to  him  to  afford  the  surest  way  of  effect- 
ing a  speedy  and  permanent  peace  with  the  Navaho  people.61 

On  December  23,  Canby  advised  the  department  com- 
mander that  he  had  named  the  twelfth  of  January  as  the 
day  for  a  meeting  with  the  Navaho  chiefs.  "I  have  consented 
to  this  appointment,"  he  explained,  "from  a  conviction,  that 
there  is  now  a  strong  disposition  on  the  part  of  the  Navajos 
to  submit  to  such  conditions  as  will  put  an  end  to  the  War. 
.  .  ."  He  did  not  expect  immediate  peace  to  result  from  the 
conference,  "but  the  discussion  of  the  question  in  the  Na- 
tion," would,  he  believed,  "test  the  relative  strength  of  the 
peace  and  war  parties  and  force  the  better  class  of  Navajoes 
to  side  with  the  Troops  in  the  prosecution  of  the  War."  In 
any  event,  there  was  to  be  no  interruption  of  active  opera- 

On  the  appointed  date,  a  delegation  of  three,  representing 
the  principal  chiefs  of  the  Nation,  met  with  Canby  at  Fort 
Fauntleroy.  The  lieutenant  colonel  repeated  the  conditions 
which  he  had  set  forth  previously  and  endeavored  to  impress 
upon  the  deputation,  "fully  and  explicitly,"  the  Nation's 
present  and  future  responsibility  for  the  acts  of  its  people. 
The  chiefs  expressed  their  willingness  to  abide  by  his  de- 
mands and  affirmed  their  determination  to  make  war  on 
their  bad  men  at  once.  They  asked,  however,  that  some  ar- 
rangement be  made  whereby  their  families  would  be  safe 
from  molestation  by  the  troops  while  they  were  engaged  in 

59.  [Abraham  Rencher],  Message  of  the  Governor  of  New  Mexico,  1880,  17. 

60.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  December  18,  1860.  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  C5,  1861. 

61.  Id.  to  id.,  December  11,  1860,  ibid.,  C67,  1860. 

62.  Id.  to  id.,  December  23,  1860.  ibid.,  Cl.  1861. 


hunting  down  the  ladrones.  After  receiving  the  delegation's 
assurances  that  they  thoroughly  comprehended  the  implica- 
tions of  everything  to  which  they  agreed,  Canby,  "upon 
deliberate  consideration,"  consented  to  a  partial  armistice.63 

The  terms  of  the  truce  applied  only  to  the  country  west 
of  Fort  Fauntleroy,  and  its  extension  was  contingent  upon 
the  outcome  of  the  conference  which  all  the  chiefs  of  the 
Nation  were  to  attend  on  the  fifth  of  February.  The  deputa- 
tion was  warned  that  if  the  tribe  allowed  any  ladrones  to 
take  refuge  in  the  areas  exempted  from  operations  by  the 
armistice,  such  conduct  would  be  regarded  as  a  breach  of 
faith.64  But  although  he  told  the  delegation  that  the  conclu- 
sion of  a  treaty  depended  upon  their  suppression  of  the 
ladrones,  Canby  really  didn't  believe  that  they  could  accom- 
plish the  task  alone.  The  outlaw  bands,  at  least  two  in  num- 
ber and  of  indeterminate  size,65  were  supposed  to  be  very 
powerful,  being  composed  of  "the  most  warlike  and  des- 
perate men  of  the  Nation."  He  appreciated  the  fact  that  "it 
will  hardly  be  in  the  power  of  the  peace  party  to  subdue  them 
without  .  .  .  assistance."  If  the  coming  conference  ended 
favorably,  however,  he  proposed  to  move  against  them. 
And  with  the  help  of  the  friendly  chiefs,  he  had  "sanguine 
hopes  of  success."66 

Canby  came  away  from  the  meeting  with  the  feeling  that 
the  Navajo  fully  recognized  the  necessity  for  submission. 
A  "Treaty  satisfactory  in  its  terms  and  in  its  promise  of 
permanency  may  now  be  made,"  he  announced.67  Accord- 
ingly, he  turned  his  attention  to  the  problem  of  drafting  a 

Owing  to  the  peculiar  situation,  habits  and  organization  of  this 
Nation  [Canby  wrote  the  department  commander]  it  will  be  extremely 
difficult  to  manage  the  terms  and  conditions  of  a  Treaty  so  that  its 
stipulations  shall  be  free  from  future  doubt  or  cavil.  .  .  . 

He  had  further : 

63.  Id.  to  id.,  January  13,  1861,  ibid.,  C16,  1861. 

64.  Id.  to  id.,  January  14.  1861.  ibid..  C17,  1861. 

66.     These  were  the  bands  of  Armijo  Viejo  and  Gallegos.  Id.  to  id.,  January  13, 
1861,  ibid..  Enclosure  in  C34,  1861. 

66.  Id.  to  id.,  January  15.  1861.  ibid.,  CIS.  1861. 

67.  Id.  to  id..  January  13,  1861,  ibid.,  C16,  1861. 


to  guard  against  the  disturbing  elements  that  will  constantly  militate 
against  its  permanency  until  a  greater  degree  of  isolation  from  their 
immediate  neighbors  can  be  secured  and  some  material  changes  effected 
in  their  tribal  organization  and  nomadic  habits.68 

On  learning  that  Colonely  Fauntleroy  would  not  be  able 
to  attend  the  conference,  Canby  submitted  for  that  officer's 
consideration  the  provisions  which,  in  his  judgment,  ought 
to  be  embraced  in  the  treaty.69  These  terms  the  department 
commander  approved,  and  in  the  letter  conveying  his  sanc- 
tion, the  department  adjutant  concluded : 

...  he  believes  that  the  best  guarantee  he  can  have  of  the  proper 
adjustment  of  the  difficulties  with  the  Navajos,  lies  in  the  untrammeled 
exercise  of  your  judgment  [sic].  To  which  he  confidently  entrusts  the 
whole  business.70 

On  February  5,  the  council  was  held,  only  to  find  that 
most  of  the  chiefs  had  not  yet  arrived.  Canby  refused  to 
permit  proxies,  and  since  snow  and  bad  weather  had  obvi- 
ously detained  many  of  the  chiefs,  he  postponed  the  confer- 
ence until  the  fifteenth.71 

When  that  day  dawned,  twenty-four  of  the  Navaho  chiefs 
were  present.  The  pow-wow  commenced.  And  Canby  was 
ready.  During  the  past  month — even  more,  since  December — 
he  had  availed  himself  of  every  opportunity  to  become  famil- 
iar with  the  character,  standing,  and  influence  of  each  chief 
with  whom  he  had  to  deal.72  He  found  out  as  much  as  he 
could  about  Navaho  characteristics,  disposition,  and  habits, 
and  ascertained  as  nearly  as  possible  their  present  circum- 
stances and  resources.  Upon  this  information,  he  based  his 
actions  in  the  conference.73 

Immediately  after  it  was  over,  Canby,  in  a  note  to  Colonel 
Fauntleroy,  pronounced  the  results  of  the  meeting  "satis- 
factory."74 This  is  what  had  happened : 

68.  Ibid. 

69.  Ibid. 

70.  Maury  to  Canby  (Confidential),  January  27,  1861,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LS,  X,  640, 
No.  35. 

71.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  February  6,  1861,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  C30,  1861. 

72.  Id.  to  id..  December  27,  1860,  ibid.,  C4,  1861. 
78.     Id.  to  id.,  February  19,  1861,  ibid.,  C82,  1861. 
74.     Id.  to  id.,  February  15,  1861,  ibid.,  C31,  1861. 


The  chiefs  surrendered  unconditionally.  They  accepted 
the  duty  of  controlling  their  people  and  suppressing  the 
ladrones,  and  they  promised  not  to  harbor  them.  They  also 
agreed  to  confine  the  movements  of  their  Nation  to  the  area 
west  of  Fort  Fauntleroy.  They  elected  a  head  chief,  to  whom 
they  pledged  allegiance,  and  they  delegated  twelve  of  their 
number  to  arrange  the  details  of  the  proposed  treaty. 

But  this  affair  was  not  all  one-sided.  When  the  combina- 
tions of  outlaws  became  too  strong  for  the  Navaho  chiefs  to 
handle,  Canby  promised  the  assistance  of  the  troops.  More- 
over, he  guaranteed  to  those  who  conformed  to  the  provisions 
of  the  treaty  the  protection  of  the  government. 

A  convention  was  thereupon  entered  into  by  Canby  and 
the  Navaho  chiefs.  Another  general  council  was  provided  for, 
to  meet  three  months  hence.  In  the  interim,  Canby  was  to 
decide  whether  the  Navaho  were  able  to  comply  with  the 
conditions  imposed  upon  them.  If  they  were,  the  treaty  was 
to  become  final.75 

At  first,  Canby  had  been  disposed  to  exact  "the  most  ex- 
tensive conditions"  from  the  Navahos,  but  their  "reduced  and 
impoverished"  status  induced  him  to  limit  the  requirements 
to  their  ability  to  comply  with  them.  "Justice  and  policy" 
dictated  such  a  course.  As  he  later  explained  to  Colonel 
Fauntleroy : 

The  stipulations  that  I  have  made  in  their  favor  have  been  those 
only  which  I  consider  it  proper  to  make  with  a  view  to  an  absolute 
and  permanent  peace.  For  the  same  reason  I  have  not  exacted  from 
them  conditions  which  it  is  absolutely  impossible  for  them  to  fulfil 
and  the  subsequent  enforcement  of  which  would  inevitably  lead  to  the 
indefinite  continuation  of  hostilities  and  ultimate  extermination  of  the 

Soon  after  the  meeeting,  Canby  went  to  Fort  Defiance  to 
check  up  on  the  behavior  of  the  Navaho  living  in  that  neigh- 
borhood.77 By  March  1,  he  had  seen  all  the  important  chiefs, 
thirty-two  had  signed  the  treaty,  and  a  twenty  day  dead-line 

75.  See  id.  to  id.,   February  18,   1861,  and  General  Orders   No.   14,   February  19, 
1861,  Navajo  Expedition  and  a  copy  of  the  Treaty  in  ibid.,  C32,  1861. 

76.  /bid. 

77.  /bid. 


had  been  set  for  those  who  hadn't.  "I  am  satisfied  with  the 
present  disposition  of  the  Navajos,"  Canby  informed  the 
department  commander.  "Whether  this  will  continue  when 
the  immediate  pressure  is  removed  must  be  determined  by 
the  future  but,"  he  continued,  "I  am  hopeful  of  the  result  if 
they  can  be  secured  from  outside  aggressions."78 

That  problem  was  "one  of  the  gravest  difficulties"  that 
had  to  be  apprehended  in  maintaining  peace  with  these 
people.79  That  is  why  Canby  delimitated  the  area  that  they 
were  to  occupy  and  suggested  that  the  territorial  inhabitants, 
red  and  white,  be  advised  of  the  new  state  of  affairs.80 

In  October,  1860,  great  numbers  of  Mexicans  had  been 
reported  as  over-running  the  Navaho  country.81  Colonel 
Fauntleroy  had  informed  the  General-in-chief ,  as  early  as 
September  9,  that  the  unfortunate  relations  which  rendered 
necessary  active  operations  was  attributable,  in  part,  to  the 
system  of  retaliatory  and  predatory  incursions  persisted  in 
by  the  citizens  of  the  Territory.  He  had  anticipated  "trouble 
and  embarrassment"  from  the  volunteer  units  which  were 
then  being  organized  and  armed  "with  the  avowed  purpose 
of  invading  the  Navajo  country.  .  .  ."  He  foresaw  that  the 
officer  whom  he  had  chosen  to  conduct  the  campaign  was 
likely  to  be  "disconcerted"  by  their  interference.82  But  not- 
withstanding his  assurances  that  there  were  regulars  enough 
to  perform  the  task,  the  War  Department's  admonition  that 
their  movement  "must  be  discountenanced  and  prevented," 
and  the  Territorial  governor's  belated  and  half-hearted 
efforts  to  dissuade  them,  companies  of  New  Mexico  volun- 
teers took  the  field  anyway.83 

Colonel  Fauntleroy  was  authorized  by  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  take  "efficient  but  quiet  means"  to  keep  these  irregu- 
lars from  the  field.  No  support  or  assistance  was  to  be  given 

78.  All  had  to  ratify  the  treaty,  see  ibid.  Also  id.  to  id.,  March  1,  1861,  ibid.  En- 
closure in  C34,  1861. 

79.  Id.  to  id.,  February  19,  1861,  ibid.,  C32,  1861. 

80.  Id.  to  id.,  March  18,   1861,  ibid.,  C42,   1861.  Also  see  Fauntleroy  to  Rencher, 
February  27.  1861,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LS,  X,  658,  No.  83. 

81.  Maury  to  Fauntleroy,  October  20,  1860,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LS,  X,  489,  No.  269. 

82.  Fauntleroy  to  Thomas,  September  9,  1860,  A.  G.  O.,  LR,  92  New  Mexico  De- 
partment, 1860. 

83.  Ibid. ;  S.  Cooper,  A.  G.,  to  Fauntleroy,  October  29,  1860,  A.  G.  O.,  LS,  XXXIII, 
58 ;  and  House  Exec.  Doc.  No.  24,  36th  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  8  et  aeq. 


to  them.  And  when  they  came  to  the  posts,  or  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  troops,  they  were  to  be  deprived  of  their  booty  and 
sent  out  of  the  Indian  country.  Moreover,  these  measures 
were  to  be  "executed  with  decision,  but  without  clamor  or 
harshness.  .  .  ,"84  So  quietly,  or  so  little,  was  this  injunction 
carried  out  that  it  is  not  known  to  what  extent  the  operations 
were  hampered  by  private  action.  But  starting  February  27, 
1861,  this  subject  was  referred  to  repeatedly. 

A  few  days  before,  a  party  of  thirty-one  New  Mexicans 
from  Taos  had  arrived  at  Fort  Defiance  in  a  starving  condi- 
tion. They  had,  some  time  prior,  killed  one  man  and  six 
women  and  childen,  while  capturing  four  women.  But  by 
their  own  admission,  they  had  nothing  personal  against  the 
Navaho.  The  prisoners  were  taken  from  them  and  returned 
to  their  families.  "As  a  matter  of  humanity,"  the  New  Mex- 
icans were  issued  rations.  Thereupon,  these  rogues,  in  mak- 
ing their  way  to  Fort  Fauntleroy,  committed  "wanton  ag- 
gressions" upon  property  belonging  to  Navaho  who  had 
remained  friendly  all  during  the  recent  campaign.  Arriving 
at  the  latter  post,  the  New  Mexicans  obtained  provisions  to 
carry  them  back  to  the  settlements  and  ten  of  their  number 
received  medical  attention  from  the  post  surgeon  for  an 
illness  which  unfitted  them  for  travel.  Nevertheless,  they 
proclaimed  their  intention  to  disregard  the  treaty  and,  after 
reaching  home,  were  determined  to  organize  another  expe- 
dition to  capture  Navaho  and  sell  them  "over  the  river."  The 
inhabitants  of  other  towns  were  said  to  be  similarly  resolved. 
Unfortunately,  there  was  nothing  that  Canby  could  do  to 
stop  them,  for  that  was  in  the  province  of  the  civil  police 

Two  Navaho,  who  were  permitted  to  go  east  of  Fort 
Fauntleroy,  were  openly  killed  by  New  Mexicans.  On  the 
twenty-fourth,  two  Navaho  scouts  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States,  wearing  distinctive  markings,  were  fired  upon 
by  a  party  from  Jemez.  One  was  killed  and  promptly 
scalped.  On  March  11,  half  a  hundred  New  Mexicans  rustled 
forty  or  fifty  horses  owned  by  a  band  of  Navaho  who  were 
living  fifteen  miles  within  the  treaty-defined  boundary.  On 

8T Cooper  to  Fauntleroy,  October  29,  1860,  A.  G.  O.,  LS,  XXXIII,  58. 


the  eighteenth  of  March,  the  Navaho  reported  another  in- 
road by  the  same  people,  near  the  northeastern  end  of  the 
Tunicha  Mountains.  The  people  of  fifteen  rancherias  were 
killed  or  carried  off.  And  in  this  instance,  the  families 
harmed  were  those  of  some  chiefs  who  were  at  that  moment 
absent  recovering  stolen  property  for  the  government.85 

More  than  four  hundred  soldiers  were  employed  along 
the  line  to  give  protection  to  this  part  of  the  frontier.  The 
Navaho  chiefs  were  doing  their  utmost  to  stop  the  perpetra- 
tion of  depredations  on  the  settlements  by  members  of  their 
tribe.86  "It  is  obvious,"  Canby  declared,  "that  the  best  efforts 
of  the  troops  and  the  Navaho  chiefs  will  be  utterly  useless 
unless  this  marauding  disposition  can  be  restrained."87  He 
confessed  that,  "It  is  discouraging  to  find  that  the  past  labors 
of  the  troops  are  likely  to  be  defeated  by  acts  of  this  charac- 
ter and  that  we  have  reason  to  fear  that  there  is  no  better 
prospect  for  the  future."88  Somewhat  in  desperation,  the 
lieutenant  colonel  asserted  that  he  would  not  hesitate  to 
treat  as  enemies  of  the  United  States  any  New  Mexicans  or 
Indians  who  might  be  found  in  the  country  assigned  to  the 
Navaho,  while  the  latter  were  conforming  to  the  conditions 
of  the  treaty.  But,  as  this  was  a  matter  of  general  policy,  he 
left  it  to  the  department  commander  to  decide.89 

Early  in  April,  Lieutenant  Colonel  Canby  visited  Santa 
Fe  for  a  few  days.  While  there,  he  was  interviewed  by  a  rep- 
resentative from  the  Gazette  and,  in  discussing  the  Navaho 
situation,  he  expressed  the  sentiments  which  had  governed 
his  actions  to  date.  Referring  to  his  remarks,  the  newspaper 
commented : 

It  is  most  sincerely  to  be  hoped  that  the  anticipations  of  Col.  Canby 
will  be  fully  realized.  Should  he  be  able  to  bring  the  Navajos  to  terms 
and  establish  permanent  peaceable  relations  between  them  and  the 
citizens  of  the  Territory,  he  will  be  entitled  to  the  greatest  credit  and 
will  be  heartily  thanked.  .  .  .90 

85.  Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  February  27;  ibid..  March  11.  C40 ;  ibid., 
March  18,  C42,  1861. 

86.  Id.  to  id..  March  11,  1861,  ibid..  C40,  1861. 

87.  Id.  to  id.,  February  27,  1861,  ibid. 

88.  Id.  to  id.,  March  11,  1861,  ibid.,  C40,  1861. 

89.  Id.  to  id.,  February  27,  1861,  ibid. 

90.  Santa  Fe  Weekly  Gazette,  April  13,  1861. 


But  Canby  was  not  to  receive  the  plaudits  of  the  terri- 
torial populace.  Though  the  armistice  which  he  had  made  in 
February  was  extended  in  May,  to  last  for  a  year,  Navaho 
incursions  were  soon  renewed — and  at  a  time  when  the  de- 
partment commander's  undivided  attention  was  urgently 
needed  elsewhere. 

Where  then  did  someone  err?  What  factors  were  not 
taken  into  consideration?  Whose  fault  was  it  that  the  efforts 
of  six  long  months  went  for  naught? 

Basicly,  the  Government's  policy  which  regarded  tribes 
as  political  entities  was  wrong.  In  this  case,  the  warriors  of 
the  Navaho  Nation,  some  1,800  in  number,91  had  great  per- 
sonal freedom.  The  office  of  chieftain  was  unstable.  Ability 
in  war  and  possession  of  wealth  influenced  the  choice.  The 
head  chief  was  a  war  chief,  and  enjoyed  no  authority  in  time 
of  peace.92  When  Canby,  guided  presumably  by  the  treaty 
of  December,  1858,  made  the  Navaho  elect  a  figure-head,  and 
called  for  collective  responsibility,  he  fell  into  the  same  error 
(if  it  is  any  compensation)  that  his  immediate  predecessor, 
and  many  another  government  officer,  had  committed.93 

The  methods  employed  in  bringing  the  Navaho  to  terms 
were  not  those  which  a  strict  adherence  to  War  Department 
mandate  admitted.  The  Secretary  of  War,  in  far-off  Wash- 
ington, had  decreed  the  following  general  rule : 

Both  humanity  and  policy  dictate  that  all  efforts  should  have  for 
their  object  to  inspire  them  [the  Navajos]  with  fear  by  a  few  decisive 
blows  for  the  destruction  of  life;  and  not  to  impoverish  them  by 
wantonly  destroying  their  flocks  and  herds.  The  latter  course  must 
inevitably  convert  the  whole  tribe  into  robbers,  and  leave  no  hope  for 
relief  from  their  depredations  except  by  their  extermination.  An  alter- 
native the  Government  wishes  to  avoid.94 

That  would  have  been  the  ideal  way  to  conduct  the  war. 

91.  The   American  Annual  Cyclopedia  .  .  .  [for]    1861    (New   York,    1862),    375, 
gives  the  population  of  the  tribe  as  9,000.   Figuring  the  warriors  to  be  one-fifth  the 
total,  the  number  arrived  at  is  1,800. 

92.  Lipps,  op.  cit.,  56-57.  Also  see  Jacob  P.  Dunn,  Jr.,  Massacres  of  the  Moun- 
tains .  .  .   (New  York,  1886),  254. 

93.  It  is  interesting  to  note  the  similarities  in  the  treaties  of  December,  1858,  and 
February,  1861.  See  Reeve,  "Federal  Indian  Policy  in  New  Mexico,"  loc.  cit.,  229-230, 
for  the  provisions  of  the  former. 

94.  Cooper  to  Fauntleroy,  October  29,  1860,  A.  G.  O.,  LS,  XXXIII,  58. 


But,  under  the  circumstances,  how  could  the  results  desired 
have  been  achieved?  It  is  hard  to  see  how  the  troops  could 
have  delivered  so  decisive  a  blow  as  the  War  Department 
contemplated,  when  they  experienced  such  difficulty  in  catch- 
ing up  with  the  elusive  foe.  Canby  followed  the  Secretary's 
directive  as  closely  as  possible,  but,  with  the  department 
commander's  full  approval,  he  seized  Navaho  flocks  in  the 
belief  that  the  Bureau  of  Indian  Affairs  would  care  for  the 
indigent.  No  evidence  has  been  found,  however,  that  the  Bu- 
reau furnished  food  to  those  left  in  danger  of  starvation  by 
the  war.  And  that  practice,  Canby  thought,  was  the  "cheaper 
remedy"  for  preventing  future  depredations.95 

It  is  unfortunate  that  Canby's  efforts  were  futile,  par- 
ticularly as,  "In  addition  to  professional  [reasons],"  he  felt 
"a  personal  interest  in  doing  the  utmost  for  the  permanent 
settlement  of  the  Navaho  troubles."96  Still,  in  view  of  past 
occurrences,  and  even  though  the  final  responsibility  rested 
with  Colonel  Fauntleroy,  he  should  have  known  better  than 
to  make  peace  with  the  Navaho.  Or,  at  least,  he  should  have 
been  more  cautious  in  doing  so.  It  was  obviously  inconsistent 
to  demand  collective  responsibility  on  the  part  of  the  Navaho, 
when  he  could  not  enforce  his  own  promises  to  protect  them 
from  outside  aggressions.  Yet  even  that  would  have  been 
all  right,  had  the  territorial  officials  taken  steps  to  restrain 
the  citizens  of  the  Territory.  But  the  long-standing  feud  be- 
tween the  New  Mexicans  and  the  Navaho  caused  them  to 
condone  many  acts  which  should  otherwise  have  been  pun- 
ished. The  Navaho  retaliated  and  the  situation  resumed  the 
status  quo  ante  bellum.91 

The  means  of  the  command  also  limited  Canby.  He  knew 
that  the  subjugation  of  the  Navaho  required  more  than  the 
present  campaign.  But  there  was  no  reason  why  he  shouldn't 
hope  that  what  had  been  done  might  actually  be  all  that  was 
needed  to  keep  them  in  line.  Perhaps  he  was  blinded  by  his 
own  desire  for  peace — or  maybe  the  Navaho  chiefs  out- 
smarted him,  never  really  intending  to  fulfill  their  promises. 

96.     Canby  to  A.  A.  G.,  February  19.  1861,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LR,  C32,  1861. 

96.  Id.  to  id.,  March  11,  1861,  ibid..  C39,  1861. 

97.  See  Reeve,  "Federal  Indian  Policy  in  New  Mexico,"  loo.  cit.,  245-246. 


At  any  rate,  he  was  willing  to  see  if  a  new  treaty  wouldn't 
work.  And  so  was  Colonel  Fauntleroy. 

But  there  was  yet  another  factor  which  contributed  to 
the  failure  of  the  campaign.  There  is  no  question  that  the 
almost  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  troops  from  the  Navaho 
country  constitutes  an  important  reason  why  inroads  upon 
the  settlements  were  soon  resumed.  The  hostile  attitude  of 
the  Mescalero  and  other  bands  of  Apaches  required  the  pres- 
ence of  the  troops  elsewhere.  But  more  than  that,  "the  finan- 
cial embarrassments  of  the  Department,  growing  out  of  the 
disturbed  conditions  of  our  Country,"  made  recall  absolutely 
necessary.  As  the  department  adjutant  divulged  in  a  con- 
fidential letter  to  Lieutenant  Colonel  Canby  on  February  24, 
"The  latest  intelligence  from  home  (of  date  Washington  City 
— Feby.  8)  is  not  calculated  to  abate  the  anxiety  which  now 
oppresses  every  mind."98 

Much  had  happened  in  national  affairs  while  the  Navaho 
campaign  was  going  on.  Lincoln's  election  had  resulted  in  the 
secession  of  the  lower  South.  In  February,  as  Canby  was  con- 
cluding negotiations  with  the  Navaho  chiefs,  Brevet  Major 
General  David  E.  Twiggs,  U.  S.  A.,  was  surrendering  the 
United  States  troops  (nearly  one-fifth  the  whole  army) ,  the 
military  establishments,  and  all  the  public  property  in  Texas 
to  the  Texan  "Commissioners  on  behalf  of  the  Committee  of 
Public  Safety."99  Many  officers  were  resigning  and  were  'go- 
ing with  their  States.'  With  April  came  Sumter.  The  call  for 
troops,  the  resulting  secession  of  the  upper  South,  and  the 
stage  was  set  for  the  internecine  struggle. 

In  the  ninth  military  district  of  the  United  States  the 
last  abortive  Navaho  expedition  was  over.  Four  years  of 
civil  war  were  in  the  offing.  All  that  was  awaited  to  make 
New  Mexico  the  battleground  of  the  far  west  was  the  Con- 
federate invasion  of  the  Territory.  Once  repulsed,  attention 
was  again  focused  on  the  Nation  of  the  Navaho.100 

98.  Maury  to  Canby,  February  24,  1861,  Dept.  of  N.  M.,  LS,  X,  555,  No.  77. 

99.  Colonel  Carlos  A.  Waite  to  Thomas,  February  26,  1861,  OR,  I,  524.  The  sur- 
render occurred  on  February  18. 

100.  See  Reeve,  "Federal  Indian  Policy  in  New  Mexico,"  loc.  eit.,  248  et  »eq. 




U.  S.  Federal  emergency  relief  administration.  New  Mexico. 

Created  in  Feb.  1935  for  the  purpose  of  assuming  the 
state's  responsibility  in  the  fields  of  public  welfare  and 
social  security;  absorbed  by  Works  progress  adminis- 

Report  on  Federal  relief  administration  in  the  state  of  New  Mexico 
to  the  House  of  representatives,  eleventh  New  Mexico  legislature 
by  Governor  Arthur  Seligman.  Santa  Fe,  n.d.  7p. 
New  Mexico  relief  bulletin   (Spanish  edition)   Sept.  24,  1934,  April, 

1935.  v.l  no.  1-2.  mimeo. 

New  Mexico  relief  bulletin,  v.l  No.  1-34;  v.2  No.  1-9;  Jan.  22,  1934- 
July-Aug.,  1935.  Santa  Fe,  1934-1935. 
Title  varies: 
v.l  N.  M.  relief  bulletin. 
v.2  no.  1-4,  N.  M.  emergency  relief  bulletin. 
v.2  no.  5-8/9  The  bulletin. 

v.l  no.  1-10,  Jan  24,  1935-June,  1935  published  by  the  N.  M. 
emergency   relief    administration   and    State    civil   works    ad- 
ministration; v.2  no.  8/9,  July-August,  1935,  published  by  New 
Mexico  emergency  relief  and  Works  progress  administration. 
No  more  published;   superseded  by  the  U.   S.  Works   progress 
administration,  New  Mexico  bulletin. 

Twelve  examples  of  Navajo  weaving  from  drawings  cut  on  linoleum 
blocks  by  Ruth  Connely,  under  the  Public  works  of  art  project. 
Thirteenth  regional  committee  .  .  .  contributed  by  the  Thirteenth 
regional  committee  of  the  Public  works  of  art  project  and  the  New 
Mexico  relief  administration,  distributed  through  the  courtesy  of 
the  Santa  Fe  Indian  school.  Santa  Fe,  1935.  12  col.  plates. 
News  release  for  Spanish  newspapers.  Santa  Fe,  1935. 

U.  S.  Works  progress  administration.  New  Mexico. 

Established  in  May  1935  as  Emergency  relief  adminis- 
tration in  order  to  provide  relief  and  increase  employ- 
ment by  undertaking  useful  projects ;  from  July  1,  1939 
the  name  was  W.  P.  A. 



Bulletin;  official  weekly  of  the  New  Mexico  Works  progress  adminis- 
tration. Santa  Fe,  1935. 
v.  1  nos.  1-15;  Sept.  19,  1935-June-July,  1936. 
Title  varies; 
v.  1  #12-15  Report  (continuing  the  Bulletin) 

Calendar  of  events,  compiled  and  written  by  Federal  writer's  project; 
illus.  by  Federal  art  project  of  N.  M.,  1937,  Works  progress  admin- 
istration; sponsored  by  the  Santa  Fe  civic  league  and  chamber  of 
commerce,  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico.  (Santa  Fe,  1937)  (32) p. 
(American  Guide  series) 

Digest  of  public  welfare  provisions  under  the  laws  of  the  state  of 
N.  M.  Nov.  15,  1936.  Prepared  by  Robert  C.  Lowe  and  Donna  S. 
Adams,  legal  research  sections  under  the  supervision  of  A.  Ross 
Eckler,  coordinator  of  special  inquiries,  Division  of  social  research, 
p.  2901-2947. 

Handbook  n.p.n.d.  unp.  mimeo. 

Over  the  turquoise  trail,  compiled  by  the  workers  of  the  Federal 
writer's  project  of  the  Works  progress  administration  of  N.  M. 
v.  1  no.  1  Santa  Fe  (1937)  40p.  (American  guide  series) 

New  Mexico.  Northport,  New  York,  Bacon  and  Wieck  (1941)  32p. 
(American  recreation  ser.  no.  30) 

comp.  by  workers  of  W.  P.  A.  Writers  project,  Coronado  cuarto 
centennial  commission  statewide  sponsor  of  the  project. 

New  Mexico;  a  guide  to  the  colorful  state,  compiled  by  workers  of  the 
Writers'  program  of  the  Works  progress  administration  in  the 
state  of  New  Mexico  .  .  .  Sponsored  by  the  Coronado  cuarto  cen- 
tennial commission  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  New  York, 
Hastings  house,  1940.  458p.  (American  guide  series) 

New  Mexico;  a  guide  to  the  colorful  state,  compiled  by  workers  of  the 
Writers'  program  of  the  Works  progress  administration  in  the 
state  of  New  Mexico  .  .  .  Sponsored  by  the  Coronado  cuarto  cen- 
tennial commission  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  2d  ed.  Al- 
buquerque, The  University  of  New  Mexico  press,  1945.  458  (i.e. 
474)  p.  (American  guide  series) 

The  Spanish-American  song  and  game  book  .  .  .  Compiled  by  workers 
of  the  Writers'  program,  Music  program,  and  Art  program  of  the 
Works  progress  administration  in  the  state  of  New  Mexico.  Spon- 
sored by  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  New  York,  A.  S.  Barnes 
and  company  (1942)  87p. 

Report  of  work  conference  for  teachers  and  leaders  in  literary  educa- 
tion and  recreation.  Arranged  by  Mamie  Meadors,  under  direction 
of  Nina  Otero  Warren.  Santa  Fe,  1937.  mimeo. 

Spanish-American  singing  games  of  New  Mexico.  W.  P.  A.  music 
project  unit  no.  3  Rev.  1940.  (N.P.  1940)  3p.  27  numb,  leaves. 


Washington  narrative  report  for  New  Mexico  Works  progress  admin- 
istration v.  1  no.  l-(no.lT)  Sept.  19,  1935-Aug.-Sept.,  1936.  Santa 
Fe,  1935-36.  17  nos.  in  1  v. 
Title  varies. 
No  more  published. 

Veterans'  service  commission. 

Laws  of  1919  created  a  Soldiers  settlement  board;  in 
1927  called  Disabled  soldiers  relief  commission;  in  1929 
name  was  changed  to  N.  M.  Veterans'  Service  commis- 
sion. The  general  purpose  is  to  assist  veterans,  their 
widows  and  children  in  obtaining  any  information  that 
may  be  of  service  to  them  in  connection  with  any  rights 
they  may  have  acquired  as  veterans  and  to  assist  them 
in  prosecuting  any  claims  that  they  may  have. 

Laws,  benefits,  rights  and  privileges  relating  to  veterans.  lOp. 

Laws  relating  to  veterans  enacted  by  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  comp. 
by  Soldiers  relief  commission.  Santa  Fe,  n.d.  (24)  p. 

Laws  relating  to  veterans  enacted  by  the  14th  legislature.  Santa  Fe,  n.d. 
(2)  p.  mimeo. 

Minutes  of  the  first  meeting  of  the  Soldier  settlement  board.  Albuquer- 
que, 1919.  3p.  typew. 

Our  public  domain  and  the  new  development  era;  by  Edward  Everett 
Young,  chairman.  Santa  Fe,  1919.  24p. 

Service  officers'  manual,  compiled  and  edited  by  John  W.  Chapman. 
July,  1936.  86p.  (Loose  leaf  forms) 

Reports  of  the  governor  of  New  Mexico  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  1879-1911.  Washington,  Govt.  printing  of- 
fice, 1879-1911.  31v. 

1878-79  (Lew  Wallace) 

1879-80  no  report  submitted 

1880-81  17p.         (L.  A.  Sheldon) 

1881-82  no  report  submitted 

1882-83  9p.         (L.  A.  Sheldon) 

1883-84  lip.         (L.  A.  Sheldon) 

1884-85  lip.         (E.  G.  Ross) 

1885-86  12p.         (E.  G.  Ross) 

1886-87  19p.         (E.  G.  Ross) 

1887-88  18p.         (E.  G.  Ross) 


1888-89  25p.  (L.  B.  Prince) 

1889-90  50p.  (L.  B.  Prince) 

1890-91  44p.  (L.  B.  Prince) 

1891-92  39p.  (L.  B.  Prince) 

1892-93  33p.  (W.  L.  Thornton) 

1893-94  45p.  (W.  L.  Thornton) 

1894-95  75p.  (W.  L.  Thornton) 

1895-96  75p.  (W.  L.  Thornton) 

1896-97  164p.  (M.A.  Otero) 

1897-98  252p.  (M.  A.  Otero) 

1898-99  376p.  (M.A.  Otero) 

1899-1900  445p.  (M.  A.  Otero) 

1900-01  546p.  (M.A.  Otero) 

1901-02  680p.  (M.  A.  Otero) 

1902-03  674p.  (M.  A.  Otero) 

1903-04  304p.  (M.  A.  Otero) 

1904-05  225p.  (M.  A.  Otero) 

1905-06  108p.  (H.  J.  Hagerman) 

1906-07  32p.  (George  Curry) 

1907-08  27p.  (George  Curry) 

1908-09  28p.  (George  Curry) 

1909-10  39p.  (Wm.  J.  Mills) 

1910-11  45p.  (Wm.  J.  Mills) 

These  reports  contain  information  relative  to  the  territory  of  New 
Mexico,  its  population,  resources,  industries,  climate,  general 
development,  etc.  They  are  among  the  documents  which  accom- 
pany the  annual  reports  of  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  and 
therefore  are  found  in  the  Congressional  and  Message  and  docu- 
ment series.  They  are  also  issued  in  separate  form. 

(To  be  continued) 

Notes  and  Documents 

One  of  the  most  stirring  episodes  in  the  history  of  New 
Mexico  was  the  surprisingly  sudden  and  almost  bloodless  cap- 
ture of  that  province  in  August  of  1846  by  the  American 
troops  under  General  Stephen  W.  Kearny.*  Our  knowledge 
of  this  invasion  stems  almost  entirely  from  American 
sources:  from  the  official  records  of  the  War  Department, 
from  the  journals  of  the  Santa  Fe  traders,  from  the  diaries 
of  Kearny's  own  soldiers.  Therefore,  we  know  the  story  as 
told  by  the  conquerors.  But  what  of  the  conquered? 

As  a  matter  of  record  the  New  Mexicans  did  feel  called 
upon  to  explain,  and  their  reports  have  been  on  file  in  the 
archives  of  Mexico  for  more  than  a  hundred  years.  Two  of 
their  reports,  in  English  translation,  are  now  made  public. 
They  represent  both  the  official  and  the  unofficial  New  Mexi- 
can versions  of  how  the  American  invasion  was  received. 

One  of  these  documents  was  a  report  written  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  Mexico  from  Santa  Fe  on  September  26,  1846,  and 
signed  by  105  citizens.  Among  these  were  many  of  the  most 
prominent  persons  in  the  province.  This  represents  the  un- 
official report,  but  in  most  respects  it  is  more  reliable  as  a 
document  than  the  official  account.  The  latter  was  written 
by  Governor  Armijo  at  Chihuahua  on  September  8, 1846,  and 
sent  with  three  supporting  letters  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign 
Relations,  Interior,  and  Police  at  Mexico  City.  Still  another 
report  was  made  by  the  Assembly  of  New  Mexico,  from 
Santa  Fe  on  August  20, 1846,  but  it  was  obviously  more  con- 
cerned with  villifying  Armijo  than  with  reporting  the  events. 
Since  it  is  not  nearly  so  full  an  account  as  that  given  by  the 
citizens,  its  text  is  not  presented  here.  All  three  of  these  docu- 
ments are  on  file  in  the  Archivo  de  la  Secretaria  de  Relacio- 
nes  Exteriores  in  Mexico  City.1 

*  These  documents  with  critical  comments  were  submitted  for  publication  by  Pro- 
fessor Max  L.  Moorhead,  Professor  of  History  at  the  University  of  Oklahoma. 

1.  Ciudadanos  de  Nuevo  Mexico,  Relacidn de  la  invasidn  norteamericana, 

L.E.-1088,  Tomo  XXXIV.  270-282;  Gobernador  de  Nuevo  Mexico,  Sobre  la  invasi6n  a 
su  Departamento,  L.E.-1085.  Tomo  XXXI,  171-179 ;  Asamblea  del  Departamento  de 
Nuevo  Mexico,  Manifesto,  L.E.-1093,  Tomo  XXXIX,  76-79.  These  manuscripts  were 



Curiously  enough,  none  of  these  reports  mentions  the  part 
played  in  the  American  invasion  by  the  merchant  James 
Wiley  Magoffin.  Magoffin  was  commissioned  by  President 
Polk  on  June  18,  1846,  to  "render  important  services"  in  the 
occupation  of  New  Mexico.  He  accompanied  Captain  Philip 
St.  George  Cooke  and  a  small  military  escort  from  the 
American  camp  on  the  Arkansas  to  Santa  Fe  and  delivered 
Kearny's  ultimatum  to  Governor  Armijo  on  August  12. 
There  is  abundant,  though  inconclusive,  evidence  indicating 
that  Magoffin  persuaded  Armijo  and  his  lieutenant-governor 
to  surrender  the  province  without  resistance,2  but  neither 
the  governor  nor  the  citizens  (nor  for  that  matter  the  As- 
sembly) even  mention  Magoffin. 

In  comparing  the  two  contradictory  reports  which  fol- 
low, it  should  be  kept  in  mind  that  both  the  citizens  and  the 
governor  of  New  Mexico  were  trying  to  absolve  themselves 
from  blame  for  their  failure  to  defend  the  province.  In  Ar- 
mijo's  case  the  attempt  to  justify  his  action  may  have  been 
born  of  desperation  as  he  was  then  facing  a  court-martial 
in  Chihuahua. 

Report  of  the  Citizens  of  New  Mexico  to  the  President  of  Mexico 

Santa  Fe,  September  26,  1846 
Very  Excellent  Senor  Presidente: 

We,  the  citizens  of  New  Mexico,  desiring  that  a  circumstantial  re- 
lation of  the  manner  and  means  by  which  the  North  American  Republic 
took  possession  of  this  country  be  made  known  to  Your  Excellency,  have 
deemed  it  our  duty  to  make  an  exact  report  to  Your  Excellency  of  what 
happened.  The  object  of  our  intention  is  to  relate  the  facts  as  they  oc- 
curred and  to  explain  the  circumstances  in  which  we  found  ourselves. 
We  do  not  wish  to  attack  the  reputation  of  any  person  unjustly,  [but] 
we  do  wish  that  the  conduct  of  New  Mexico  on  finding  itself  invaded  by 
the  troops  of  North  America  be  published,  as  we  are  all  proud  of  our 
good  reputation  and  fame.  It  will  be  difficult  for  us  to  cite  the  dates  of 
the  official  communications  of  the  period  as  we  do  not  have  them  at 
hand,  but  we  still  remember  the  principal  incidents,  since  they  are  so 
recent,  and  we  shall  relate  them  to  Your  Excellency  in  the  order  they 
happened  and  without  adulteration. 

At  the  end  of  last  June  the  Prefect  of  the  2nd  District  [Taos]  ad- 
found  and  copied  as  part  of  a  research  project  sponsored  by  the  American  Philosophi- 
cal Society. 

2.  See  especially  "The  Magoffin  Papers,"  edited  by  William  E.  Connelley,  in  His- 
torical Society  of  New  Mexico,  Publications,  No.  24  (1921),  42-63. 


vised  the  Very  Excellent  Governor  and  Commandant-General  Don 
Manuel  Armijo  with  special  urgency  that  he  had  been  assured  that 
some  of  the  citizens  of  the  new  settlement  of  Poni  had  been  on  the 
Vermejo  River  with  some  soldiers  of  the  United  States  who  told  them 
that  a  little  way  up-stream  there  was  a  party  of  six  hundred  troops, 
the  vanguard  of  an  army  sent  to  invade  this  Department;  and  that 
the  main  body  of  that  army  was  already  coming  here  from  the  Ar- 
kansas River.3 

Immediately,  on  July  1st,  His  Excellency  issued  a  circular  to  the 
commandants  of  the  militias  of  the  three  districts  of  the  Department, 
ordering  them  to  place  their  companies  and  all  inhabitants  from  the 
ages  of  sixteen  to  fifty-nine,  inclusive,  under  arms  and  bring  to  the 
capital  of  Santa  Fe  all  the  forces  they  could  muster  from  the  1st  and 
3rd  Districts,  leaving  those  of  the  2nd  on  the  Taos  frontier.  The  com- 
mandant of  the  latter  sent  a  party  to  reconnoiter  the  frontier,  and  Sr. 
Armijo  arranged  for  Lieutenant  Don  Tomas  Armijo  to  do  the  same. 
Both  the  party  mentioned  and  the  said  Lieutenant  returned  in  a  few 
days  and  reported  that  although  they  had  reached  the  Vermejo  River, 
they  had  found  signs  that  only  a  small  party  of  Americans  had  been 
there;  that  it  could  not  be  learned  whether  they  were  troops  or  hunt- 
ers; but  that  they  had  retired  toward  the  Arkansas.  As  a  result,  Sr. 
Armijo  issued  another  circular,  on  July  8,  ordering  all  the  inhabitants 
who  had  been  mobilized  to  return  to  their  homes  but  to  be  ready  for 
action  at  a  moment's  notice. 

On  the  10th  of  the  same  month  His  Excellency  received  another 
message,  sent  from  the  town  of  Independence  by  four  New  Mexican 
merchants,  advising  him  that,  at  the  time  they  were  writing,  a  re- 
spectable body  of  the  North  American  army  was  marching  toward  this 
Department  to  occupy  it  on  orders  of  the  United  States;  that  the 
General  who  commanded  it  had  assured  them  that  their  mercantile  in- 
terests would  run  no  risk,  whatever  the  results  of  the  expedition  should 
be ;  that  he  was  allowing  them  to  send  this  letter  and  was  giving  orders 
to  his  advance  troops  not  to  impede  its  passage.  The  only  thing  denied 
them  was  for  their  merchandise  to  go  on  in  advance  of  the  army,  they 
being  expressly  ordered  to  place  it  in  the  rear  guard. 

Thus,  assured  of  the  march  of  the  invading  army,  Sr.  Armijo  called 
a  meeting  of  the  authorities  and  principal  residents  of  the  Department, 
including  the  licentiates  Don  Antonio  Jaquez  and  Don  Jesus  Palacios 
of  Chihuahua,  who,  also  being  in  the  Department,  were  summoned  to 
Santa  Fe.  And  having  shown  the  said  junta  the  contents  of  the  com- 
munication he  had  received  and  having  consulted  with  it  as  to  whether 

3.  According  to  the  Assembly  of  New  Mexico,  Governor  Armijo  had  been  in 
correspondence  with  "influential  persons"  in  the  United  States  for  a  long  time,  and 
especially  since  January,  and  that  he  had  received  advance  warnings  of  the  impending 
American  invasion.  By  May  at  the  latest  he  knew  beyond  all  doubt  that  the  invasion 
was  being  prepared.  Asamblea  de  Nuevo  Mexico,  Manifesto,  Aug.  20,  1846,  toe.  tit., 


or  not  the  Department  should  be  defended,  His  Excellency  called  upon 
Sr.  Palacios,  who  declared  that  in  his  opinion  the  question  of  whether 
or  not  the  Department  should  be  defended  should  not  be  even  considered 
as  the  right  to  do  so  was  well  recognized,  that  the  purpose  of  the  junta 
should  be  merely  to  discuss  the  means  of  defence.  Sr.  Jaquez  expressed 
substantially  the  same  idea,  and  after  a  long  discussion  in  which  all 
exhibited  their  utmost  patriotism,  they  concluded  by  offering  that  His 
Excellency  might  dispose  of  their  lives  and  properties  for  the  defence 
of  the  country.  His  Excellency  offered  his  most  expressive  gratitude  for 
the  feelings  which  they  harbored.  Reiterating  that  they  should  be  ready 
on  a  moment's  notice,  he  explained  that,  for  his  part,  he  was  prepared 
to  sacrifice  his  own  life  and  property  on  the  altars  of  the  fatherland. 
With  that  he  dissolved  the  junta. 

On  the  1st  or  2nd  of  August,  Don  Pio  Sambrano,  a  merchant  from 
Chihuahua,  arrived  at  this  city  and  advised  His  Excellency  that  the 
North  American  expedition  was  coming;  that  the  army  was  composed 
of  five  thousand  men,  more  or  less;4  that  it  carried  fourteen  pieces  of 
artillery ;  that  it  had  already  begun  its  march  from  Bent's  Fort  toward 
this  city;  and  that  an  officer  would  arrive  within  three  or  four  days 
with  papers  from  the  North  American  general  addressed  to  His  Excel- 
lency Sr.  Armijo. 

This  came  to  pass,  and  the  contents  of  the  correspondence  mentioned 
reduced  itself  to  General  Kearny  telling  Sr.  Armijo  that  he  was  com- 
ing under  orders  of  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  take 
possession  of  this  Department  and  would  attack  if  resistance  were 
made;  if  not,  he  would  respect  the  lives,  property,  and  religion  of  its 
inhabitants.5  Sr.  Armijo  answered  that  he  did  not  wish  to  surrender 
the  Department  under  his  command,  nor  should  he,  nor  could  he;  that 
the  people  under  his  leadership  harbored  these  same  feelings.6  Later 
His  Excellency  received  news  through  various  channels  that  the  invad- 
ing army  was  composed  of  only  one  thousand  five  hundred  men. 

In  these  circumstances  he  re-issued  orders  to  the  three  Districts 
through  their  military  chiefs  and  prefects  to  muster  all  the  military 
and  civilian  forces  available  at  once  and  concentrate  them  in  Santa 
Fe.  These  events  he  reported  to  the  honorable  Assembly  at  once  and 
asked  it  for  funds  amounting  to  one  thousand  pesos  to  cover  the  needs 
of  the  regular  troops.  The  very  excellent  corporation  responded  by 
giving  him  authority  to  negotiate  a  loan  of  the  said  sum,  the  Depart- 
ment's revenues  being  mortgaged  under  the  responsibility  of  the  same 

4.  This  exaggeration  may  have  been  due  to  the  presence  of  a  large  caravan  of 
merchants  accompanying  the  army.  Sambrano  was  apparently  one  of  the  Mexican 
merchants  engaged  in  the  Missouri  trade  who,  along  with  the  American  merchants, 
were  restrained  from  going  on  ahead  of  the  American  forces.  After  reaching  his  camp 
on  the  Arkansas,  Kearny  allowed  Sambrano  to  proceed  to  Santa  Fe  to  inform  the  New 
Mexican  government  of  the  intentions  of  the  U.  S.  troops.  See  Asamblea  de  Nuevo 
Mexico,  Manifesto,  loc.  cit.,  77. 

6.     For  the  full  text  of  Kearny's  letter  to  Armijo,  see  below. 

6.     For  the  full  text  of  Armijo's  reply  to  Kearny,  see  below. 


very  excellent  corporation.  Sr.  Armijo  did  not  utilize  this  resource. 

On  August  8th  the  forces  from  outside  began  to  arrive  at  this  city, 
and  on  the  14th  they  began  to  leave  in  order  to  situate  themselves  in 
the  Canon  de  Pecos,  five  leagues  from  here.7  On  that  day  His  Excel- 
lency also  began  to  exempt  from  joining  the  campaign  all  those  who 
paid  him  a  given  sum,  from,  twenty  to  two  hundred  pesos,  and  these 
amounted  to  forty-five  persons.  He  also  ordered  the  opening  of  a 
voluntary  subscription  under  the  direction  of  the  Prefect  of  this  city 
in  order  to  collect  cash  for  the  expenses  of  the  campaign,  and  he  re- 
ceived the  sum  which  the  said  Prefect  collected.  We  do  not  know  what 
the  total  was,  nor  what  disposition  he  made  of  it.  Afterwards  he  ordered 
that  the  municipal  funds  of  the  very  illustrious  Council  of  this  city  be 
surrendered  to  him  for  the  same  purpose.  This  was  done,  but  he  refused 
to  give  receipt  for  the  one  hundred  and  seventy-some  pesos  which  were 
delivered.  On  the  15th  he  dictated  a  measure  providing  for  the  seizure 
of  horses  and  mules  from  the  residents  of  this  city  in  order  to  mount 
his  regular  troops.  These  consisted  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dragoons 
and  garrison  soldiers,8  many  of  whom  were  still  unmounted  as  the 
horses  and  mules  which  had  been  previously  received  from  the  citizens 
outside  the  capital  had  not  been  sufficient  for  this  purpose. 

More  than  four  thousand  men — mounted,  armed,  and  supplied  with 
ammunition  as  best  they  could  at  their  own  expense — presented  them- 
selves to  His  Excellency  to  aid  in  the  defense  of  the  country.9  For  sixty 
leagues  around  from  this  city  these  masses  rushed  in  at  the  call  of 
their  government,  abandoning  their  families  and  property.  These  they 
left  exposed  to  the  incursions  of  the  savages,  who,  not  losing  the  oppor- 
tunity offered  them,  attacked  several  points  on  the  frontier,  stealing 
what  they  could,  killing  several  families,  and  carrying  off  some  women 
and  children  as  prisoners. 

On  the  16th  Sr.  Armijo  left  this  city  with  his  dragoons  and  the 
remaining  residents  for  the  said  Canon  de  Pecos,  where  the  other 
inhabitants  were  waiting  encamped.  They  carried  four  pieces  of  artil- 
lery of  4-  and  6-calibre  narrow-taper.  He  also  issued  an  order  for  the 
members  of  the  very  excellent  Departmental  Assembly  and  the  prin- 
cipal residents  of  this  city  and  the  surrounding  country  who  were  pres- 
ent to  accompany  him.  This  was  carried  out  in  part.  Having  camped  in 
the  said  canyon  and  having  convened  the  members  of  the  honorable 
Assembly  there,  His  Excellency  invited  them  to  advise  him  whether 
to  defend  the  Department  or  enter  into  negotiations  with  the  enemy. 
To  this  one  of  the  gentlemen  replied  that  such  was  not  the  place  for 
deliberations;  that  they  had  gathered  there  not  as  members  of  the 
very  excellent  corporation,  although  they  were  proud  of  belonging  to 

7.  According  to  Armijo's  report,  the  order  for  the  recruits  to  assemble  at  Santa 
Fe  was  issued  August  9,  and  they  were  finally  assembled  there  August  14.  See  below. 

8.  There  were  two  hundred  regulars  according  to  Armijo.  See  below. 

9.  The    Assembly's    report    also    says    there    were    over    four    thousand    recruits. 
Asamblea  de  Nuevo  Mexico,  Manifiesto,  Joe.  cit.,  77.  Armijo  reported  that  they  amounted 
to  only  eighteen  hundred.  See  below. 


it,  but  as  soldiers;  that  it  behooved  them  to  act  as  such,  doing  as  they 
were  ordered.  Thereupon  His  Excellency  assembled  the  militia  officers 
and  the  leading  inhabitants  and  consulted  with  them  on  the  course  he 
should  follow  under  the  circumstances.  The  only  one  who  spoke  said 
that  they  had  been  gathered  in  the  field  to  fight,  that  they  should  and 
wished  to  do  so.  His  Excellency  then  replied  that  he  would  not  risk 
facing  battle  with  people  lacking  military  training,  and  that  he  would 
do  whatever  seemed  fitting  to  him  and  with  his  [regular]  troops.  After 
that  he  ordered  them  [the  militia  and  civilians]  to  return  to  their 
homes.  Then  he  assembled  the  officers  of  the  regular  troops  and  con- 
sulted with  them  on  the  measures  to  be  taken,  the  enemy  being  then 
five  leagues  away.  They  replied  that  they  would  advance  and  give 
battle.  When  this  decision  was  heard  by  the  troops,  it  was  received 
with  simultaneous  vivas  and  spontaneous  acclamation.  His  Excellency 
then  said  he  [too]  was  resolved  to  press  forward.  But  as  soon  as  the 
citizenry  retired,  instead  of  advancing  he  and  the  dragoons  and  artil- 
lery retreated.10 

On  leaving  this  city,  Sr.  Armijo  left  the  political  and  military  com- 
mand of  the  Department  in  charge  of  the  Secretary  of  Government 
[Juan  Bautista  Vijil  y  Alarid],  ignoring  those  whom  the  laws  desig- 
nated to  occupy  these  posts. 

This  Very  Excellent  Sir,  is  what  happened  in  the  Department  of 
New  Mexico  and  to  its  inhabitants.  On  retiring  from  the  field  on  orders 
from  Sr.  Armijo,  they  were  publicly  insulted  with  the  epithet  of 
cowards  by  this  same  gentleman  after  they  had  rallied  to  him  in 
compliance  with  their  duty  and  desire. 

We  later  learned  that  His  Excellency  took  similar  leave  of  the 
members  of  the  Department's  garrison  companies:  the  Santa  Fe, 
Taos,  and  Vado.  He  ignored  the  good  and  constant  services  of  these  old 
troops  of  the  Mexican  Republic  who  had  given  no  cause  for  being 
treated  in  such  a  manner.  He  then  abandoned  the  artillery  and  took 
with  him  about  thirty  or  forty  dragoons  from  the  regular  cavalry's  2nd 
and  3rd  regiments,  apparently  those  whom  he  deemed  necessary  for  an 
escort  through  the  deserted  terrain  which  he  crossed  in  his  shameless 
flight.  He  also  took  the  horses  and  mules  which  he  had  seized  from  the 
inhabitants  and  on  which  his  troops  were  mounted.11 

As  a  result,  the  troops  of  the  United  States  occupied  this  city  on 
August  18th  without  the  slightest  resistance. 

Very  Excellent  Sir,  we  wish  that  the  conduct  of  our  governor  and 

10.  This  account  of  the  patriotic  disposition  of  both  the  civilian  and  regular  troops 
is  substantially  the  same  as  that  reported  by  the  Assembly.  Asamblea  de  Nuevo  Mexico, 
Manifiesto,  loc.  cit.,  78.  Armijo's  report  offers  a  quite  different  version.  See  below. 

11.  According   to   the   Assembly,    Armijo,    after   dismissing   the   auxiliary   forces, 
retreated  to  Canada  de  los  Alamos,  where  he  spent  the  night.  That  evening  some  deser- 
tion occurred,  and  on  the  next  day   (August  17),  he  dismissed  all  except  the  dragoons. 
Asamblea  de  Nuevo  Mexico,  Manifiesto,  loc.  cit.,  78-79.  According  to  Armijo,  all  deserted 
except  seventy  dragoons,  and  they  accompanied  him  on  his  retreat  to  Chihuahua.  See 


commandant-general,  Don  Manuel  Armijo,  had  been  other  than  it  was 
as  we  are  all  interested  in  the  good  name  and  reputation  of  the  Mexi- 
can Republic  and  the  honor  of  its  army.  There  were  not  lacking  those 
who  would  have  advised  His  Excellency  as  a  last  resort  in  those  anxious 
circumstances  to  send  an  official  communication  to  the  North  American 
general  saying  that  he  was  retiring  with  his  military  forces  to  the 
right  bank  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte  until  the  Mexican  government 
should  give  him  further  orders,  as  they  were  not  sufficient  to  give 
battle;  that  he  would  protest  before  the  entire  world,  before  God  and 
men,  that  he  did  not  recognize  this  Department  as  territory  of  the 
United  States,  as  it  had  never  been  a  part  of  Texas;  but  that,  obliged 
by  the  circumstances,  he  was  beginning  a  military  retreat,  declaring 
with  the  greatest  solemnity  that  the  Department  of  New  Mexico  was 
not  surrendering  to  the  republic  of  North  America.  But  he  did  not  wish 
to  adopt  this  measure.  It  would  have  saved  his  military  reputation 
and  in  some  measure  covered  his  responsibility. 

Since  the  middle  of  last  June  His  Excellency  Sr.  Armijo  knew  be- 
yond doubt  that  the  [American]  expedition  would  arrive  this  year.  He 
also  received  definite  news  of  the  said  expedition  on  July  10th,  through 
the  four  merchants  from  this  Department  whom  we  have  mentioned. 
Very  early  in  August,  Sr.  Don  Pio  Sambrano  arrived  at  this  city  and 
he,  too,  told  him  that  the  said  expedition  was  on  the  road.  If  he  had 
mustered  the  citizenry  in  July  which  he  gathered  later;  if  he  had 
marched  with  it  and  his  troops  to  meet  the  enemy  then,  not  at  the 
gateway  of  the  city  as  he  did,  but  at  the  greatest  possible  distance  from 
it;  if  he  had  not  allowed  the  more  than  fifty  thousand  pesos  entering 
the  frontier  customs  house  of  this  city  in  July  to  be  invested  in  other 
than  the  organization  of  the  country's  defense;  if  he  had  raised  and 
trained  companies  for  that  purpose,  as  he  had  more  than  enough  men 
with  arms,  horses,  and  their  own  equipment;  if  the  money  he  collected 
from  exempting  some  individuals  from  the  campaign  had  been  put  to 
the  same  use;  if  he  also  had  designated  the  same  purpose  for  that 
collected  by  voluntary  subscription  in  this  city  and  for  that  which  he 
received  from  the  municipal  funds;  if  he  had  arranged  in  time  for  the 
production  of  munitions  of  war,  for  which  there  was  more  than  enough 
powder  and  lead  in  the  Department ;  if  he  had  purchased  some  food  sup- 
plies to  have  in  reserve ;  if  he  had  taken  advantage  of  the  good  disposi- 
tion which  all  of  the  citizens  exhibited  at  the  junta  which  he  convoked  in 
this  city,  in  which  they  offered  him  their  lives  and  property;  if  he  had 
accepted  the  generous  offers  of  the  same  which  the  visiting  vicar  and 
various  other  wealthy  residents  of  the  Department  had  made  him; 
and  finally,  if  he  had  personally  marched  to  the  frontier  with  the 
forces  which  he  could  have  had  at  his  disposal :  without  doubt  we  would 
have  fought  the  invaders,  firing  at  them  day  and  night.  We  would  have 
managed  to  surprise  them  and  seize  their  horses,  to  ambush  them  in 
the  waterless  deserts,  to  burn  their  pasturage,  to  take  advantage  of 
the  almost  inaccessable  mountain  passes  which  they  had  to  cross,  and, 


finally,  we  would  have  made  some  kind  of  resistance.  It  would  be  a  great 
deal  for  us  to  venture  that  victory  would  have  crowned  our  efforts,  but 
at  least  we  would  have  had  the  honor  of  having  tried.  Nothing,  abso- 
lutely nothing  was  done.  And  Sr.  Armijo  can  say  full  well:  /  have  lost 
everything,  including  honor. 

More  than  four  thousand  men  are  witness  to  the  deeds  which  we 
have  related.  The  entire  Department  is  convinced  of  the  truth  of  our 
assertions,  and  our  honor,  more  than  any  other  consideration,  has 
obliged  us  to  send  Your  Excellency  this  repetitious  manifesto  so  that 
at  no  time  may  it  be  believed  that  we  have  been  a  disgrace  to  the  Mexi- 
can nation,  with  which  we  are  bound  by  so  many  ties.  We  offer  Your 
Excellency  our  most  distinguished  respects  and  attentive  considerations. 

God  and  Liberty.  Santa  Fe.  September  26,  1846. 

[signed]12  Antonio  Sandoval;  Juan  A.  Ortiz,  vicario  foraneo;  Tomas 
Ortiz;  Vicente  Otero;  Jose  Francisco  Baca  y  Terras,  prefecto  interino 
del  Departamento ;  Donaciano  Vigil ;  Jose  Serafin  Ramirez  y  Casanoba, 
contador  de  la  tesoreria;  Jose  Francisco  Ortiz,  capitan  de  Ejercito; 
Pablo  Dominguez;  Francisco  Sabedra;  Nicolas  Pino;  Antonio  Jose 
Otero;  Manuel  Doroteo  Pino;  Jose  Maria  Uranga  [?];  Jose  Maria 
Abreu;  Miguel  de  Olona  [?]  y  Ortiz;  Nicolas  Quintana;  Toribio 
Sedillo;  Cesilio  Robles;  Domingo  Fernandez;  Tomas  Armijo;  Francisco 
Baca  Ortiz,  capitan  de  Ejercito;  Antonio  Sena  y  Rivera;  Miguel  E. 
Pino;  Jose  Francisco  Sena;  Ignacio  Moya;  Juan  Esteban  Sena;  Jose 
Fenovio  [?] ;  Juan  Otero;  Anastacio  Sandoval;  Jesus  Maria  de  Arce  y 
Olguin;  Manuel  Antonio  Otero;  Felipe  Sandoval;  Francisco  Sandoval; 
Nerio  Antonio  Montolla;  Francisco  Ortiz  y  Delgado,  capitan  de  Ejer- 
cito; Narciso  Feliz;  Simon  Delgado;  Tomas  Rivera;  Bto.  Amo.  Larra- 
goitio  [?];  Manuel  Navares;  Jose  del  Balle;  Jorge  Ramirez;  Antonio 
Alarid  y  Sanchez;  Jose  Miguel  Romero;  Jose  Emeterio  Perea;  Fer- 
nando Ortiz  y  Delgado ;  Manuel  Delgado ;  Clemente  Sarrasino,  prefecto 
del  Distrito;  Jose  Antonio  Otero,  casa  de  Sandia;  Julian  Perea;  Juan 
Perea;  Jose  Maria  Gutierrez;  Jose  Perea;  Julian  Lucero  [?];  Bias 
Lucero;  Jose  Francisco  Tilla  [?];  Juan  Jose  Lucero;  Santiago  Gon- 
salez;  Juan  Domingo  Valensia;  Mariano  Yrizarri;  Jose  Gonsalez; 
Manuel  Armijo  [obviously  not  Gov.  Armijo];  Rafael  Armijo;  Jose 

Maria [?],  juez  de  la  Ynstancia;  Juan  Sanches  y  Castillo,  juez 

de  paz  de  Valencia;  Andres  Lujan;  Vicente  Armijo;  Francisco  Aragon; 
Manuel  Sanchez;  Pedro  Otero;  Francisco  Antonio  Otero;  Salvador 
Gonsalez;  Jose  Chavez;  Jose  Gregorio  Aragon;  Juan  Salazar;  Miguel 
Antonio  Otero;  Bentura  Toledo;  Jose  Salazar;  Jose  de  Jesus  Lujan; 
Jose  de  Jesus  Baca;  Felipe  Valles;  Jose  Salazar  y  Otero;  Jose  Ygnacio 
Salazar;  Jose  Antonio  Chavez;  Juan  de  Jesus  Chavez;  Jose  Francisco 
Chavez  y  Baca;  Juaquin  Alejandro  Bassan;  Mariano  Silva;  Juan 
Geronimo  Flora  [?];  Miguel  Beita;  Nicolas  Valencia,  cura  de  Belen; 

12.     There  are  105  of  these  signatures,  some  few  of  which  are  so  badly  scrawled 
that  their  identity  is  in  question. 


Francisco  Pino;  Antonio  Jose  Castillo;  Jose  Maria  Chaves  y  Pino; 
Bisente  Baca;  Jose  Felipe  Castillo;  Manuel  Pino;  Juaquin  Padilla; 
Thomas  Luna  [  ?] ;  Antonio  Jose  Luna ;  Francisco  Sarracino ;  J  Manuel 
Gallegos;  Juan  Nepomuceno  Gutierrez;  Jose  Vicente  Suarez  [?],  cura 
del  Socorro. 

Report  of  Gov.  Manuel  Armijo  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Relations, 

Interior  and  Police 

By  the  special  communications  which  I  sent  to  Your  Excellency13 
the  Very  Excellent  Sr.  General-in-Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  Republic, 
who  today  assumes  the  Executive  authority  of  the  nation,  will  be 
advised  that  the  United  States,  that  perfidious  and  faithless  power, 
sent  a  force  numbering  from  three  to  four  thousand  men14  to  occupy 
the  State  under  my  command.  Immediately  I  formed  auxiliary  com- 
panies with  their  respective  chiefs,  [composed]  of  all  the  citizens  in  the 
Department  who  had  arms;  I  sent  out  scouts  to  observe  them,  and 
they  advised  me  of  everything.  And  I  reported  to  the  commandants- 
general  of  Chihuahua  and  Durango,  informing  them  that  with  the  small 
military  force  which  I  had,  it  was  impossible  to  resist  that  which  was 
coming  from  the  United  States  to  invade  my  Department;  that  even 
though  I  had  some  armed  citizens,  in  all  they  were  short  of  artillery, 
and  I  had  no  means  at  all  of  supplying  them;  and  that  I  hoped  that 
out  of  the  patriotism  they  would  reinforce  me  without  loss  of  time  in 
the  most  efficacious  manner  possible  so  as  to  punish  the  boldness  of 
those  usurpers  who  were  coming  to  make  themselves  masters  of  the 
richest  and  most  fertile  departments  in  the  Nation.  While  awaiting 
these  reinforcements  (which  I  did  not  receive  because  the  Commandant- 
General  of  Chihuahua  was  unable  to  reach  even  the  first  settlements  of 
my  Department  and  that  of  Durango  did  not  even  leave  his  capital), 
but  not  failing  to  prepare  my  own  defence,  making  use  of  such  re- 
sources as  my  Department  had,  I  received  notice  on  the  9th  of  last 
month  [August]  from  the  scouts  which  I  had  sent  that  the  forces  of  the 
United  States  were  at  Bent's  Fort.15  I  also  learned,  through  one  of  the 
Mexicans  who  managed  to  leave  the  enemy  camp  and  join  my  scouts, 
that  the  force  which  was  coming  was  of  not  less  than  two  thousand 
five  hundred  men,  nor  more  than  three  thousand;  that  they  carried 
twenty-four  pieces  of  artillery  of  large  calibre,  well-supplied  and  well- 
mounted.  On  the  llth  Captain  Cu  [Cooke]  with  twelve  dragoons  pre- 
sented himself  to  me  and  delivered  a  communication  from  the  chief  of 
the  enemy  forces,  which  I  enclose  for  Your  Excellency,  in  the  copy 

13.  These  earlier  and  presumably  briefer  reports  are  not  on  file  in  the  Archivo  de 
la  Secretaria  de  Relaciones  Exteriores. 

14.  See  above,  f.n.4. 

15.  According  to  the  report  of  the  citizens,  Armijo  received  this  information  on 
the  1st  or  2nd  of  August.  See  above. 


marked  No.  I.16  It  was  answered  immediately  in  the  terms  which  Your 
Excellency  will  see  in  the  copy  No.  2.17 

On  the  9th  of  the  month  mentioned,  when  I  learned  that  the  enemy's 
forces  were  at  Bent's  Fort,  I  ordered  the  auxiliary  companies  that  I 
had  formed  to  be  moved.18  At  last,  on  the  14th,  I  got  them  assembled — 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  men  in  number 19 — not  having  been  able  to 
accomplish  this  before  because  they  were  dispersed  throughout  the  towns. 
And  on  the  15th  I  gave  orders  for  them  to  march  out  of  Santa  Fe  and 
await  me  at  seven  or  eight  leagues  distance,  where  I  joined  them  with 
two  hundred  men,  which  including  the  officers  was  all  the  [regular] 
military  force  there  was  in  the  Department.20  On  the  16th  I  started  my 
march  with  the  said  force,  and  on  the  same  day  I  joined  the  auxiliaries 
who  were  waiting  for  me. 

As  I  was  informed  that  all  of  the  auxiliary  companies  were  not  dis- 
posed to  offer  resistance,  I  immediately  convoked  a  junta  of  officers 
with  all  of  the  most  influential  persons  of  the  Department  who  accom- 
panied me  for  the  purpose  of  endorsing  my  decision.  After  they  were 
convened  I  informed  them  that  the  enemy  forces  were  two  leagues  away, 
that  the  hour  of  combat  was  approaching,  that  their  patriotism  and 
the  advantageous  position  which  we  held  [Apache  Pass]  made  me 
believe  that  we  would  obtain  a  complete  victory,  and  finally  I  stirred 
up  their  patriotism  by  every  means  I  could  think  of.  But  unfortunately 
all  was  in  vain.  The  first  indication  which  the  captains  of  the  auxiliary 
companies  gave  me  was  that  the  soldiers  did  not  want  to  offer  any 
resistance  because  they  did  not  have  supplies  or  artillery,  and  that 
they  did  not  wish  to  sacrifice  themselves  uselessly  and  fill  their  country 
with  more  calamities.  Having  just  made  this  manifestation,  all  re- 
treated, and  only  the  two  hundred  men  with  whom  I  had  left  Santa  Fe 
remained  with  me.  Later  I  convoked  a  council  of  officers  in  which  it 
was  resolved  unanimously  to  retreat  until  we  could  join  forces  with  the 
Commandant-General  of  Chihuahua,  which  should  [then]  have  been 
very  near  our  first  settlements.  This  resolution  I  adopted  as  I  believed 
it  to  be  prudent  under  those  circumstances.  I  suspected  with  good 
reason  that  the  garrison  companies,  which  comprised  the  major  part 
of  my  force,  would  take  the  same  resolution  as  our  auxiliaries.  This 
occurred  that  night.  All  the  others  deserted,  and  on  the  following  day 
[August  17th]  the  remainder,  leaving  only  of  the  said  companies  Cap- 
tain Antonio  Sena,  the  prefect  of  the  1st  District  of  Santa  Fe;  Gradu- 
ate Lieutenant  Colonel  Francisco  Martinez,  and  Alferez  Caspar  Ortiz, 
worthy  certainly  of  the  consideration  of  the  Supreme  Government,  for 

16.  See  below. 

17.  See  below. 

18.  The  report  of  the  citizens  implies  that  the  order  was  issued  earlier  in  stating 
that  the  forces  began  to  arrive  in  Santa  Fe  on  August  8th.  See  above. 

19.  "Over  four  thousand  men,"  according  to  the  citizens'  report.  See  above. 

20.  According  to  the  citizens  the  militia  began  to  leave  Santa  Fe  on  August  14th 
rather  than  the  15th,  and  the  regulars  numbered  two  hundred  and  fifty  men.  See  above. 


they  abandoned  their  families  and  possessions  rather  than  follow  the 
bad  example  of  their  comrades.21 

On  the  17th,  my  forces  being  reduced  to  seventy  dragoons  with  three 
pieces  of  artillery  and  one  howitzer,  badly-mounted  and  worse-sup- 
plied, I  began  my  march  [i.  e.,  retreat] .  That  evening,  having  received 
word  that  I  was  being  pursued  by  the  enemy,  I  decided  to  force  my 
march  and,  the  artillery  impeding  me,  I  ordered  it  spiked  at  El  Mano 
de  las  Gallinas,  between  the  points  of  Galisteo  and  Serillos.  On  the 
20th  I  made  special  report  of  all  these  occurrences  to  the  Command- 
ant-General of  Chihuahua,22  assuring  him  that  I  would  force  my 
marches  as  much  as  possible  until  joining  his  forces,  but  no  matter 
how  strenuously  I  did  so,  I  was  unable  to  reach  them  short  of  the  town 
of  El  Paso  del  Norte.  There  I  put  the  small  force  that  remained  with 
me  at  his  orders,  and  from  there  we  continued  our  march  to  this 
capital  [Chihuahua]. 

These,  Very  Excellent  Senor,  are  the  facts  which  caused  me  with 
deepest  sorrow  to  retreat  from  my  Department.  They  prove  sufficiently 
that  there  was  no  other  prudent  resolution  to  adopt.  Why  and  with 
what  justice  should  I  decide  to  sacrifice  uselessly  the  Valient  Seventy 
who  accompanied  me  when  they  could  come  to  this  frontier  (which  finds 
itself  threatened  by  the  same  enemies  and  exposed  to  the  same  fate  as 
my  Department) ,  increase  the  ranks  of  their  brothers,  and  if  necessary 
sacrifice  themselves,  but  with  honor  and  for  the  glory  of  the  Nation? 
These  are  the  sentiments  in  my  heart,  proved  by  the  facts.  I  aban- 
doned my  family  and  my  property,  and  with  the  dignity  which  my  post 
requires,  I  refused  the  offers  of  my  enemies,  as  Your  Excellency  will 
see  in  the  accompanying  letter,  No.  3,23  in  order  to  come  to  this  fron- 
tier and  offer  my  services  to  the  Excellent  Sr.  Governor  and  to  the 
Commandant-General,  while  the  Very  Excellent  Sr.  President  disposes 
of  my  person  in  the  manner  which  he  may  believe  most  fitting. 

Please,  Your  Excellency,  inform  the  Very  Excellent  Sr.  President 
of  the  above  and  accept  the  most  sincere  manifestations  of  my  consid- 
eration and  appreciation.  God  and  Liberty.  Chihuahua,  September  8, 
[signed]  Manuel  Armijo. 

The  three  letters  which  Armijo  submitted  in  support  of 
the  foregoing  report  are  worthy  of  some  consideration.  The 
first  of  these — Kearny's  offer  of  terms  to  Armijo  on  August 

21.  Contrast  this  version  of  the  attitude  and  comportment  of  the  troops  and  civil- 
ians with  that  given  in  the  report  of  the  citizens,  above. 

22.  This  report  is  probably  filed  in  the  Archive  de  la  Secretaria  de  la  Defense 
Nacional  at  Mexico   City.   The  historical  materials   of  this   depository   are  now  being 
catalogued  by  Luis  Zevallos  of  the  Archive  General  de  la  Naci6n,  and  a  guide  is  being 
published  entitled  Guia  del  Archive  Histtirico  Militar  de  Mexico.  These  records  have  not 
as  yet  been  made  public. 

23.  See  below. 


1st — reveals  the  United  States  policy  of  attempting  to  gain 
possession  of  New  Mexico  without  bloodshed.  But  it  also 
conceals  the  true  military  objective:  occupation  by  the 
United  States  of  the  entire  province,  on  both  sides  of  the 
Rio  Grande. 

The  second  of  these  letters — Armijo's  reply  to  Kearny  on 
August  12th — is  disappointing  in  that  any  hint  of  secret 
negotiations  for  a  surrender  carried  on  by  the  American 
agent  James  Wiley  Magoffin  is  conspicuously  absent.  In  his 
reply  Armijo  categorically  refuses  to  surrender  any  portion 
of  the  territory  and  even  threatens  the  Americans  with 
armed  resistance.  At  the  same  time,  however,  he  leaves  the 
door  open  for  further  negotiations  with  Kearny.  This  would 
seem  to  indicate  that  if  secret  negotiations  were  under  way  in 
Santa  Fe,  they  had  not  reached  a  successful  conclusion  at  this 
date  unless,  of  course,  Kearny  was  not  a  party  to  the  under- 

As  for  the  third  letter — from  Henry  Connelly24  to  Armijo 
on  August  19th —  some  explanation  is  necessary.  It  was 
written  on  behalf  of  Kearny  on  the  day  after  the  American 
occupation  of  Santa  Fe,  and  its  purpose  was  to  induce  Ar- 
mijo, who  was  then  in  flight  toward  Chihuahua,  to  return 
under  a  guarantee  of  amnesty.  Armijo  did  not  take  advan- 
tage of  the  offer.  After  reaching  El  Paso  del  Norte  and 
meeting  the  reinforcements  arriving  from  Chihuahua,  Ar- 
mijo was  placed  under  temporary  arrest.  He  was  allowed  to 
write  and  despatch  the  report  from  Chihuahua  quoted  above 
and  then  to  proceed  to  Mexico  City  to  give  a  verbal  account 
of  his  conduct  in  New  Mexico  to  the  central  government. 
What  happened  in  the  capital  has  not  been  made  public,  but 
Armijo  was  apparently  exonerated,  for  he  was  back  in  New 
Mexico  as  a  private  citizen  after  the  war,  and  remained  there 
until  his  death  on  December  9, 1853.25 

24.  Connelly,  who  later  became  governor  of  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico,  was  at 
this  time  an  American  merchant  who  had  resided  in  the  city  of  Chihuahua  since  1828 
and  had  come  to  Santa  Fe  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war.  When  Kearny  offered  his  terms 
to  Armijo,  Connelly  accompanied  the  official  emissary,  Capt.  Philip  St.  George  Cooke, 
to  the  American  commander  with  Armijo's  reply.  If  Connelly  carried  a  separate  and 
secret  message  from  the  governor,  it  has  never  come  to  light.  For  fuller  biographical 
information,  see  William  E.  Connelley  (Ed.),  Doniphan's  Expedition  and  the  Conquest 
of  New  Mexico  and  California  (Topeka,  Kans.,  1907),  276-282,  note  65. 

26.     Ralph  E.  Twitchell,  The  Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  History  (Cedar  Rapids, 


No.  1 

Col.  Stephen  W.  Kearny  to  Governor  Manuel  Armijo,  General  Head- 
quarters of  the  Army  of  the  West,  Encampment  on  the  Arkansas, 

Bent's  Fort,  August  1, 1846  26 

By  the  annexation  of  Texas  to  the  United  States,  the  Rio  Grande 
from  its  mouth  to  its  source  forms  the  present  dividing  line  between 
the  United  States  and  Mexico,  and  I  come  by  order  of  my  Government 
to  take  possession  of  the  Country,  over  a  part  of  which  you  are  now 
presiding  as  Governor.  I  come  as  a  friend,  and  with  the  disposition  and 
intention  to  consider  all  Mexicans  and  others  as  friends  who  will 
remain  quietly  and  peaceably  at  their  homes  and  attend  to  their  own 
affairs.  Such  persons  shall  not  be  disturbed  by  any  one  under  my  com- 
mand, either  in  their  person,  their  property,  or  their  religion.  I  pledge 
myself  to  the  fulfillment  of  this  promise.  I  come  to  this  part  of  the 
United  States  with  a  strong  military  force,  and  a  yet  stronger  one  is 
now  following  as  a  reinforcement  to  us.  We  have  many  more  troops 
than  sufficient  to  put  down  any  opposition  that  you  can  possibly  bring 
against  us,  and  I  therefore,  for  the  sake  of  humanity,  call  upon  you  to 
submit  to  fate  and  to  meet  me  with  the  same  feeling  of  peace  and 
friendship  which  I  now  entertain  for  and  offer  to  you  and  to  all  those 
over  whom  you  are  governor.  If  you  do  so,  it  will  be  greatly  to  your 
own  interest  and  to  that  of  all  your  countrymen,  and  for  which  you 
will  receive  their  blessing  and  their  prayers.  Should  you  however 
decide  otherwise,  determine  upon  resistance  and  oppose  [array?] 
the  troops  you  can  raise  against  us,  I  then  say,  the  blood  which  may 
follow,  the  suffering  and  the  misery  which  may  ensue,  will  rest  on  your 
head,  and  instead  of  the  blessing  of  your  Countrymen,  you  will  receive 
their  curses,  for  I  shall  consider  all,  whom  you  bring  in  arms  against 
us,  as  enemies  and  will  treat  them  accordingly.  I  am  sending  Your  Ex- 
cellency this  communication  by  Captain  Cooke,  of  my  own  Regiment, 
and  I  recommend  to  your  goodness  and  attention  both  him  and  his 
small  party  of  12  Dragoons. 

With  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 

Stephen  W.  Kearny,  Colonel  of  the  1st  Dragoons. 

Iowa,  1912),  II,  208,  note  145.  On  his  way  south  from  Chihuahua,  on  September  12, 
1846,  Armijo,  travelling  with  a  merchant  train  in  which  he  had  an  investment,  met  the 
English  traveller  Ruxton.  The  governor's  reputation  as  a  coward  during  the  American 
invasion  had  travelled,  faster  and  farther  than  he  moved  himself.  When  confronted  by 
this  charge  from  Ruxton,  Armijo  asserted  that  all  of  his  army  had  deserted  except  a 
small  escort.  George  F.  Ruxton,  Adventures  in  Mexico  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  (Lon- 
don, 1849),  110. 

26.  As  the  English  copy  in  the  United  States  National  Archives  (Adjutant  Gener- 
al's Office  Files,  War  Department,  163-K-1846,  enclosure)  and  the  Spanish  copy  sub- 
mitted by  Armijo  are  substantially  the  same,  the  wording  of  the  former  is  used  here 
rather  than  a  new  translation  of  the  latter. 


No.  2 

Governor  Manuel  Armijo  to  Stephen  W.  Kearny,  Santa  Fe, 
August  12,  184627 

Your  Lordship's  note  of  the  current  dated  at  the  Arkansas  Camp 
has  informed  me  that  on  orders  from  your  Government  and  by  virtue 
of  the  annexation  of  the  Department  of  Texas,  the  Rio  Bravo  del 
Norte  from  its  mouth  to  its  source  has  been  declared  by  your  Govern- 
ment to  be  the  dividing  line  between  that  Republic  and  this;  and  that 
as  a  result  Your  Lordship  has  orders  to  take  possession  of  the  major 
part  of  the  terrain  which  my  Department  occupies,  pledging  to  me 
that  if  these  inhabitants  remain  quietly  at  their  affairs,  you  will  treat 
them  with  respect  in  their  property,  persons,  and  religion,  not  molest- 
ing them  in  any  manner;  and  that  otherwise  you  will  treat  them  as 
enemies  and  make  me  responsible  for  the  blood  which  might  be  shed. 
As  Your  Lordship's  communication  involves  several  parts,  it  will  be 
necessary  for  me  to  answer  them  according  to  their  merits. 

In  regard  to  your  Government's  intimation  and  declaration  of  bound- 
aries, I  cannot  agree  [to  this]  under  any  condition  as  that  line,  which 
has  been  recognized  by  both  countries  ever  since  the  time  of  the  Span- 
ish Government,  is  at  another  very  distinct  place.  Even  though  Texas 
was  a  part  of  Mexico  before  its  annexation,  additional  land  cannot  be 
taken  [as  part  of  Texas]  without  the  recognition  by  my  Government  of 
its  inclusion  previously  and  not  at  the  conclusion  of  the  differences  be- 
tween the  two  Governments.  As  for  the  Rio  del  Norte  being  [the  bound- 
ary], as  you  maintain,  such  an  acquisition,  quite  the  contrary,  should 
never  be  considered  legal  even  though  it  should  be  effected  peacefully. 
The  people  have  risen  en  masse  as  an  immoveable  force  to  oppose  the 
suggestion  which  Your  Lordship  has  made  me  to  surrender  the  Depart- 
ment. I  cannot,  I  do  not  wish  to,  nor  ought  I,  oppose  their  will;  and, 
honoring  their  expression  and  my  duty  as  General,  as  Governor,  and  as 
a  Mexican  citizen,  I  am  placing  myself  at  their  head.  I  shall  advance 
as  far  as  Las  Vegas,  where  I  shall  establish  my  General  Headquarters. 
If  you  do  not  cross  the  Sapello  River  with  your  forces,  we  will  negotiate 
this  matter  from  the  two  sides  and  enter  into  a  reasonable  transaction, 
as  you  have  offered.  I  fully  desire,  just  as  Your  Lordship  does,  to  save 
bloodshed.  In  case  by  some  events  its  effusion  cannot  be  avoided,  none 
of  the  responsibility  should  be  mine,  for  self-preservation  is  a  natural 
thing,  and  whatever  finds  itself  clearly  attacked  and  its  repose  dis- 
turbed should  accordingly  resist.  This  is  all  the  more  necessary  since 
I  have  more  than  enough  forces  to  repel  your  aggression.  I  am  deter- 
mined to  open  the  door  to  a  frank  discussion  of  the  present  question, 
and  after  the  justice  of  my  contention  is  established  and  the  differ- 

27.  The  version  of  this  letter  quoted  by  Lt.  William  H.  Emory  in  his  Notes  of  a 
Military  Reconnaissance  (Washington,  1848),  25,  is  a  liberal  translation  and  is  extremely 
summarized.  That  quoted  here  is  translated  from  a  copy  of  the  original,  certified  by 
Armijo's  secretary,  Antonio  Sena,  at  Chihuahua,  September  8,  1846. 


ences  resolved  in  conformity  with  the  rights  of  man  and  to  the  honor 
of  both  nations,  I  shall  consider  Your  Excellency's  sentiments  of  peace 
and  friendship  in  the  spirit  in  which  you  offer  them.  And  by  the  same 
token  I  offer  my  own  in  the  same  manner,  as  I  wish  to  know  your 
views,  but  it  will  be  as  I  have  already  said,  without  denying  the  rights 
of  my  country.  Captain  Cooke  will  show  Your  Lordship  the  terms  in 
which  I  have  considered  your  recommendations.  God  and  Liberty.  Santa 
Fe,  August  12,  1846. 

M.  A. 

No.  3 

Henry  Connelly  to  General  Manuel  Armijo,  Santa  Fe, 

August  18,  1846.28 
My  esteemed  friend : 

I  was  informed  through  Dona  Gertrudes  Barcelo29  of  the  situation 
in  which  you  found  yourself,  and,  with  the  desire  of  learning  some- 
thing of  the  security  you  might  expect  in  the  present  circumstances,  I 
at  once  saw  Gen.  Kearny.  He  has  assured  me  that  your  person  and 
interests  are  as  secure  as  if  Gen.  Armijo  governed.  He  tells  me  that 
you  should  Come  with  the  troops  and  the  close  friends  who  accompany 
you,  with  the  Armament  which  they  carry  and  the  Artillery,  if  it  is 
possible  to  bring  it;  that  at  a  short  distance  from  the  city  you  should 
request  a  parley  with  Gen  K:  It  will  be  granted.  Then  you  will  sur- 
render the  authority  of  Governor  and  Commandant  with  the  forces 
which  accompany  it.  If  Gen.  Armijo  wishes  to  be  a  citizen  of  the 
United  States  and  to  reside  in  New  Mexico,  [he  shall]  swear  to  uphold 
the  laws  and  the  constitution  established  by  that  Government.  If  he 
does  not  wish  to  be  a  citizen  of  the  said  states,  and  if  he  interns  himself 
under  the  Mexican  Govenment,  he  will  be  permitted  to  do  so  without 

Friend,  the  above  is  the  truth  and  you  may  believe  it  in  faith, 
without  fear  that  any  danger  will  result  to  your  person  or  property. 
I  advise  you,  my  dear  friend,  to  return  to  Santa  Fe  without  delay,  fol- 
lowing the  steps  already  indicated,  and  we  shall  have  the  pleasure  of 
seeing  our  Friend  again,  safe  from  dangers  and  safe  from  the  respon- 
sibilities of  Government.  I  have  much  to  tell  you  that  is  too  involved 
and  lengthy  to  write,  and  in  truth  I  am  very  pleased  to  know  that  you 
are  well.  Enjoy  every  pleasure  until  you  should  be  pleased  to  present 
yourself  to  Gen  K.  Do  not  fear,  Gen.  Armijo.  For  all  of  the  above  I 
answer  with  my  life,  as  the  friend  which  I  am. 

Attentive  [ly]  I  kiss  your  hand, 

Enrrique  Conely. 

28.  This  letter  is  here  translated  from  a  Spanish  copy  of  the  original,  certified  by 
Annijo's  secretary.  Antonio  Sena,  at  Chihuahua,  Sept.  8,  1846. 

29.  The  notorious  "La  Tules,"  mistress  and  confidant  of  Gov.  Armijo. 

[For  a  recent  study  and  revised  interpretation  of  Dona  Tules,  see  Fray  Angelico 
Chavez,  "Dona  Tules,  Her  Fame  and  Her  Funeral,"  El  Palacio,  voL  67,  no.  8  (August, 
1950)  Ed.] 

Book  Reviews 

Ruxton  of  the  Rockies:  Collected  by  Clyde  and  Mae  Reed 
Porter.  Edited  by  LeRoy  R.  Hafen.  Norman :  University 
of  Oklahoma  Press,  1950.  Pp.  xxii,  325.  $5.00. 

George  Frederick  Augustus  Ruxton — Ruxton  of  the 
Rockies — has  at  long  last  been  rescued  from  obscurity  and 
given  the  rightful  place  he  fully  deserves  in  the  history  of 
the  far  American  West.  To  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Clyde  Porter  goes 
great  credit  for  this  happy  consummation.  Their  search  for 
material  is  a  fascinating  story. 

In  1846-1848,  this  young  Englishman  entered  Mexico  at 
Vera  Cruz,  went  on  to  Mexico  City,  and  then  penetrated 
directly  into  the  frontiers  of  northern  Mexico  and  the  Rocky 
Mountain  west,  which  the  United  States  at  that  moment  was 
acquiring  from  Mexico  by  right  of  conquest.  Back  in  England 
within  a  short  time  after  his  emergence  from  the  wilderness, 
he  produced  in  record  time  two  literary  works  of  unusual 
excellence,  one  of  which,  Life  In  The  Far  West,  was  destined 
to  be  regarded  as  highly  as  the  great  volumes,  Wah-To-Yah, 
by  Louis  H.  Garrard,  and  The  Oregon  Trail,  by  Francis 
Parkman.  All  three  of  these  historical  classics  were  written 
under  somewhat  similar  circumstances  and  almost  simul- 
taneously. And  in  all  three  instances  these  talented  young 
men,  their  imaginations  stimulated  to  the  point  of  genius  by 
the  frontier,  brought  forth  productions  that  will  continue  to 
be  read  breathlessly  as  long  as  men  enjoy  romance  and 

In  the  case  of  Ruxton  very  little  was  known  until  recently, 
since  his  career  was  cut  short  by  his  early  death  at  St.  Louis, 
in  1848.  Determined  to  fill  in  this  unfortunate  gap,  Mr.  and 
Mrs.  Clyde  Porter  set  to  work  some  years  ago  with  little 
success  until  1947,  when  they  began  to  strike  "pay  dirt."  At 
that  time  Mrs.  Porter,  while  in  England,  was  fortunate 
to  locate  members  of  the  Ruxton  family  who  graciously  gave 
her  a  wealth  of  useable  material — much  of  it  autobiographi- 
cal in  nature — that  gave  a  full  account  of  the  hectic  life  of 



the  young  adventurer.  With  this  material  she  returned  to 
America,  where  she  and  Mr.  Porter  and  Dr.  Leroy  R.  Hafen, 
as  editor,  produced  this  most  readable  and  illuminating 

In  so  far  as  possible  Ruxton  is  allowed  to  tell  his  intri- 
guing story  in  full — chapter  six  through  sixteen  being  lifted 
bodily  from  his  Adventures  in  Mexico  and  the  Rocky  Moun- 
tains (London,  1847) — with  the  exception  of  the  use  of 
selected  extracts  in  chapters  six  and  seven.  An  excellent 
story  has  resulted  and  a  real  service  has  been  rendered  to  the 
history  of  the  west. 

"Aside  from  his  diplomatic  and  commercial  mission, 
Ruxton's  venture  in  Mexico  and  the  Rocky  Mountains  was 
largely  motivated  by  his  keen  desire  to  visit  these  strange 
remote  lands,  hunt  in  the  wilderness  of  the  American  West, 
and  subsequently  write  about  his  experiences  and  observa- 
tions." Whatever  his  status,  the  fact  that  he  was  unusually 
well  supplied  with  money  and  was  able  to  influence  officials 
and  win  consideration  beyond  his  personal  needs,  tends  to 
show  that  he  was  engaged  in  something  more  than  merely  a 
trip  of  personal  adventure. 

Mr.  and  Mrs.  Porter  and  Dr.  Hafen  have  done  their  work 
well,  and  Ruxton  stands  out  vividly  as  the  dynamic,  adven- 
turous, resourceful  and  talented  young  man  that  he  was.  In 
retrospect,  however,  his  observations  of  the  character  of  the 
Mexican  men  seem  to  be  unduly  severe. 

This  life  story  of  one  of  the  most  magnetic  and  interesting 
characters  ever  to  flash  across  the  Southwest  and  Rocky 
Mountain- West  deserves  to  take,  and  will  take  a  prominent 
place  in  the  field  of  Americana.  Defects  are  minor.  A  few 
maps  would  have  enhanced  greatly  the  value  of  the  volume, 
and  a  more  extensive  use  of  annotations  would  have  been  a 
luxury  to  the  serious  student  of  the  American  West.  Dr. 
Hafen  explains  in  his  splendid  foreword,  however,  that  the 
book  is  planned  for  "a  wide  popular  audience  rather  than 
a  limited  scholarly  one." 

Mrs.  Porter  has  written  a  captivating  introduction,  and 
the  poem,  "Ruxton  Creek,"  by  Thomas  Hornsby  Ferril,  will 
fire  the  imagination  and  excite  the  anticipation  of  any  lover 


of  the  great  west,  be  he  ever  so  satiated.  The  volume  is 
interestingly  illustrated  with  the  only  known  picture  of  Rux- 
ton  extant,  with  Ruxton's  own  sketches  and  with  Alfred 
Jacob  Miller's  famous  paintings.  The  index  is  quite  adequate, 
and  naturally  it  is  a  most  handsome  volume,  produced  as  it 
is  by  the  University  of  Oklahoma  Press. 

R.  H.  OGLE 

Phoenix  Union  High  Schools 
and  Phoenix  College 

Florentine  Codex.  General  History  of  the  Things  of  New 
Mexico  by  Fray  Bernadino  de  Sahagun.  Book  1 — The 
Gods.  Translated  from  the  Aztec  into  English,  with  Notes 
and  Illustrations.  Arthur  J.  0.  Anderson  and  Charles  E. 
Dibble.  In  13  Parts.  Part  II.  School  of  American  Research 
and  the  University  of  Utah.  Monographs  of  the  School  of 
American  Research,  No.  14,  Part  II.  Santa  Fe,  1950. 

The  student  of  ancient  Mexico  in  contrast  to  the  student, 
say,  of  the  Near  East,  has  certain  disadvantages,  but  one 
most  important  advantage ;  he  has  not  the  wealth  of  archival 
material  in  historical  sculpture  and  writing  left  by  the 
ancient  civilizations  of  the  latter  region,  but,  to  offset  that 
lack,  he  has  eyewitness  accounts  of  how  civilization  func- 
tioned in  Mexico  when  the  white  man  arrived.  Of  those  eye- 
witnesses Fray  Bernadino  de  Sahagun,  who  as  a  young  man 
reached  Mexico  in  1529  and  remained  there  until  his  death 
in  1590,  was  far  and  away  the  best. 

Father  Sahagun  was  a  born  student  of  man,  and  Evelyn's 
description  of  Samuel  Pepys — "A  very  worthy,  industrious, 
and  curious  person" — might  well  be  applied  to  him.  His  ap- 
proach was  in  many  respects  that  of  the  twentieth  century : 
he  assembled  Indians  and  discussed  ethnology  with  them, 
getting  the  material  straight  from  their  lips.  Indeed,  much 
of  Sahagun's  Historia  was  actually  written  in  Nahua  by  his 
informants,  although  revised  and  annotated  by  him.  A  para- 
phrase in  Spanish  of  the  Nahua  original  was  made  by 
Sahagun,  and  it  is  that  version  which  has  been  published  on 
more  than  one  occasion  (best  edition :  Robredo,  Mexico  City, 


1938) .  The  Spanish  paraphrase,  however,  lacks  much  of  the 
color  of  the  original;  the  rich  metaphors  and  poetry  of  the 
Nahua  setting  and  not  a  little  factual  material  are  absent. 
One  might  say  that  the  Spanish  version  bears  the  same  rela- 
tionship to  the  Nahua  as  a  children's  edition  of  Gulliver's 
Travels  does  to  Swift's  original  satire. 

Parts  of  the  Nahua  original  have  been  translated,  but 
it  is  not  until  now  that  a  full  translation  into  a  modern  lan- 
guage has  been  undertaken.  This  is  an  extremely  arduous 
labor  precisely  because  of  the  rich  veins  of  poetry  and  meta- 
phor in  the  original  and  the  abundance  of  esoteric  material 
on  Mexican  religion.  All  historians  and  ethnologists  are 
therefore  deeply  indebted  to  Messrs.  Anderson  and  Dibble 
for  making  available  these  most  important  source  materials. 
The  reviewer,  having  no  knowledge  of  the  Nahua  language, 
cannot  pass  judgment  on  the  merits  of  the  translation,  but 
he  is  confident  that  the  work  is  in  excellent  hands,  for  the 
authors  are  outstanding  scholars  of  Nahua.  The  twelve  books 
of  the  Historia  will  be  published  one  by  one  and  not  neces- 
sarily in  their  original  order ;  a  final  part  will  contain  table 
of  contents,  index,  introduction,  etc. 

This  is  a  "must"  for  every  library  and  individual  inter- 
ested in  Latin  America. 

Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington, 

Jesuit  Beginnings  in  New  Mexico  1867-1882.  M.  Lilliana 
Owens.  El  Paso,  Texas:  Revista  Catolica  Press,  1950. 
Pp.  176. 

This  study  is  divided  into  three  parts  with  a  foreword  by 
Edwin  V.  Byrne,  Archbishop  of  Santa  Fe,  and  an  introduc- 
tion by  Carlos  Castaneda,  The  University  of  Texas.  Part 
One  is  Sister  Lilliana's  narrative  of  Jesuit  work  in  New 
Mexico  and  Colorado,  beginning  with  Bishop  Lamy's  trip  to 
Europe  and  the  assignment  there  of  Jesuit  workers  for  New 

The  Second  Part  is  the  Account  of  the  Journey  of  Rev- 
erend Donato  M.  Gasparri,  S.J.,  to  New  Mexico  in  1867. 


This  "account  was  dictated  by  Father  Donate  M.  Gasparri, 
S. J.,  in  Spanish  to  Father  Vito  M.  Tromby,  S.J.  It  was  trans- 
lated into  Italian  for  the  records  of  the  Napolitan  Province 
and  appeared  in  the  Lettere  Edificanti"  *  *  *  "delta  Provincia 
Napoletana  delta  Compagnia  di  Gesu,  Serie  V,  1886-1887, 
Naples,  1886,  pp.  170-176."  The  publication  here  presented 
was  translated  from  the  Italian  by  Sister  Lilliana  and  asso- 
ciates. An  earlier  translation  by  J.  Manuel  Espinosa  has  been 
published  in  Mid- America,  vol.  20,  new  series  vol.  9  (Janu- 
ary, 1938). 

The  Third  Part  is  the  Diary  of  the  Mission  of  New  Mex- 
ico, May  27,  1867-October  18,  1874.  It  narrates  the  story  of 
the  trip  from  New  York  to  Santa  Fe,  between  May  and 
August  of  1867,  and  then  becomes  a  weekly  summary  of 
church  work  in  the  Albuquerque  area.  The  original  was  writ- 
ten in  Spanish,  but  is  presented  in  translation.  From  internal 
evidence,  Sister  Lilliana  credits  the  authorship  to  Reverend 
Livio  Vigilante,  S.J.,  the  first  superior  of  the  Jesuit  New 
Mexico  mission  band. 

The  publication  is  completed  with  a  bibliography,  index, 
and  pictures  of  leading  persons  in  the  story  and  of  places. 

The  Account,  the  Diary,  and  Sister  Lilliana' s  narrative 
relate  a  familiar  story  of  perils  experienced  by  travelers 
along  the  Santa  Fe  trail.  These  pioneer  Jesuits  faced  an  In- 
dian attack,  inclement  weather,  and  the  harshness  of  travel 
in  those  days  with  unflinching  courage.  Their  journey  was 
saddened  by  the  untimely  death  of  Sister  Alphonsa  Thomp- 
son, not  yet  twenty  years  of  age.  The  Account  also  contains 
the  European  side  of  the  story. 

The  Diary  is  the  more  important  of  the  two  documents. 
Although  on  the  surface  it  seems  to  be  a  weekly  summary  of 
routine  work,  for  one  acquainted  with  the  Albuquerque  en- 
vironment much  can  be  read  between  the  lines.  Behind  the 
terse  statements  of  the  author,  the  reader  catches  glimpses 
of  life  in  the  Middle  Rio  Grande  valley  three-quarters  of  a 
century  ago  which  is  in  sharp  contrast  with  the  present-day 

In  passing,  it  might  be  noted  that  there  are  some  imper- 
fections in  the  editorial  work.  An  occasional  item  in  the  foot- 


note  does  not  appear  in  the  bibliography.  The  footnote  style 
is  not  uniform:  a  work  is  sometimes  cited  by  author  and 
later  by  title.  Nor  is  the  title  always  exactly  the  same  in  foot- 
note and  bibliography.  The  title  of  Twitchell's  standard  his- 
tory of  New  Mexico  is  given  incorrectly,  a  not  uncommon 

Professor  Castaneda's  statement  (page  13)  on  the  num- 
ber of  settlers  killed  in  New  Mexico  at  the  time  of  the  Pueblo 
rebellion  of  1680  is  too  high. 

The  excessively  long  two-and-a-half  page  paragraph  be- 
ginning on  page  24  should  have  been  avoided  from  the  stand- 
point of  style.  Otherwise,  Sister  Lilliana  writes  with  a  clear 
pen  and  with  a  feeling  for  the  subject  that  adds  much  to  what 
could  have  been  a  rather  dry  enumeration  of  factual  infor- 
mation. A  sympathetic  reader  can  glean  much  more  from 
the  story  than  appears  on  the  surface. 

The  title  page  is  headed:  JESUIT  STUDIES — SOUTHWEST, 
Number  One.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  Number  Two  will  not  lag 
far  behind;  this  one  is  an  excellent  contribution  to  the  his- 
torical literature  of  the  region.  F.  D.  R. 

T\[ew  ^Mexico 
Historical  T^eview 

Palace  of  the  Governors,  Santa  Fe 

April,  1951 






VOL.  XXVI  APRIL,  1951  No.  2 


Short-Line  Staging  in  New  Mexico 

William  Swilling  Wallace 89 

The  Navaho  during  the  Spanish  Regime  in  New  Mexico 

Donald  E.  Worcester 101 

A  Coronado  Episode 

J.  Wesley  Huff         119 

Old  Settlers  in  Otero  County 

Dan  McAllister 128 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications  (continued) 

Wilma  Loy  Shelton 137 

Notes  and  Documents 148 

Book  Reviews  .  165 

THB  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  Subscription  to  the  quarterly  is 
$3.00  a  year  in  advance;  single  numbers,  except  those  which  have  become  scarce,  are 
$1.00  each. 

Business  communications  should  be  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  A.  F.  Walter,  State 
Museum,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. ;  manuscripts  and  editorial  correspondence  should  be 
addressed  to  Prof.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Stnta  Fe,  New  Mexico 


VOL.  XXVI  APRIL,  1951  No.  2 


FEW  agents  of  civilization  in  the  history  of  the  West  are 
mentioned  more,  taken  for  granted,  then  later  ignored 
than  the  stage  lines.  The  literature  of  western  staging  is  al- 
most entirely  limited  to  the  large  companies  that  operated 
over  great  distances.  Little  has  been  recorded  of  the  small 
"feeder"  lines  that  continued  to  operate  even  into  the  second 
decade  of  the  twentieth  century  and,  in  their  own  way,  per- 
formed a  service  no  less  important  than  the  large  lines.1  This 
paper  deals  with  only  one  such  small  line :  the  Lake  Valley, 
Hillsboro,  and  Kingston,  New  Mexico,  Stage  Line.  Fortu- 
nately, it  has  been  possible  to  supplement  the  limited  available 
published  sources  with  the  reminiscences  of  Mr.  William  J. 
Reay,  who  was  the  chief  driver  for  that  company  from  1892 
till  1904.2 

*  Mr.  Wallace  is  a  High  School  teacher,  Douglas  Arizona. 

1.  The  bibliographies  appended  to  Le  Roy  Hafen's,  The  Overland  Mail,  1849-1869 
(Cleveland,   1926)  ;  and  the  exhaustive  study  of  Roscoe  Platt  and  Margaret  6.  Conk- 
ling,  The  Butterfield  Overland  Mail,  1857-1869  (Glendale,  1947),  8  vols.,  are  rich  sources 
on  the  literature  of  the  stage  line.  Of  little  use  is  Agnes  W.  Springer's,  The  Cheyenne 
and  Black  Hills  Stage  and  Express  Routes    (Glendale,    1949).    Disappointingly   scant 
in  reference  to  western  staging  but  thorough  on   transportation  in  the  East  is   Sey- 
mour Dunbar,  A  History  of  Travel  in  America   (Indianapolis,  1915),  4  vols.  The  bulk 
of  western  literature  gives  only  a  fleeting  mention  of  the  stage  line,  leaving  the  reader 
to   his   imagination   concerning  the  actual  mechanics   of  operation,   organization,   etc. 
John  P.  Clum,  for  instance,  in  "Santa  Fe  in  the  70's,"  New  Mexico  Historical  Review, 
II    (October,  1927),  381,  casually  mentions  taking  a  six-horse  Concord  stagecoach  out 
of  Trinidad,  Colorado,  to  Santa  Fe  in  the  late  fall;  Theron  M.  Trumbo,   "The  Little 
Bonanza,"  New  Mexico  Magazine,  28   (April,  1950),  28,  briefly  mentions  a  "hack"  line 
operating  between  Las  Cruces  and  the  Organ  mountains  during  the  mining  era  ;  ad 

2.  William  John   Reay  was   born   March   31,    1876,   in   Hansingham,   Cumberland, 
England,  and  immigrated  to  the  United  States  in  1883  with  his  mother  and  two  sisters 



ft'/O     HAHLOtA  SPR1N»»    «TATIOM 


1861 1 




Lake  Volley,  Hillsboro  and  Kingston 
Stage    Line 




The  Santa  Fe  railway  station  at  Lake  Valley  was  the 
railhead  servicing  an  area  that  extended  to  the  north  and 
northwest  for  more  than  fifty  miles.  It  was  the  terminal  of  a 
thirteen  and  one-third  miles  spur  track  from  the  Rincon 
branch  of  the  Santa  Fe  joining  the  branch  line  at  Nutt,  New 
Mexico,  and  was  constructed  in  1884.3  On  March  10,  1881, 
the  two  divisions  of  the  Southern  Pacific  railroad  were  joined 
at  Deming,  New  Mexico,  which  formed  the  first  trans- 
continental railroad  through  New  Mexico  and  Arizona.4 
Within  this  area  the  mountain  ranges  of  Cook,  Pinos  Altos, 
Mimbres,  Mogollon,  Burro,  and  Black  held  forth  their  prom- 
ise of  riches  in  gold  and  silver.  For  a  while  the  major  trans- 
portation service  of  this  vast  area  had  been  the  Butterfield 
Overland  Mail  Company,  but  it  brought  its  services  to  an 
end  in  1861  when  the  Civil  War  created  a  tenuous  situation 
with  which  it  did  not  care  to  contend.5  Following  the  Civil 

to  join  the  rest  of  the  family,  four  brothers  and  his  father,  at  Georgetown,  Colorado. 
After  staying  in  Georgetown  for  two  years  the  family  then  moved  to  Kingston,  New 
Mexico  Territory,  a  major  boomtown  of  the  period.  Between  1885  and  1904  he  made 
his  home  first  in  Kingston  and  then  in  Hillsboro  where  during  this  twenty-one  year 
period  he  spent  twelve  years  as  driver  for  the  Line.  In  1904  he  moved  to  Douglas,  Ari- 
zona, where  he  first  went  into  the  livery  business  and  then  branched  out  into  other  ac- 
tivities. The  information  on  the  Line  was  obtained  from  interviews  with  Mr.  Reay  by 
the  writer  during  the  winter  of  1949-50.  The  writer  is  indebted  to  him  for  his  co- 
operation and  the  plates  accompanying  this  paper.  Unless  credited  to  other  sources, 
factual  information  in  the  following  pages  is  taken  from  typescript  copies  of  inter- 
views with  Mr.  Reay. 

3.  On  September  25,  1882,  the  Lake  Valley  Railroad  Company  was  granted  papers 
of  incorporation   at  Santa   Fe  which   called   for   an   initial  capitalization  of  $600,000 ; 
but  plans  for  the  company  never  materialized,  probably  because  the  superior  capital 
and  facilities  of  the  Santa  Fe  railroad  which  were  by  that  time  firmly  entrenched  in 
the  region.  See  George  B.  Anderson,  ed.,  History  of  New  Mexico:  Its  Resources  and 
People,  Illustrated   (New  York,  1907),  I,  899-900. 

4.  Ibid.  The  first  concrete  step  taken  toward  establishment  of  railway  service  in 
in  this  area  was  in  1872.  On  May  13  of  that  year  Gen.  George  M.  Dodge,  engineer  of  the 
Texas  and  Pacific  railroad,  wrote  George  Wolcott,  division  engineer  for  the  same  com- 
pany :  "  .  .  .  Organize  parties  for  the  purpose  of  developing  the  country  from  the  Rio 
Grande  to  the  Gila  river  near  the  Pimas'  village  just  below  the  mouth  of  the  San  Pedro 
and  north  of  the  southern  boundary  of  the  United  States,  and  south  of  the  Gila  river. 
.  .  .  Leave  the  Rio  Grande  north  of  El  Paso  near  Messilla,  going  directly  to  the  valley 
of  the  Rio  Mimbres — then  passing  the  Peloncello  [ate].  .  .  ."  The  document  was  dated 
at   Council   Bluffs,    Iowa.    (Quoted   from    photostatic    copy   in    the   possession   of    Mrs. 
Margaret  Calkins,  Tucson,  Arizona.) 

5.  The  last  Overland  scheduled  trip   through   southern   New  Mexico   left  Tucson 
on  March  6,  1861,  and  arrived  at  El  Paso  on  March  9th.  See  Conkling,  op.  cit.,  II,  325. 
The  first  stage  line  into  New  Mexico  probably  started  operations  in  1849  on  a  monthly 
schedule  between  Santa  Fe  and  Missouri ;  eventually  being  expanded  to  a  daily  service. 
Fares   were  about   $250   one-way   with   a   baggage   limit   of   forty   pounds   and   $1   per 
pound  for  excess.  Thirteen  days  and  six  hours  was  the  scheduled  time  between  Santa 


War  a  multitude  of  short-lived  stage  lines  served  many 
areas  of  the  West  until  the  appearance  of  the  railroad.6  The 
railroad,  however,  did  not  eliminate  the  need  for  the  horse 
and  mule  drawn  conveyance  because  the  population  of  this 
area  was  centered  in  the  rugged  mountain  recesses  where  it 
had  gone  in  search  of  the  elusive  gold  and  silver — here  the 
railroads  could  not  follow.7  Between  the  railheads  and  the 
population  they  sought  to  serve,  the  stage  and  freight  wagons 
were  needed  to  move  men  and  supplies  to  and  from  the  thea- 
ters of  activity.  Such  was  the  function  of  the  Lake  Valley, 
Hillsboro  and  Kingston  Stage  Line.8  From  its  beginning  it 
was  a  public  carrier  limited  to  the  transport  of  U.  S.  Mail  and 

Ownership  of  the  Line  can  be  pieced  together  only  from 
the  recollections  of  early  residents  of  Hillsboro  because  the 
original  mail  contracts  that  would  have  contained  this  in- 
formation have  been  destroyed.9 

When  the  Reay  family  moved  to  Kingston  in  1885,  L.  W. 
Orchard  was  operating  the  Line,  and  the  "Mountain  Pride," 
as  the  stagecoach  was  called,  was  in  service.  This  was  about 
seven  years  after  the  town  of  Hillsboro  could  have  needed 
stage  service  and  one  year  after  the  extension  of  the  railroad 
to  nearby  Lake  Valley.  So  it  may  be  assumed  that  the  Line 
probably  was  founded  between  1878  and  1882.  Orchard  sold 
the  Line  to  Fred  W.  Mister  in  1902  after  being  underbid  for 

Fe  and  Kansas  City.  See  Ralph  E.  Twitchell,  The  Leading  Facts  of  New  Mexican  His- 
tory (Cedar  Rapids,  1917),  II,  139-142.  Additional  data  on  the  earliest  stage  lines  in 
New  Mexico  is  found  in  Hafen,  op.  cit.,  70-75,  97,  236. 

6.  A  stage  line  operated  over  part  of  the  route  of  the  L.  V.,  H.  and  E.,  in  the 
late  1850's  and  early  60's  between  Cook's  Springs  and  Fort  Thorn  on  the  Rio  Grande. 
See  map   accompanying   Randolph   B.   Marcy,    The   Prairie    Traveler    (London,    1863), 
Richard  Burton,  ed. 

7.  Mining   in   the   region   centered   in   the  principal  mineral   belt   running   along 
the   eastern   slope  of  the  continental  divide,   starting   at   Cook's    Peak,   through   Lake 
Valley,  Hillsboro,  Kingston,  Hermosa,  Chloride,  and  Grafton  to  the  south  side  of  the 
San  Augustine  Plain.  The  core  of  the  area,  geologically,  was  four  to  eight  miles  wide 
and  twenty  miles  long  and  divided  into  six   mining   districts :   Black  Range,   Apache, 
Palomas,  Limestone,  Cuchillo  Negro,  and  Iron  Reef.  Cf..  Twitchell,  op.  eit..  IV,  267. 

8.  Hereinafter  referred  to  as  the  Line. 

9.  Post  office  Department  files  concerning  star  route  and  other  types  of  contracts 
covering  private  carriers  of  mail  from  1870  through  1914  have  been  destroyed  by  au- 
thority of  Congress.  C.  C.  Garner   (Chief  Inspector,  Post  Office  Department)   to  W.  S. 
Wallace,   May   4,   1950.  and  Forrest  R.   Holdcamper    (Industrial  Records   Branch,   Na- 
tional Archives)   to  idem,  May  9,  1950. 


the  mail  contract.  After  the  sale  of  his  business  Orchard 
moved  to  Belen,  New  Mexico,  where  he  had  charge  of  trans- 
portation during  the  construction  of  the  "Belen  Cut-Off." 
Sometime  later  he  moved  to  Colorado.  Neither  Reay  nor  any 
of  the  older  residents  of  Hillsboro  know  anymore  about 

More  is  known  of  Fred  W.  Mister,  who  was  born  in 
Broadalbin,  New  York,  November  25, 1859,  and  died  in  1939. 
In  1883  he  became  a  partner  of  W.  C.  Leonard  in  a  mercan- 
tile business  at  Kingston  where  he  also  had  some  mining 
interests.  He  moved  to  Hillsboro  and  opened  a  meat  market 
in  1900,  and  in  1902  bought  the  Line  from  Orchard.  Mister 
operated  the  passenger  service  of  the  Line  until  the  decline 
of  mining  operations  and  the  onset  of  World  War  I  after 
which  he  suspended  passenger  service  and  limited  his  busi- 
ness to  hauling  mail  over  the  route.10  By  this  time,  however, 
the  Line  as  a  stagecoach  operation  had  ceased  to  operate. 

Having  no  competition  the  Line  never  advertised  and  the 
contemporary  newspapers  of  the  area  are  devoid  of  refer- 
ence to  it.  Accepted  as  a  permanent  fixture  to  the  area  people 
were  little  concerned  about  its  operation.  Ralph  E.  Twitchell 
passed  over  the  Line  with  only  a  brief  comment :  "Hillsboro 
is  reached  by  a  stage  line  from  Lake  Valley,  the  terminus  of  a 
branch  line  of  the  A.  T.  &  S.  F.  Railway."11 

With  headquarters  and  a  principal  terminus  located  at 
Lake  Valley  the  route  extended  northward  over  the  rolling 
sand  swept  desert  valley.  At  a  point  six  miles  north  of  Lake 
Valley  a  rise  known  formerly  as  "White  Hill"  was  crossed 
and  then  the  route  descended  into  the  Harlosa  Springs  Sta- 
tion where  the  Line  maintained  a  corral  for  team  changes 
on  the  north-bound  trips.  From  this  point  the  route  con- 
tinued northward  for  twelve  miles  to  Hillsboro,  the  county 
seat  of  Sierra  county.  Traversing  a  winding,  climbing,  road 
in  a  westerly  direction  out  of  Hillsboro  to  Kingston  into  the 
Mimbres  Mountains  the  stage  reached  the  outgoing  terminus 

10.  Twitchell,  op.  eit.,  IV,  276,  gives  a  brief  biographical  sketch  of  Mister.  In- 
formation concerning  his  later  years  was  obtained  from   George  Meyers,   Executor  of 
the  Mister  Estate. 

11.  Ibid.,  263,  note  600. 


of  the  route.  At  Lake  Valley  the  passenger  transfer  point 
was  the  railway  depot;  in  Hillsboro,  the  Hotel  Union;  and 
the  Hotel  Mountain  Pride  in  Kingston.  The  name  of  the 
Kingston  hostelry  was  adopted  by  the  Line  for  its  nine  pas- 
senger Concord  stagecoach.  Lettered  across  the  top  panel  on 
either  side  of  the  coach  in  gold  filligree  was  "Mountain 

The  coach  was  a  "Southern"  style  thoroughbrace  sus- 
pended vehicle  built  in  the  Concord  fashion  but  probably 
manufactured  by  the  Eaton,  Gilbert  and  Company  of  Troy, 
New  York.13  It  was  of  oak  construction  and  painted  dark  red 
on  the  body,  yellow  on  the  carriage  and  black-striped  at  the 
joints,  corners,  etc.  Its  interior  was  upholstered  in  russet 
leather  and  at  the  top  of  each  window  heavy  canvas  duck 
side  curtains  were  attached.  The  stitched  leather  thorough- 
braces  were  three  and  a  half  inches  wide  and  extended  from 
standards  on  either  end  of  the  front  axle  to  standards  on 
either  end  of  the  rear  axle.  The  body  of  the  coach,  attached 
to  the  thoroughbraces,  had  a  backward  and  forward  move- 
ment described  by  Mark  Twain  as  "swinging  and  swaying" 
and  to  the  coach  as  a  whole  as  a  "cradle  on  wheels."14 
Fastened  to  the  forward  pillars  on  each  side  of  the  coach 
were  box-like  lanterns,  occasionally  used  as  running  lights 
in  the  dark  and  poor  weather.  Two,  three  passenger  seats 
were  inside  and  another  was  located  on  top  just  behind  the 
driver's  box.  At  the  rear  of  the  body  was  a  triangular  "boot" 
for  luggage  and  another  at  the  front  under  the  driver's  box. 
The  Line  also  used  a  six  passenger  jerkey  for  charter  serv- 
ice, a  mud-wagon,  and  it  had  a  miscellaneous  assortment  of 

12.  The  coach  may  be   the  one   formerly   used   on   an   earlier   line  that  operated 
between  Cook's  Springs  and  Fort  Thorn    (Supra,  note  6).  Wayne  L.  Mauzey,   "West- 
ern Stage  Coach  Days,"  El  Palacio,  XXXIX   (August  14,  21,  28,  1935),  34,  speaks  of  * 
coach  given  to  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico  by  Mrs.  Arthur  Seligman  in  1935, 
as  having   "operated  last  between   Lake  Valley  and  Hillsboro,   New  Mexico."   This   is 
possibly   the  same   coach   referred   to   above.    The   coach's   name   is    discernible   on   all 
of  the  accompanying  plates. 

13.  The  "Mountain  Pride"  had  a  seat  located  on  top  behind  the  driver's  box,  a 
construction  detail  incorporated  only  in  the  Troy  coaches.  Cf.,  Conkling,  op.  cit.,  I,  131- 

14.  Mark  Twain  (Samuel  Clemens),  Roughing  It  (New  York,  1871),  I,  7. 

Sheba  Hurst,  the  "wit  of  Kingston,"  a  humorous  character  in  Roughing  It,  ii 
buried  in  an  unmarked  grave  at  Kingston. 


wagons  for  hauling  feed  and  equipment  from  its  principal 
supply  depot  at  Lake  Valley  to  the  stations  along  the  route. 

The  Line  was  no  exception  among  stage  companies  in 
the  pride  and  care  with  which  it  cared  for  its  horses.15 
Eighteen  to  twenty  spirited  animals  were  kept  in  the  Line's 
corral  at  Lake  Valley  and  whenever  reports  were  received 
of  a  particularly  outstanding  "outlaw"  or  wild  horse  within 
fifty  miles  of  the  area  immediately  it  was  captured,  if  possi- 
ble, and  added  to  the  Line's  herd.  No  one  team  (of  four)  was 
worked  more  often  than  every  third  day.  Light,  nervous 
horses  were  prized  as  leaders  (the  forward  pair  in  a  team 
arrangement  of  four  or  more)  and  heavy,  powerful  horses 
were  placed  at  the  wheeler  position  (the  pair  hitched  nearest 
to  the  body  of  a  horse  drawn  conveyance).  This  matching 
of  mood  and  power  seems  to  have  reached  perfection  in  the 
eyes  of  the  company  with  the  team  used  at  one  time  on  the 
coach  in  the  Zavia  Whitham  painting.16  In  this  painting  the 
left  leader  is  "Prince,"  the  right  leader  "Andy,"  left  wheeler 
"Dude,"  and  the  right  wheeler  "Reilly."  These  four  horses 
were  considered  the  best  combination  the  Line  ever  had, 
both  from  the  standpoint  of  efficiency  and  as  specimens  of 
fine  horseflesh.  From  the  day  Mr.  Reay  first  entered  the  em- 
ploy of  the  Line  until  his  last  run  all  teams  were  judged  on 
the  basis  of  comparison  to  Prince,  Dude,  Andy  and  Reilly. 

The  "Mountain  Pride"  maintained  a  schedule  that  was 
timed  to  the  arrival  of  the  noonday  Santa  Fe  train  at  Lake 
Valley.  The  schedule  was  as  follows : 

Read  Down                Station  Miles             Read  Up 

12:00  Noon  Lv.  Lake  Valley  0  Ar.  10:00  AM 

3:00  PM  Ar.  Hillsboro  18  Lv.     7:00  AM 

3:10  PM  Lv.        "  Ar.     8:30  PM 

4:40  PM  Ar.  Kingston  9  Lv.     6:30  PM 

liT     See~J.  C.  Birge,  Awakening  of  the  Desert    (Boston,  1912),  410. 

16.  This  oil  (26"  x  37"),  now  hanging  in  Mr.  Reay's  office  at  Douglas,  was 
painted  sometime  in  the  mid-90's  by  Zavia  Whitham,  former  school  teacher  and 
painter  in  various  parts  of  Colorado  and  New  Mexico.  It  shows  the  "Mountain  Pride" 
rounding  a  corner  with  L.  O.  Orchard  in  the  box.  On  Orchard's  left  is  a  "Dr.  Ried"  of 
Detroit  (a  frequent  visitor  in  Hillsboro  at  that  time).  On  the  top  seat  behind  Orchard 
sits  a  "Mr.  Van  Heusen."  The  man  next  to  Van  Heusen  is  unknown.  The  picture  was 
painted  at  a  spot  where  the  route  cut  across  a  pasture  of  the  Sierra  Land  and  Cattle 
Company,  about  six  miles  south  of  Hillsboro.  Orchard  gave  the  painting  to  Mr.  Reay 
in  1902  when  he  sold  the  Line. 


As  is  evident,  the  Line  scheduled  its  movements  at  ten  miles 
per  hour,  a  fast  schedule  when  compared  to  the  Overland 
Mail  Company's  schedule  of  four  and  four-tenths  miles  per 
hour  over  comparable  terrain  in  the  Fourth  Division  of  its 
route  between  Tucson  and  Franklin  (El  Paso).17  On  the  re- 
turn trip  the  stage  remained  in  Hillsboro  overnight.  There 
were  always  a  few  passengers  on  each  run  but  when  the 
occasion  demanded  the  coach  could  be  loaded  with  many  more 
than  the  normal  capacity  of  nine.  The  record  number  for  it, 
and  probably  all  other  Concords  that  ever  rolled,  was  twenty- 
three.  This  was  on  the  evening  of  the  last  day  of  the  "Lee  and 
Gilliland"  trial  at  Hillsboro,  when  Mr.  Reay  drove  twenty- 
three  participants  in  the  trial  back  to  Lake  Valley;18  one  of 
them  the  famed  Lincoln  county  sheriff,  Pat  Garrett. 

No  financial  records  are  to  be  found  of  the  Line's  busi- 
ness but  expenses  must  have  been  great.  During  the  peak  of 
operations  seven  to  eight  men  were  regularly  employed  in 
addition  to  part-time  labor  gangs  used  to  augment  the  county 
road  crews  in  filling  the  ruts  and  removing  rocks  from  the 
right-of-way.  A  few  of  these  employees'  names  are  remem- 
bered :  Frank  Richardson,  a  stock  tender  at  Lake  Valley ;  Jim 
Rafter,  bookkeeper  at  the  Lake  Valley  office;  and  a  stock 
tender  at  Hillsboro  named  Neal  Sullivan.  Stock  tenders  were 
also  kept  at  Kingston  and  Harlosa  Springs  but  their  names 
have  been  forgotten.  In  addition  to  labor  costs  there  was  a 
large  monthly  bill  for  feed  which  was  shipped  into  Lake  Val- 
ley by  rail  in  boxcar  loads.19  Harness  was  another  item  that 

17.  Postmaster-general's  Report,  1858,  Senate  Executive  Documents,  85  Cong.,  2 
sess.t  739-741.   The  Barlow  and  Sanderson   Stage  Line  operating  in  western  Colorado 
in  the  1880's  maintained  a  ten  and  one-half  miles  per  hour  schedule  on  its  Marshall 
Pass  Division,  a  distance  of  seventy-five  miles.    (David  Lavender,  The  Big  Divide,  New 
York,  1949,  p.  145.) 

18.  The  trial  of  Oliver  Lee  and  James  F.  Gilliland  for  the  murder  of  a  prominent 
Las  Graces  attorney,  CoL  Albert  J.  Fountain,  and  his  son,  in  March,  1896,  was  a  sen- 
sation in  its  day.  The  bodies  of  Fountain  and  his  son  were  never  found  and  Lee  and 
Gilliland   were   acquitted.   Pat  Garrett  was  the   arresting   officer   in   the  case.   A   good 
summary  of  the  affair  is  in  Anderson,  op.  cit.,  I,  350-351. 

19.  It  is  hard  to  comprehend  the  amount  of  feed  required  for  draft  animals  in 
the  past  century.   F.   A.   Root  and  Connelley,   Overland  Stage  to  California,    (Topeka, 
1901),  487,  refers  to  a  general  manager  of  the  Overland  Mail  Company  at  St.   Louis 
who,  in  one  day,  chartered  seven  river  steamboats  to  load  corn  for  the  herds  of  the 
Overland.   The  L.  V.,   H.  and  K.,   used   native  "gramma"  hay  and  oats   for   its   basic 
feed  rations. 


required  heavy  initial  outlays  of  capital.  One  interesting  cost 
was  for  men's  old  shoes.  These  were  purchased  by  the  sack 
and  the  soles  used  to  reline  the  brake-blocks  of  the  stage- 
coach. This  relining  operation  was  performed  daily  in  Lake 
Valley.  It  was  extremely  necessary  because  of  the  constant 
braking  of  the  wheels  on  the  return  trip  from  Kingston.  To 
meet  current  expenses  of  the  Line  during  the  late  80's  and 
90's  and  make  a  modest  profit  for  the  owner  there  had  to  be 
at  least  a  gross  income  of  about  fifteen  thousand  dollars  per 

Passengers  were  permitted  fifty  pounds  of  baggage  free 
but  all  exceeding  that  was  charged  at  the  rate,  generally,  of 
ten  cents  per  pound.  The  schedule  of  fares  was : 

One-way  Round-trip 

Lake  Valley  to  Hillsboro  $2.00  $3.50 

Hillsboro  to  Kingston  1.50  2.50 

Lake  Valley  to  Kingston  3.25  5.50 

Passenger  tariffs  were  kept  at  about  nine  cents  per  mile  be- 
tween Lake  Valley  and  Hillsboro  while  it  was  increased  to 
sixteen  and  two-thirds  for  the  more  difficult  run  from  Hills- 
boro to  Kingston. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  the  communities  served  by  the 
Line  were  economically  able  to  afford  a  service  of  such  cost.20 
In  the  time  of  Victorio  and  the  Apache  sub-chiefs  Loco  and 
Nana,  the  area  had  been  subject  to  the  control  of  the  Apache. 
However,  by  the  early  80's  rich  strikes  had  been  made  by 
prospectors  and  the  hordes  poured  in.  Ore  valued  as  high  as 
a  thousand  dollars  per  ton  was  exposed  in  famous  mines,  one, 
the  "Bridal  Chamber"  near  Lake  Valley.  The  ranchers  had 
also  moved  into  the  valley  and  combined  with  the  miners  gave 
Lake  Valley  a  population  of  about  a  thousand.  Kingston 
dated  its  beginning  back  to  August,  1882,  when  Jack  Shed- 
den,  a  miner  from  Colorado,  discovered  the  "Solitaire"  mine 
there.  In  less  than  a  year  Kingston's  population  reached 
eighteen  hundred  and  by  the  late  80's  had  approached  ap- 

20.  A  short  summary  of  these  communities'  histories  and  of  Sierra  county  are 
covered  in  Twitchell,  op.  cit.,  IV,  268,  269,  note  603,  note  Q04,  passim ;  Anderson,  op. 
cit.,  II,  757-767. 


proximately  twenty-five  hundred.  Hillsboro,  the  first  county 
seat  of  Sierra  county,  was  the  center  of  extensive  gold  opera- 
tions instead  of  silver,  as  was  the  case  of  Lake  Valley  and 
Kingston.  Founded  in  1877,  Hillsboro  was  an  offshoot  of 
Georgetown,  in  Grant  county.  Georgetown  prospectors  made 
the  first  gold  strikes  in  the  Hillsboro  area  in  May,  1877.  From 
that  time  on  the  town  continued  to  grow  and  prosper.  A 
brick  courthouse  (now  in  ruins)  was  constructed,  schools 
were  maintained  and  numerous  hotels,  restaurants,  and 
stores  opened.  The  population  climbed  to  an  estimated  three 
thousand  at  its  peak  period.  By  the  beginning  of  the  twen- 
tieth century,  however,  Hillsboro  had  begun  to  decline,  to 
such  an  extent  that  the  county  seat  was  moved  to  the  rapidly 
expanding  cattle  and  tourist  center,  Hot  Springs,  in  the 
northeastern  part  of  the  county.  The  Apache  had  ceased  to 
make  trouble  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Line's  operations  previous 
to  1890.  The  drivers  of  the  line  had  stopped  carrying  arms 
by  the  time  Mr.  Reay  became  a  driver  in  1892. 

The  harness  arrangement  used  in  western  staging  was 
not  the  same  as  in  ordinary  draft  work.  In  place  of  numerous 
attachments  ordinarily  used  the  stage  harness  was  relatively 
simple.  The  belly  band,  back  band,  hames,  and  reins  com- 
prised the  harness.21  Such  commonplace  hardware  as  hooks 
and  snaps  were  unknown  on  the  stage  harness.  The  only 
hook  on  a  Concord  stagecoach  was  the  "goose-neck"  on  the 
end  of  the  tongue.  All  connections  were  made  with  rings 
through  which  "T"  links  were  inserted,  much  in  the  man- 
ner of  ordinary  cuff-links.  In  preparation  for  a  departure 
the  bridles  and  harness  were  placed  on  the  horses  and  they 
were  led  to  their  positions  at  the  front  of  the  stagecoach. 
All  tugs  and  connections  were  completed  by  the  stock  tender 
with  the  exception  of  the  tug22  joining  the  harness  of  the 
left  wheeler  to  the  carriage.  The  driver  climbed  to  the  box 
with  the  reins  in  hand,  and  only  after  making  certain  all 

21.  Harness  detail  is  plainly  visible  in  all  of  the  plates.  The  small  rings  on  the 
neck  and  head  of  the   leaders   in   Plate  II  are  decorations   used  on   special  occasions. 
These  rings  were  made  of  gaily  colored  celluloid  and  attached  to  most  of  the  harness. 

22.  The  tug  is  the  trace  of  a  harness  which  may  be  made  of  rope,   leather,   or 
chain  and  used   in   pulling  anything   along ;   in   the  case  of  staging — the  coach   itself. 


was  in  readiness,  would  he  signal  to  the  stock  tender  to  hook 
the  left  wheeler  tug.  This  was  a  necessary  precaution  be- 
cause, as  Mr.  Reay  put  it,  "Once  the  left  tug  is  secured,  get 
out  of  the  way !  Without  a  word  from  the  driver  the  team  was 
off  in  a  full  gallop."  As  the  bell  was  to  the  fire  horse  so  the 
last  hitching  operation  seems  to  have  been  to  the  stagecoach 

Getting  the  stagecoach  underway  required  a  driver  with 
"good  hands"  and  a  good  team.  If  the  leaders  were  slow  in 
starting  the  wheelers  would  force  the  tongue  forward  and 
thus  risk  cutting  the  leaders  on  their  harness  while  a  team 
of  wheelers  slow  in  starting  after  fast  leaders  would  have 
the  forepart  of  the  carriage  and  body  rammed  into  their 
bodies  causing  serious  injury.  Therefore,  the  driver  had  to 
have  the  ability  to  start  the  leaders  just  a  fraction  of  a  sec- 
ond ahead  of  the  wheelers.  This  was  no  easy  accomplishment 
and  it  called  for  much  practice  and  mastery  of  the  art  of 
driving.23  The  reins  were  held  in  the  left  hand  with  the  rein 
to  the  left  leader  between  the  thumb  and  index  finger,  the 
left  wheeler  rein  between  the  index  and  middle  finger,  the 
right  leader  between  the  middle  and  fore  finger,  the  right 
wheeler  rein  between  the  fore  and  little  finger.  In  this  man- 
ner the  driver  had  instant  control  of  any  one  or  combination 
of  horses  while  the  right  hand  was  free  to  control  the  slack 
of  the  reins  or  use  the  long  whip  carried  in  a  socket  at  the 
driver's  right.24  Knowing  how  to  turn  the  team  was  as  im- 
portant as  getting  it  underway.  If  a  leader  turned  faster  than 
the  wheeler  behind  it,  the  wheeler  would  trip  and  become 
seriously  injured  as  the  coach  tongue  cut  across  its  front 
legs ;  this  was  a  common  accident  when  inexperienced  driv- 
ers were  in  the  box. 

Besides  "good  hands"  and  a  well-matched  team  the 
method  of  loading  the  stagecoach  was  also  of  great  impor- 
tance. The  seat  favored  by  passengers  was  the  inside  rear 
seat  and  it  was  for  this  seat  the  passengers  always  vied.  How- 

23.  For  a  discussion  of  the  art  of  driving  see:  Maj.  Gen.  Geoffrey  White  "Driv- 
ing," Encyclopaedia  Britannica  (Chicago,  1936),  VII,  665-667. 

24.  See  pictures  for  a  stagecoach  just  getting  underway  and  reins  detail. 



ever,  in  less  than  full  loads  concentrated  weight  at  the  rear 
of  the  stagecoach  caused  the  front  of  the  body  to  spring  up, 
thus  endangering  the  stability  of  the  coach  and  making  it 
more  difficult  for  the  horses  to  pull.  Likewise,  concentrated 
weight  at  the  front  had  a  similar  effect  on  the  rear  of  the 
coach.  The  driver  would  usually  balance  the  luggage  between 
the  fore  and  aft  "boots,"  however,  before  making  the  rear 
seat  passengers  change  to  the  front,  if  it  were  at  all  possible. 
Upsetting  was  always  a  potential  danger  and  was  recognized 
even  by  the  coach  manufacturers.  The  coach  makers  (of  the 
Concord  type)  assembled  the  front  wheels  and  axle  in  such 
a  manner  that  only  a  loose  fitting  kingpin  held  the  body  to 
the  front  wheels  and  axle,  in  this  way  an  overturned  coach 
was  instantly  disengaged  from  the  team  because  as  soon  as 
the  upset  occurred  the  kingpin  fell  out  of  its  connection  and 
freed  the  front  wheels  and  the  team  thus  preventing  a 
frightened  team  from  pulling  the  upset  body  along  the  road. 
Today,  New  Mexico  State  Routes  27  and  180  follow  the 
route  of  the  L.  V.,  H.  and  K.,  between  Lake  Valley  and  Kings- 
ton. In  Sierra  county  the  decline  of  the  mines  and  new  em- 
phasis on  ranching  have  brought  about  the  decay  and  aban- 
donment of  most  of  the  three  communities  formerly  served 
by  the  Line.  Though  only  a  small  enterprise  compared  to  the 
Holliday  and  Overland  companies  it  made  its  contribution 
to  the  development  of  western  America. 



THE  history  of  the  Navaho  is  in  many  ways  unique  among 
the  Indians  of  North  America.  Unlike  the  majority  of  the 
other  tribes  of  the  present  United  States,  the  Navaho  were 
able  to  adapt  European  material  culture  traits  which  were  to 
aid  them  remarkably  after  their  confinement  to  a  reserva- 
tion. They  differed  from  others  also  in  that  their  reservation 
coincided  with  their  accustomed  homeland,  a  factor  of  con- 
siderable importance  in  their  growth  from  seven  or  eight 
thousand  in  the  1860's  to  upwards  of  50,000  at  the  present 
time.  No  other  tribe  of  American  Indians  has  had  similar 
success  since  commencing  reservation  life.  The  reasons  for 
the  immense  growth  of  the  Navaho  are  to  be  found  in  their 
relations  with  Spanish  and  Pueblo  settlements  in  the  17th 
and  18th  centuries,  and  in  their  good  fortune  in  being  al- 
lowed to  remain  upon  their  ancient  tribal  lands.  Other  tribes 
had  to  make  involuntary  and  sometimes  difficult  adjustments 
to  new  environments  and  unaccustomed  ways  of  life,  as  was 
the  case  of  the  Plains  Indians  after  the  buffalo  had  vanished. 
While  other  tribes  were  waging  a  losing  struggle  to  sur- 
mount these  obstacles,  the  Navaho  immediately  began  an  un- 
precedented growth. 

The  tremendous  increase  of  the  Navaho  in  recent  times 
has  seemed  the  more  unusual  because  of  a  widespread 
opinion  that  the  tribe  was  of  late  origin  and  exceedingly 
small  at  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico.  Spanish 
documents  of  the  17th  century  make  it  patent  that  this  belief 
is  erroneous.  Far  from  being  a  small,  weak  tribe  largely  un- 
known to  the  Spaniards,  the  Navaho  were  the  most  trouble- 
some of  all  the  Indians  encountered  by  the  newcomers  in  the 
Southwest  until  the  advent  of  the  Comanche  soon  after  1700. 

One  reason  for  this  confusion  regarding  the  Navaho  in 
the  early  years  of  New  Mexico's  history  is  to  be  found  in 

*  Donald  E.  Worcester  is  Professor  of  History,  University  of  Florida. 



Spanish  terminology  used  for  designating  the  wild  and  war- 
like tribes.  At  the  time  of  the  conquest  the  word  "apache," 
from  the  Zuni  apachu — enemy — their  appellation  for  the 
Navaho,  was  used  by  the  Spaniards  to  denote  any  hostile  In- 
dians. Onate  even  employed  it  in  reference  to  the  people  of 
the  pueblo  of  Acoma.  Soon  it  became  known  to  the  Spaniards 
that  most  of  the  enemy  tribes  surrounding  New  Mexico  spoke 
a  common  language,  and  the  name  thereafter  was  applied 
only  to  the  Southern  Athabascans.  Gradually  other  designa- 
tions were  given  to  the  various  Athabascan  tribes  of  different 
regions,  and  the  Navaho  became  known  as  the  Apaches  del 
Navajo.  Throughout  the  17th  century  and  frequently  in  later 
years,  however,  many  Spanish  documents  referred  to  them 
simply  as  Apache,  thus  giving  an  impression  at  first  glance 
that  the  Navaho  did  not  figure  to  any  significant  degree  in 
the  events  of  that  remote  era.  That  this  impression  is  entirely 
false  will  be  pointed  out  in  the  following  pages. 

Recent  archaeological  investigations  have  brought  to 
light  much  valuable  information  regarding  the  Navaho  an- 
cestral groups,  and  the  available  evidence  points  to  the  ar- 
rival of  these  people  in  the  Southwest  around  the  10th  or  llth 
century  by  a  route  from  the  north  by  way  of  the  Great  Basin 
rather  than  the  Plains.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  future  investi- 
gations will  define  more  exactly  the  wanderings  and  culture 
of  the  founders  of  the  tribe.1 

1.  There  is  an  increasing  literature  on  the  early  Navaho.  A  few  will  be  cited  as 
examples :  Charles  Avery  Amsden,  "Navaho  origins,"  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW, 
VII ;  Harold  S.  Colton,  "Did  the  so-called  Cliff  Dwellers  of  central  Arizona  also  build 
hogans,"  American  Anthropologist,  XXII ;  Malcolm  F.  Farmer,  "Navaho  archaeology 
of  Upper  Blanco  and  Largo  Canyons,  northern  New  Mexico,"  American  Antiquity, 
VIII ;  Edward  Twitchell  Hall,  Jr.,  "Recent  clues  to  Athapascan  prehistory  in  the 
Southwest,"  American  Anthropologist,  XLIV  ;  J.  P.  Harrington,  "Southern  peripheral 
Athapaskawan  origins,  divisions,  and  migrations,"  Smithsonian  Miscellaneous  Collec- 
tions, C ;  Edgar  Lee  Hewett,  "Origins  of  the  name  Navaho,"  American  Anthropologist, 
VIII ;  Frank  C.  Hibben,  "Excavations  of  the  Riana  Ruin  and  Chama  valley  survey," 
Bulletin  of  the  University  of  New  Mexico  Anthropological  Series,  II ;  Hibben,  "The 
Gallina  phase,"  American  Antiquity,  IV ;  Ales  Hrdlicka,  "Physical  and  physiological 
observations  on  the  Navaho,"  American  Anthropologist,  II ;  Wesley  R.  Hurt,  Jr., 
"Eighteenth  century  Navaho  hogans  from  Canyon  de  Chelly  National  Monument," 
American  Antiquity,  VIII ;  Betty  H.  and  Harold  A.  Huscher,  "Athapaskan  migrations 
via  the  Intermontane  region,"  American  Antiquity,  VIII ;  Dorothy  Louise  Keur,  "Big 
Bead  Mesa,  an  archaeological  study  of  Navaho  acculturation,  1745-1812,"  Society  for 
American  Archaeology,  Memoirs,  No.  1,  and  "New  light  on  Navaho  origins,"  New 
York  Academy  of  Sciences,  Transactions,  Sec.  2,  II ;  Roy  L.  Malcolm,  "Archaeological 


The  Navaho  evidently  have  mixed  very  considerably  with 
their  neighbors,  and  in  physique  are  more  closely  related  to 
the  ancient  and  modern  Pueblo  peoples  than  to  the  Apache. 
In  the  historical  period  they  have  increased  their  numbers 
and  modified  their  material  culture  by  wholesale  adoptions 
into  the  tribe  of  refugees  from  various  pueblos.  Their  atti- 
tude toward  these  peoples  as  well  as  toward  captives  taken 
in  warfare  has  had  a  significant  part  in  their  development.  It 
helps  to  account  not  only  for  their  growth  in  number  but  for 
their  evolving  a  culture  which  was  considerably  advanced  in 
comparison  to  the  Apache  and  Ute. 

Despite  the  absence  of  the  word  "Navaho"  in  Spanish  doc- 
uments of  the  16th  century,  contact  with  the  tribe  probably 
was  made  during  that  time.  Coronado,  in  relating  his  war 
with  the  Zuni,  mentioned  that  the  pueblos  and  the  province 
were  up  in  arms  and  that  he  saw  many  smoke  signals  rising 
at  different  places.2  The  experiences  of  later  Spanish  forces 
in  the  region  suggest  that  the  Navaho  were  involved,  for  they 
frequently  aided  the  Pueblo  tribes  against  the  Spaniards.  In 
1582  it  is  also  very  likely  that  Antonio  de  Espejo  encountered 
Navaho  in  the  Querechos  who  came  to  the  assistance  of 
Acoma.  The  southern  periphery  of  the  Navaho  country  was 
in  this  vicinity  and  it  seems  probable,  in  light  of  Onate's  ex- 
periences two  decades  later,  that  the  Navaho  were  the  ones 
who  aided  the  Acomans. 

At  the  time  of  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico,  around  1600, 
it  appears  that  the  Navaho  were  the  first  of  the  wild  tribes 
to  cause  trouble.  The  first  site  for  a  settlement  was  San  Ga- 
briel del  Yunque,  which  was  located  between  the  Chama  and 
the  Rio  Grande,  at  the  entrance  to  the  Navaho  country.  In- 

remains,  supposedly  Navaho,  from  Chaco  Canyon,  New  Mexico,"  American  Antiquity, 
V  ;  Paul  S.  Martin,  "Origin  of  the  Navaho,"  Field  Museum  News,  VII,  No.  9 ;  H.  P. 
Mera,  "Ceramic  clues  to  the  prehistory  of  north  central  New  Mexico,"  Laboratory  of 
Anthropological  Technology  Series,  1935,  and  "Some  aspects  of  the  Largo  cultural 
phase,  northern  New  Mexico,"  American  Antiquity,  III ;  Edward  Sapir,  "Navaho 
linguistic  evidence,"  American  Anthropologist,  XXXVIII ;  and  Julian  H.  Steward, 
"Native  cultures  of  the  Intermontane  (Great  Britain)  area,"  Smithsonian  Miscellaneous 
Collections,  C. 

2.  George  P.  Hammond  and  Agapito  Rey,  eds.  Narratives  of  the  Coronado  expe- 
dition, 1540-1541.  Coronado  Cuarto-Centennial  Publications,  1540-1940  (Albuquerque, 


dians  called  "Apache"  immediately  made  life  hazardous  for 
the  Spaniards  and  their  Pueblo  converts  by  raids  and  thefts 
of  livestock.  In  1608  Father  Lazaro  Ximenez  wrote  to  the 
viceroy  that  the  settlement  was  constantly  harassed  by  the 
Apache,  and  that  troops  were  lacking  for  defense.3  The  vice- 
roy ordered  the  governor  to  provide  the  necessary  men  and 
arms.4  Spanish  colonists,  hard  pressed  by  the  chronic  attacks, 
petitioned  the  viceroy  to  permit  them  to  return  to  New  Spain. 
In  1609,  however,  they  were  ordered  to  remain,6  for  New 
Mexico  was  the  key  outpost  in  the  northern  defenses.  The 
destructiveness  of  the  Indian  raids  soon  forced  them  to 
abandon  the  settlement  and  move  to  a  more  secure  location, 
where  Santa  Fe  was  founded. 

Although  the  Indians  who  committed  the  depredations 
mentioned  above  were  called  Apache,  the  fact  that  they  were 
Navaho  has  been  established  by  an  account  of  this  period 
written  in  1679,  before  the  archives  had  been  destroyed  dur- 
ing the  uprising  of  the  Pueblo  Indians  in  the  following  year. 
In  this  document  it  was  clearly  stated  that  the  abandonment 
of  San  Gabriel  and  the  founding  of  Santa  Fe  were  owing  to 
the  raids  of  the  Navaho.6  This  statement  is  amply  supported 
by  many  others  throughout  the  17th  century,  as  will  be 
pointed  out. 

Navaho  incursions  increased  during  the  remainder  of  the 
century.  By  1622  the  Jemez  had  been  driven  from  their  pueb- 

8.  Mandamiento  para  que  el  governador  de  la  nueva  mexico  conforme  al  numero 
de  ger.te  y  annas  que  obiere  en  aquel  presidio  procure  que  an  de  una  squadra  que 
acuda  al  remedio  de  los  danos  que  hacen  los  yndios  apaches  de  guerra  en  los  amigos  y 
cavallada  de  Spanoles,  6  marc.o,  1608.  MS.  A.G.I.,  58-3-16.  Bancroft  Library  transcript. 

4.  Hordenase  al  governador  de  la  nueva-mexico  que  conforme  al  numero  de  gente 
y  armas  que  Ubiere  en  aquel  Presidio  Procure  que  hacen  los  yndios  apaches  de  guerra 
en  los  amigos  y  Cavallada  de  Spanoles  .  .  .  March  6,  1608.    Ibid. 

5.  Auto  of  Velasco  II  and  the  Audiencia  of  Mexico.  September  28,  1609.  MS.  Ibid. 

6.  Noticias   de  lo  acaecido  en   la  Custodia  de  la  Conversion   de  San   Pablo  de  la 
Provincia  de  el  Santo  Evangelic  de  N.  S.  P.  San  Francisco  en  el  Nuevo  Megico  sacadas 
de  los  Papeles  que  se  guardan  en  el  Archive  de  Govierno  de  la  Villa  de  Santa  Fe,  y  em- 
piezan  desde  el  ano  de  1679.  MS.  Biblioteca  Nacional,  Mexico.  Bancroft  Library  trans- 
cript.  "Entre  los  dos  Rios  Norte  y  Chama,  una  milla  azia  el  oeste  del  Pueblo  de  San 
Juan  de  los  Caballeros,  y  poco  mas  de  nueve  leguas  al  Norte  de  la  Villa  de  Santa  Fe 
puso  Real  Onate,  fundo  la  primer  Convento  uno  y  otro  con  el  nombre  de  San  Gabriel 
del  Yunque,  esta  fue  algunos  anos  la  Capital  de  la  Provincia  despues  acaso  por  la  es- 
trechez  del  sitio  y  por  ser  entonces  frontera  abierta  de  los  Apaches  Navajoes  se  de- 
spoblo,  y  traslado  a  donde  hoy  permanece  con  el  nombre  de  Santa  Fe  de  Granada." 


los  and  scattered  throughout  the  province.  In  the  same  period 
Spanish  encomenderos  and  missions  were  given  permission 
to  employ  Pueblo  converts  as  herdsmen  and  teamsters,  con- 
trary to  the  usual  prohibition  against  Indians  riding  horses. 
Not  long  after  this  there  were  many  complaints  that  apos- 
tates from  the  pueblos  were  fleeing  to  join  the  heathen 
Apache.  Undoubtedly  it  was  through  these  refugees  that  the 
Navaho  and  other  tribes  learned  to  use  horses  otherwise  than 
for  food. 

One  of  the  most  valuable  accounts  of  early  New  Mexico 
was  that  of  Father  Alonso  de  Benavides,  who  resided  in  the 
province  from  1622  to  1629.  His  report  included  descriptions 
of  the  various  Apache  tribes  and  of  the  Navaho,  and  although 
it  is  obvious  that  his  estimates  of  their  numbers  were  enor- 
mously exaggerated,  his  appraisals  of  the  tribes  are  ex- 
tremely useful.  He  pointed  out  that  the  Navaho,  unlike  the 
Apache,  cultivated  crops,  and  the  name  "Navaj6"  signified 
great  planted  fields.  His  statement  "This  province  is  the  most 
warlike  of  all  the  Apache  nation  and  where  the  Spaniards 
have  well  shown  their  valor"7  is  instructive.  He  stated  fur- 
ther :  "and  this  is  the  province  which  has  given  the  most  pain 
and  care  to  New  Mexico,  as  well  from  their  being  so  warlike 
and  valiant,  as  from  there  being  in  it  more  than  200,000 
souls,  by  the  times  that  the  Spaniards  have  seen  them  going 
to  fight."8 

Several  attempts  were  made  by  the  missionaries  to  con- 
vert the  Navaho  to  Christianity  in  the  time  of  Benavides,  but 
the  results  of  their  efforts  were  not  enduring.  Benavides  suc- 
ceeded in  bringing  about  a  temporary  peace  between  the  Na- 
vaho and  the  pueblo  of  Santa  Clara  by  sending  a  delegation 
of  Pueblo  Indians  into  the  Navaho  country.  This  peace  did 
not  survive  for  long  probably  because  the  Spanish  officials 
of  New  Mexico  forced  Pueblo  Indians  to  assist  them  in  slave 

7.  The  memorial  of  Fray  Alonso  de  Benavides,  1630.  Translated  by  Mrs.  E.  E.  Aycr 
(Chicago,   1916),  44.  See  also  Alonso  de  Benavides'  memorial  on  New  Mexico  inrJ.826. 
In  Bulletin  of  New  York  Public  Library,  III,  and  F.  W.  Hodge,  G.  P.  Hammond,  and 
Agapito   Rey,    eds.    Fray   Alonso   de   Benavidea"    revised   memorial   of   1634* '  Coronado 
Cuarto-Centennial  Publications,   1540-1940    (Albuquerque,   1945). 

8.  Ibid.,   45. 


raids  against  the  Navaho.  Slave  raiding,  indeed,  was  one  of 
the  principal  reasons  for  continued  Navaho  hostility  through- 
out the  17th  century.  The  participation  of  Pueblo  Indians  in 
these  campaigns  greatly  increased  the  animosity  of  the 

From  about  1640  conspiracies  between  the  Navaho  and 
Pueblo  tribes  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Spaniards  became  fre- 
quent, and  on  some  occasions  Pueblo  herders  surrendered  en- 
tire horseherds  to  their  allies.9  Raids  and  reprisals  increased 
in  intensity.  Hundreds  of  Navaho  were  sold  into  slavery  in 
the  mining  regions  of  Chihuahua,  and  thousands  of  sheep, 
cattle,  and  horses  were  taken  from  Spanish  herds.  Navaho 
hostility  made  the  journey  to  the  distant  Zuni  and  Hopi  pueb- 
los a  perilous  one,  and  was  an  important  factor  in  the  failure 
of  the  Spaniards  to  bring  those  tribes  under  complete 

In  the  1660's  Navaho  depredations  still  were  primarily 
responsible  for  the  difficulties  of  the  Spaniards  in  New  Mex- 
ico. Peace  was  made  between  the  Spaniards  and  some  of  the 
Apache,  and  an  agreement  was  reached  as  to  which  of  the 
pueblos  could  be  visited  for  purposes  of  trade.  With  regard 
to  the  Navaho  and  certain  Apache,  however,  the  pact  did  not 
apply,  saying :  "nor  should  the  enemy  of  the  same  nation  in 
the  jurisdiction  of  Casa  Fuerte  and  Navajo  come,  because 
it  is  from  there  that  the  whole  kingdom  receives  hurt " 10 

Added  to  the  damages  of  Navaho  and  Apache  raids  in  the 
1660's  was  a  drouth  of  three  year's  duration  which  greatly 
reduced  the  number  of  Pueblo  Indians  and  caused  wide- 
spread suffering  among  the  Spaniards.  The  Navaho  took  ad- 
vantage of  the  weakened  condition  of  the  province  and  by 
1672  had  driven  off  many  horses  and  all  of  the  sheep  except  a 
few  small  flocks  which  had  been  guarded  with  great  vigi- 
lance.11 The  loss  of  horses  was  especially  injurious,  for  most 

9.  Charles  W.  Hackett  and  Charmion  Shelby,   eds.  Revolt  of  the  Pueblo  Indiana 
of  New  Mexico  and  Otermin's  attempted  reconquest,  16SO-168S.  Coronado  Cuarto-Cen- 
tennial  Publications,  1540-1940    (2  vols.,  Albuquerque,  1942),  II,  299. 

10.  Charles   Wilson   Hackett,   ed.   Historical  documents  relating   to   New   Mexico, 
Nueva  Vizcaya,  and  approaches  thereto  (3  vols.,  Washington,  D.  C.,  1923-37),  III,  143. 

11.  Ibid.,  302. 


of  the  troops  in  New  Mexico  were  left  without  mounts.  The 
damaging  raids  of  this  period  undermined  Spanish  defenses 
and  prepared  the  way  for  their  expulsion  from  the  province. 

In  1677  Father  Francisco  de  Ay  eta,  one  of  the  Spaniards 
who  most  clearly  foresaw  the  impending  ruin  of  the  province 
if  the  Navaho  and  Apache  raids  were  unchecked,  brought  to 
New  Mexico  a  wagon  train  of  supplies  for  the  Franciscan 
missions  and  a  herd  of  one  thousand  horses  for  the  troops.12 
In  1679  he  was  again  in  Mexico  City  petitioning  for  more 
men  and  horses  for  the  relief  of  the  beleaguered  province.  A 
year  later,  as  he  was  approaching  the  Rio  Grande  with  an- 
other wagon  train  of  supplies,  he  met  the  Spaniards  fleeing 
from  Santa  Fe,  and  learned  that  the  Navaho  and  Apache 
had  joined  the  Pueblo  Indians  in  a  concerted  uprising. 

While  the  Pueblo  Revolt  was  in  progress  and  during  the 
absence  of  the  Spaniards  from  New  Mexico,  the  Navaho 
seem  to  have  waged  successful  war  against  the  Havasupai, 
whose  lands  lay  to  the  west.  According  to  the  report  of  Fray 
Alonso  Posadas  in  1686,  the  Cosninas  (Havasupai)  had  been 
subdued  by  the  Navaho.13  This  war  between  the  Navaho  and 
Havasupai,  which  is  supported  by  legends  of  the  latter,  is  of 
significance  in  determining  the  western  limits  of  Navaho- 
land,  for  few  Spaniards  had  an  opportunity  to  visit  it.  Some 
writers  have  suggested  that  the  Navaho  did  not  occupy  mod- 
ern Arizona  before  the  18th  century ;  the  informe  of  Posadas 
indicates  their  presence  in  the  region  during  an  earlier  era. 
It  was  not  until  1692  that  the  Spaniards  made  a  successful 
re-entry  into  New  Mexico.  For  the  remainder  of  the  century 
they  were  engaged  in  combatting  conspiracies  and  revolts 
of  the  Navaho  and  Jemez,  and  occasionally  other  Pueblo 

Despite  the  intermittent  conflict  between  the  Navaho  and 
Spaniards,  members  of  the  tribe  came  annually  to  a  fair  held 
for  them  in  the  province.  They  exchanged  deerskins  and 
woolen  cloth  for  Spanish  livestock,  and  "ransomed"  their 

12.  Letter  of  Fray  Francisco  de  Ayeta.  MS.  In  New  Mexico  Documents    (3  vols., 
in  Bancroft  Library),  I,  299. 

13.  Informe  of  Fray  Alonso  Posadas.  Ibid.,  221. 


prisoners  taken  in  warfare.  Thus  they  became  suppliers  of 
Indian  slaves  to  New  Mexico,  a  fact  which  seems  to  have  re- 
lieved them  of  slave  raids  by  the  Spaniards.  It  was  stated 
at  this  time  that  the  Navaho  made  annual  raids  against  the 
Pawnee  and  Jumano  (Wichita?)  of  the  Arkansas  river  re- 
gion for  the  purpose  of  acquiring  captives  to  be  traded  in 
New  Mexico.14  According  to  Father  Juan  Amando  Niel,  four 
or  five  thousand  Navaho  came  each  year  to  the  fair,  and  on 
occasion  large  numbers  of  them  aided  the  governor  of  New 
Mexico  in  wars  against  rebellious  pueblos.15 

In  1706  Governor  Francisco  Cuervo  y  Valdez  wrote  a  de- 
tailed account  of  the  Navaho  which  is  suggestive  regarding 
their  progress  and  change  during  the  17th  century.  The 
frontier  of  their  lands  lay,  he  wrote,  along  El  Penasco  de  las 
Huellas,  the  San  Antonio,  Jara,  and  Culebra  rivers,  the  old 
pueblo  of  Chama,  Embudo  de  la  Piedra,  Buenaventura  de 
Cochiti,  San  Felipe,  Santa  Ana,  Cia,  the  jurisdictions  of  the 
Valle  de  la  Canada,  Chimayo,  Picuries,  Taos,  the  post  of  San 
Francisco  del  Bernalillo,  the  new  villa  of  Albuquerque,  San 
Diego  y  San  Juan  de  los  Jemez,  Rio  Puerco,  Cebolleta,  San 
Jose  de  la  Laguna,  El  Pefiol  de  San  Estevan  de  Acoma,  the 
places  of  Santa  Ana,  El  Nacimiento,  and  El  Morro,  and  the 
extended  provinces  of  Zuni  and  Hopi.  His  description  of  the 
Navaho  merits  inclusion. 

In  all  this  distance  there  live  innumerable  Indians  of  the  same 
[Navajo]  nation,  though  without  the  knowledge  which  those  living 
nearer  receive  from  us,  dwelling  as  they  do,  in  the  territory  extending 
from  those  frontiers  to  the  banks  and  valleys  of  the  said  large  river 
[Colorado],  maintaining  themselves  from  their  fields.  They  cultivate 
the  soil  with  great  industry,  sowing  corn,  beans,  squash,  and  other 
seeds,  such  as  those  of  chile,  which  they  use  having  found  them  in  the 
towns  of  our  Christian  Indians  of  this  kingdom.  Yet  this  is  nothing  new 
among  these  Apaches,  for  whenever  they  are  sedentary  they  do  the 
same  things.  They  make  their  clothes  of  wool  and  cotton,  sowing  the 
latter  and  obtaining  the  former  from  the  flocks  which  they  raise. 
Although  these  things  are  true,  the  adversary  of  mankind  .  .  .  has 
perturbed  the  spirits  of  these  Navajo  Apaches  on  many  occasions,  as 

14.  Apuntamientos  que  a  las  memorias  del  Padre  Fray  Geronimo  de  Zarate  hizo 
el  Padre  Juan  Amando  Niel  de  la  Compania  de  Jesus.  In  Documentos  para  la  historia 
de  Mexico  (4  series,  19  vols.,  Mexico,  1853-57)  3d  series,  pt.  2,  108. 

16.     Ibid. 


has  been  seen  in  the  continuous  wars  which  they  waged  from  the  con- 
quest of  this  kingdom  up  to  the  time  of  the  general  revolt  of  the  fatal 
year  1680.  These  wars  they  have  continued  from  the  year  1693  until 
last  year,  1705,  when  they  were  halted  by  the  war  which  I  waged 
vigorously  against  them  because  of  their  great  crimes,  their  audacity, 
and  their  reckless  depredations  upon  the  frontiers  and  pueblos  of  this 
kingdom.  .  .  .  Their  good  faith  is  attested  by  the  confidence  with  which 
they  continue  to  barter  and  trade  on  our  said  frontiers  and  in  our 

In  the  18th  century  relations  between  the  Navaho  and 
Spaniards  changed  remarkably.  Although  the  Navaho  were 
hostile  during  the  early  years  of  the  century,  and  although 
many  punitive  expeditions  were  sent  into  their  lands,  by 
1720  raids  and  reprisals  had  ceased  and  the  Navaho  no 
longer  were  numbered  among  the  enemies  of  the  province. 
This  favorable  situation  was  not  caused  by  Spanish  success 
in  winning  the  friendship  of  the  tribe,  but  for  other  and  more 
impelling  reasons.  After  1700  the  hostility  of  the  Ute  toward 
the  Navaho  had  become  particularly  intense,  and  Ute  incur- 
sions cost  the  Navaho  large  numbers  of  their  livestock.  In 
the  same  period,  furthermore,  a  new  and  much  more  dreaded 
foe  appeared — the  Comanche.  Comanche  raids  were  carried 
deep  into  Navaho  territory  with  impunity,  for  the  tribe  was 
formidable  and  enterprising  in  war.  Between  the  invasions 
of  the  Ute  and  Comanche  the  Navaho,  who  were  now  people 
of  considerable  property,  found  themselves  in  much  the  same 
situation  as  the  Spaniards.  The  herds  and  flocks  which  they 
owned  made  attacks  upon  them  profitable  for  their  enemies, 
and  they  were  forced  to  assume  the  defensive.  They  soon 
realized  that  friendship  with  the  Spaniards  was  necessary, 
and  peaceful  overtures  were  made. 

Because  of  the  peace  with  the  Navaho,  Spanish  mission- 
aries revived  hope  of  converting  the  tribe  to  Christianity.  In 
1744  two  Franciscan  priests,  Fray  Carlos  Delgado  and  Fray 
Jose  Yrigoyen,  entered  the  Navaho  country  from  Isleta.  The 
friendly  reception  which  was  given  them  and  the  willingness 
of  the  Navaho  to  listen  to  their  exhortations  pleased  the  pa- 
dres immensely,  and  aroused  even  greater  expectations.  They 

16.     Hackett,  op.  cit.,  Ill,  381,  382. 


hastened  back  to  New  Mexico  and  dispatched  enthusiastic 
and  optimistic  reports  to  the  superiors  of  their  order. 

As  evidence  of  their  sincerity  the  Navaho  sent  a  delega- 
tion to  Santa  Fe,  where  it  was  addressed  in  a  cordial  manner 
by  the  governor.17  Delgado  and  his  equally  zealous  com- 
panion declared  that  on  their  brief  visit  they  had  converted 
5,000  Navaho.18  They  must  have  made  only  a  generous  esti- 
mate, however,  for  it  is  doubtful  that  there  were  more  than 
4,000  in  the  tribe  at  the  time.  When  word  of  the  "marvelous 
conversion"  of  the  Navaho  reached  the  ear  of  the  king,  he 
commanded  the  viceroy  to  continue  the  campaign.  The  vice- 
roy forwarded  similar  instructions  to  the  governor  of  New 
Mexico,  Joachin  Codallos  y  Rabal,  who  assembled  a  dozen 
men  known  to  be  familiar  with  the  Navaho  country,  and  re- 
corded their  testimony.  They  were  in  general  agreement  that 
the  Navaho  were  people  worthy  of  becoming  subjects  of  the 
king,  and  that  they  raised  many  sheep  and  horses.  They  de- 
scribed the  customary  dwellings,  the  excellent  woolen  and 
cotton  cloth,  and  the  baskets  which  the  Navaho  made.  They 
placed  the  number  of  Navaho  at  between  three  and  four 
thousand,  large  and  small.  In  1743  a  Navaho  had  told  the 
Spaniards  of  a  silver  deposit  in  his  country  and  had  offered 
to  lead  them  to  it.  Governor  Codallos  accompanied  the  party 
which  went  in  search,  but  no  mine  was  found.  The  Navaho 
had  received  their  visitors  in  a  friendly  fashion,  and  had 
furnished  guides.  Owing  to  his  knowledge  of  the  Navaho,  the 
governor  considered  their  conversion  especially  desirable.19 

Four  missions  were  authorized  for  the  Navaho  country 
and  a  garrison  of  thirty  soldiers  for  their  protection.  The 
shortage  of  troops  prevented  the  plan  from  being  carried 
out  completely,  but  in  1749  missions  were  established  at  Ce- 
bolleta  and  Encinal.20  Many  Navaho  were  persuaded  to  move 

17^ Carta  del  Reverendo  Padre  Fray  Carlos  Delgado,  June  18,  1744.  MS.  In  New 
Mexico  Documents,  lor.  eit.,  II,  692-701. 

18.  Carta  del  Padre  Fray  Jos6  Yrigoyen,  June  21,  1744.  Ibid.,  701-704.  Translated 
in  Hackett,  op.  cit..  Ill,  413,  414. 

19.  Letter  of  Governor  Joachin  Codallos  y  Rabal.  MS.  New  Mexico  Archives. 

20.  Joachin  Codallos  y  Rabal.   Ano  de   1745.   Testimonio  a  la  letra  de  los  Autos 
que  originates  .  . .  Sobre  La  Reduction  de  los  Indies  gentiles  de  la  Provincia  de  Navajo 
. .  .  MS.  Bancroft  Library.  Translated  in  Smithsonian  Miscellaneous  Collections.  C,  395- 


their  families  to  these  two  locations.  Their  willingness  to 
make  the  change  was  the  result  of  Ute  and  Comanche  forays 
rather  than  desire  to  accept  Christianity  or  village  life,  al- 
though this  fact  seems  to  have  escaped  the  ardent  mission- 
aries. By  1750  there  was  evidence  that  the  Navaho  were  not 
satisfied  with  only  the  spiritual  rewards  of  Christianity,  and 
when  those  of  Encinal  were  refused  permission  to  move  to 
Cubero  they  abandoned  the  project.21  Those  of  Cebolleta  also 
decided  suddenly  to  retire. 

The  unexpected  withdrawal  of  the  Navaho  came  as  a  rude 
blow  to  missionaries  as  well  as  certain  officials  of  New  Mex- 
ico. Upon  investigation  they  learned  that  the  principal  cause 
of  complaint  was  the  failure  of  the  missionaries  to  fulfill 
their  promises  to  provide  livestock,  seeds,  and  tools  to  the 
supposed  converts.  The  fact  that  the  Navaho  had  an  oppor- 
tunity to  observe  closely  the  condition  of  the  Pueblo  Indians 
under  Spanish  control  also  had  caused  them  to  weigh  more 
carefully  the  tangible  benefits  of  their  new  life,  and  made 
them  yearn  for  their  old  freedom.  They  did  not  immediately 
renew  hostilities  against  New  Mexico,  however,  and  Spanish 
officials  remained  confident  that  Ute  and  Comanche  atten- 
tions would  force  them  to  return. 

In  resisting  the  Ute  the  Navaho  occasionally  employed 
shrewd  and  resourceful  methods,  especially  when  flight  to  a 
precipitous  mesa  did  not  suffice  for  their  safety.  One  group 
which  was  about  to  be  destroyed  by  a  war-party  of  Ute 
hastily  made  a  crude  wooden  cross  and  held  above  it  an  al- 
manac given  them  by  the  priests.  They  hailed  their  adver- 
saries and  informed  them  that  the  Spaniards  had  sent  the 
letter  and  cross  and  commanded  them  to  be  friends.  The  ruse 
worked,  and  the  governor  of  New  Mexico,  upon  learning  of 
it  from  the  Ute,  did  not  disclose  the  Navaho's  secret  in  order 
to  make  the  tribe  indebted  to  him.22 

One  of  the  most  serious  problems  of  New  Mexico  officials 

21.  Communication  regarding:  the  missions  of  Cebolleta  and  Encinal,  and  the  oc- 
currences in  the  year  1750.  In  New  Mexico  Documents,  loc.  cit.,  II,  1090-95.  Translated 
in  Hackett,  op.  cit.,  Ill,  424,  425. 

22.  Alfred  Barnaby  Thomas.  The  Plains  Indians  and  New  Mexico,  1751-1778.  Coro- 
nado  Cuarto-Centennial  Publications,  1540-1940   (Albuquerque,  1940),  117,  118. 


in  the  18th  century  was  conducting  the  annual  fairs  for  the 
Navaho,  Ute,  and  Comanche  without  allowing  hostilities  to 
break  out  among  them.  Jealousy  among  these  powerful  tribes 
was  strong,  and  the  governors  were  in  the  delicate  position 
of  having  to  favor  the  more  dangerous  Comanche  without 
actually  appearing  to  do  so.  Another  no  less  important  and 
difficult  task  was  preventing  these  tribes  from  becoming 
friendly  enough  with  one  another  to  permit  them  to  forget 
mutual  grievances  and  make  common  cause  against  the 

The  continued  peaceful  relations  with  the  Navaho  per- 
mitted the  Spaniards  to  penetrate  into  lands  formerly  un- 
safe. In  the  1760's  a  number  of  them  settled  on  lands  beyond 
the  customary  frontier.  The  Navaho  were  still  hard  pressed 
by  the  Ute  and  Comanche,  and  Spanish  friendship  and  pro- 
tection were  valuable  to  them.  The  friendship  of  the  Navaho 
was  jeopardized,  however,  by  the  growing  bonds  between 
the  Spaniards  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Comanche  and  Ute 
on  the  other.  In  the  1770's  the  Navaho  resentfully  resumed 
their  raids  on  New  Mexico  after  a  half  century  of  peaceful 
relations.  A  few  families,  nevertheless,  remained  at  Encinal 
and  Cebolleta.23 

The  renewal  of  Navaho  attacks  combined  with  the  uneasy 
peace  of  the  Ute  and  Comanche  threw  New  Mexico  once  more 
into  a  condition  similar  to  that  which  had  prevailed  a  cen- 
tury earlier.  Chronic  raiding  again  depleted  the  supply  of 
livestock,  so  that  once  more  it  was  necessary  to  send  horse- 
herds  to  New  Mexico  for  the  defense  of  the  province.24 

Attacks  on  the  Navaho  by  Spaniards  and  Ute  led  some 
members  of  the  tribe  to  seek  peace  in  New  Mexico.  Since 
there  was  no  tribal  authority  which  all  members  of  the  tribe 
obeyed,  however,  peace  was  an  individual  matter.  Some  Na- 
vaho remained  friendly  and  continued  trading  with  the  Span- 
iards even  when  others  were  carrying  on  raids.  Navaho  as- 

28.  [Order  of]  Don  Pedro  Fermin  de  Mendinueta  del  Orden  de  Santiago  .  .  .  Go- 
vernador  y  Capitan  General  de  este  Reino  del  Nuebo  Mexico.  25  de  Abril,  1771.  MS. 
Bancroft  Library. 

24.  Al  Comandante  Inspector  de  Presidios,  1  de  Noviembre,  1775.  MS.  Provincial 
Internas,  tomo  65.  Bancroft  Library  transcript. 


saults  on  the  Hopi  in  this  period  virtually  forced  that  tribe 
to  accept  Spanish  protection,  after  resisting  Spanish  over- 
tures for  nearly  a  century.25 

In  1777  the  Navaho  further  complicated  the  problems  of 
Spanish  colonial  officials  by  joining  the  Gilefio  Apache  (Chi- 
ricahua)  in  their  forays.  This  action,  which  was  instigated 
by  certain  belligerent  Navaho,  was  not  popular  with  the 
whole  tribe.  A  basic  part  of  Spanish  Indian  policy  in  the 
northern  provinces  now  was  to  separate  the  Navaho  and  Gi- 
lefios,  and  to  induce  the  former  to  wage  war  against  the  lat- 
ter. In  this  period  the  Spaniards  resolved  to  carry  on  unceas- 
ing warfare  against  the  Apache  until  they  were  completely 
destroyed,  since  they  harassed  towns  along  the  entire  north- 
ern frontier.26  Apache-Navaho  attacks  were  directed,  in  the 
1780's,  against  the  settlements  south  and  west  of  New  Mex- 
ico, Tucson,  Janos,  and  Arispe  especially  being  the  targets 
of  their  raids.  Observers  declared  that  as  many  as  five  hun- 
dred Navaho  participated  in  some  of  these  forays.27  The 
number  probably  was  greatly  exaggerated,  as  it  would  have 
involved  half  of  the  men  capable  of  bearing  arms. 

One  of  the  Navaho  chiefs  identified  as  participating  in 
the  raid  on  Janos  in  1783  was  Antonio  El  Pinto.  Thereafter 
Antonio  was  regarded  with  suspicion  by  the  Spanish  officials 
of  New  Mexico  and  Chihuahua.  Even  after  1784,  when  Gov- 
ernor Juan  Bautista  de  Anza  persuaded  the  Navaho  to  aban- 
don their  alliance  with  the  Gilenos,  Antonio  was  thought  to 
be  resentful  and  unfriendly.  Anza,  one  of  the  most  astute  In- 
dian agents  in  the  Southwest  at  any  time,  succeeded  in  win- 
ning the  friendship  of  the  Comanche  as  well  as  the  Navaho, 
and  during  his  regime  New  Mexico  was  more  fortunate  in 
her  relations  with  the  warlike  tribes  than  at  any  other  time. 

25.  Alfred  Barnaby  Thomas.  Forgotten  frontiers   (Norman,  Okla.,  1932),  237. 

26.  Bernardo  de  Galvez.  Instruccion  formada  en  virtud  de  real  6rden  de  su  Ma- 
gestad,  que  se  dirige  al  Senor  Comandante  General  de  Provincias  Internas  Don  Jacobo     < 
Ugarte  y  Loyola  para  gobierno  y  puntual  observandia  de  este  superior  gefe  y  de  BUS 
inmediatos  subalternos.   1786. 

27.  Nuevo-Mexico.  Afios  de  1787,  y  88.  Copia  de  Oficio  del  gobernador  del  Nuevo- 
Mexico  sobre  la  prision  del  Capitan  Navajo  llamado  Antonio,  Alias  el  Pinto  .  .  .  Oficio 
Niimero   13,   Santa   F6   de   Nuevo-Mexico,    10   de   Noviembre   de   1787.    Fernando   de   la 
Concha.  MS.  Provincias  Internas,  tomo  65.  Bancroft  Library  transcript. 


By  the  exercise  of  tact,  patience,  and  embargoing  trade  with 
the  Navaho,  Anza  finally  obtained  their  assistance  against 
the  Gilenos.  Another  of  his  accomplishments  of  no  less  signi- 
ficance was  persuading  the  Navaho  to  accept  the  authority 
of  a  head  chief.28  An  interpreter  was  placed  among  them, 
partially  as  a  spy,  and  in  part  to  absolve  them  of  unfounded 
suspicions.  With  the  head  chief  the  interpreter  visited  all  of 
the  Navaho  rancherias  in  1786,  and  reported  that  the  tribe 
consisted  of  about  700  families  of  four  to  five  persons  each, 
and  that  it  was  divided  into  five  divisions :  San  Mateo,  Cebo- 
lleta,  Canon,  Chusca,  and  Chelly.  There  were  1,000  men  capa- 
ble of  bearing  arms  in  the  tribe.  They  possessed  upwards  of 
1,000  horses,  a  smaller  number  of  sheep,  and  a  few  cows. 
These  animals  were  cared  for  with  considerable  attention  for 
their  increase.29  Very  probably  their  herds  and  flocks  had 
been  depleted  by  the  Comanche  and  Ute  raids,  and  it  is  also 
likely  that  not  all  of  the  sheep  were  seen. 

The  reliance  of  the  Navaho  upon  trade  with  New  Mexico 
had  been  emphasized  when  it  was  cut  off  by  Anza's  order. 
Many  Navaho  protested  that  the  lack  of  supplies  caused 
suffering  among  them,  and  pleaded  that  it  be  restored.  As 
soon  as  they  had  given  evidence  of  their  sincerity  in  severing 
the  alliance  with  the  Gilenos,  Anza  re-opened  the  traffic. 

Antonio  El  Pinto,  who  has  been  mentioned  previously, 
visited  Anza  in  Santa  Fe  in  1785,  confessed  his  past  wrong- 
doings, and  promised  to  remain  faithful  in  the  future.  His 
allegiance  still  was  questioned,  and  on  a  number  of  occasions 
the  interpreter  was  sent  to  check  on  him  with  regard  to  his 
possible  participation  in  recent  raids.  No  evidence  against 
him  was  discovered;  nevertheless  he  was  not  considered 
trustworthy.  In  October,  1787,  Antonio  and  some  of  his 
kinsmen  went  to  Isleta  to  trade.  He  was  seized  by  the  alcalde 
and  taken  to  Santa  Fe,  where  he  was  held  pending  orders 
from  the  Commanding  General  of  the  Provincias  Internas. 
The  head  chief  of  the  Navaho,  as  well  as  many  others  of  the 

28.  Thomas,  Forgotten  frontiers,  345. 

29.  Extracto  de  ocurrencias  sobre  la  division  introducida  entre  Navajos  y  Gilenos. 
1786.   MS.   Provincias   Internas.   tomo  65.   Bancroft  Library   transcript.   Translated   in 
Thomas,  Ibid.,  345-351. 


tribe,  hastened  to  Santa  Fe  to  plead  with  the  governor, 
Fernando  de  la  Concha,  for  his  release.  In  July  of  1788 
Antonio  was  freed,  for  Concha  had  become  convinced  of  his 
innocence  and  of  his  value  as  a  friend  to  the  Spanish  cause. 
An  escort  of  an  officer,  Vicente  Troncoso,  and  four  soldiers 
was  provided  the  chief  on  his  return  trip  to  the  Navaho 

Troncoso's  visit  to  Antonio's  rancheria  was  one  of  the 
high  points  of  the  friendly  relations  between  the  Navaho  and 
Spaniards.  Troncoso  declared  that  the  Navaho  men  wore 
clothing  similar  to  that  of  the  Spaniards.  He  described  their 
woolen  mantas  and  commented  on  their  baskets,  which  he 
asserted  were  the  most  esteemed  not  only  in  the  northern 
provinces  but  in  Mexico  as  well.  He  proposed  to  the  Navaho 
that  they  concentrate  upon  the  weaving  of  serapes  for  trade, 
and  recommended  that  they  purchase  in  New  Mexico  wool 
dyed  in  good  colors  to  be  used  in  their  weaving.30  Whether 
the  Navaho  accepted  this  advice  or  not  is  difficult  to  ascer- 
tain. They  did  weave  serapes  for  trade,  and  there  is  evidence 
of  their  acquiring  dyes  and  even  yarns  from  the  Spaniards. 
The  bayeta  yarn  which  the  Navaho  made  was  composed  of 
ravelings  from  English  red  flannel  or  baize. 

The  peace  established  with  the  Navaho  at  this  time 
endured  for  two  decades  more.  Toward  the  end  of  the  cen- 
tury sporadic  raiding  was  resumed,  for  the  Navaho  had 
become  strong  enough  to  protect  themselves  against  their 
enemies.  In  1796  some  of  them  broke  the  peace  by  renewing 
their  former  alliance  with  the  Gilenos.  The  governor  of  New 
Mexico  sent  expeditions  against  them,  and  by  1800  he  was 
able  to  report  that  they  had  been  pacified  once  more.31 
Friendly  relations  were  not  re-established,  however,  for  the 
Navaho  continued  to  join  the  Gilenos,  and  the  Pueblos  of 
Jemez  and  Laguna  again  were  subjected  to  their  attacks. 
In  1804  some  Navaho  requested  permission  to  settle  at 
Cebolleta,  but  the  settlement  had  been  strengthened  against 

30.  Nuevo-Mexico.  Ano  de  1788.  Niimero  5.  Vizente  Troncoso  to  Fernando  de  la 
Concha.  MS.  Provincias  Internas,  tomo  65.  Bancroft  Library  transcript. 

31.  Fernando  Chac6n,  July  ,  1796,  and  June  21,  1800.  MS.  New  Mexico  Archives. 


them,  and  the  petition  was  refused.  The  Navaho  resentfully 
increased  their  raids,  and  it  was  again  necessary  for  Spanish 
expeditions  to  seek  retribution  in  the  Navaho  country  by  the 
devastation  of  cornfields  and  the  removal  of  sheep  and 
horses.  The  Navaho  replied  by  an  attack  upon  Cebolleta. 

Among  the  several  campaigns  against  the  Navaho  in  1804 
only  the  last  one,  conducted  by  Lieutenant  Narbona  late  in 
December,  achieved  success.  Narbona,  despite  the  inclemency 
of  the  weather,  marched  deep  into  Navaho  country  and 
attacked  the  stronghold  of  Canon  de  Chelly,  where  the 
Navaho  considered  themselves  secure.  An  overwhelming 
victory  was  won  by  the  Spaniards.  Ninety  men  and  twenty- 
five  women  fell  before  their  gunfire,  and  thirty-six  captives 
were  taken.  Thirty  horses  and  nearly  one  thousand  sheep  also 
were  seized  by  the  victors. 

The  extraordinary  triumph  of  Narbona  enabled  Gov- 
ernor Chacon  to  dictate  severe  terms  in  the  peace  treaty 
with  the  Navaho  in  March  of  1805.  The  tribe  gave  up  its 
claims  to  Cebolleta  and  to  livestock  in  the  possession  of  the 
Spaniards,  and  agreed  not  to  graze  its  herds  east  of  the 
canyon  of  Juan  Tafoya,  the  Rio  del  Oso,  and  San  Mateo. 
When  they  came  to  Santa  Fe  in  the  future  they  were  to 
expect  no  gifts,  and  further  robberies  on  their  part  were  to 
be  punished  severely.  Equally  bitter  for  the  Navaho  to  accept 
was  the  demand  that  they  return  4,000  sheep,  150  cattle, 
and  sixty  horses  which  had  been  stolen  recently.82 

For  the  remainder  of  1805  the  Navaho,  still  suffering 
from  their  defeat,  preserved  the  peace.  Toward  the  end  of 
the  year,  however,  the  alcalde  of  Laguna  recommended  that 
Cebolleta  be  abandoned  because  of  Navaho  encroachments 
on  the  horse  pastures  of  the  settlement.33  Other  indications 
of  dissatisfaction  on  the  part  of  the  Navaho  were  observed, 
although  they  were  careful  to  avoid  the  outbreak  of  hos- 

After  the  insurrection  under  Hidalgo  began  in  Mexico, 
Spanish  defenses  against  the  Indians  suffered  from  neglect 

82.     Fernando  Chacon,  March  27,  1805.  MS.  New  Mexico  Archives. 

33.     Aragon,  alcalde  mayor  of  Laguna,  December  6,  180S.  MS.  New  Mexico  Archive 


by  the  government.  The  Navaho  took  advantage  of  Spanish 
preoccupation  elsewhere,  and  began  stealing  livestock.  In 
1815  they  attacked  Zuni  but  were  persuaded  to  abandon  the 
warpath.  Severe  raids  by  the  Comanche  were  blamed  on  the 
Spaniards,  and  Navaho  attacks  occurred  with  greater  fre- 
quency, although  not  all  members  of  the  tribe  were  un- 
friendly. Many  of  them,  in  order  not  to  have  their  trade 
interrupted,  presented  themselves  before  the  alcaldes  of 
various  pueblos  to  demonstrate  their  loyalty  In  1818  raids 
by  the  Navaho  caused  the  removal  of  herds  from  the  frontier 
of  their  country.  Similar  conditions  prevailed  for  the  few 
remaining  years  of  Spanish  rule  in  New  Mexico.  In  August 
of  1821  Agustin  Iturbide  declared  Mexico  independent  of 
Spain,  and  New  Mexico  became  a  remote  and  relatively 
unimportant  province  of  the  chaotic  Empire  and  later  Re- 
public of  Mexico. 

By  the  end  of  the  period  of  Spanish  rule  in  New  Mexico 
the  Navaho  had  evolved  the  material  culture  which  they  have 
preserved  fairly  intact  into  the  present  century.  An  examina- 
tion of  Spanish  documents  of  the  17th  and  18th  centuries 
has  revealed  that  many  current  ideas  concerning  the  Na- 
vaho are  erroneous.  The  belief  that  the  tribe  was  small  and 
insignificant  in  the  early  17th  century  must  be  completely 
revised.  Actually,  as  was  stated  on  many  occasions  by  Span- 
ish officials  of  that  epoch,  the  Navaho  were  the  most  trouble- 
some of  the  New  Mexican  tribes.  Spanish  accounts  also  make 
patent  the  fact  that  by  1700  the  Navaho  were  weaving  cotton 
and  wool,  both  of  which  they  produced  themselves.  The  fact 
that  the  Navaho  were  not  known  to  raise  cotton  in  later  eras 
has  led  to  the  opinion  that  they  did  not  grow  it  at  any  time. 
Similarly,  their  lack  of  basketry  in  more  recent  periods  has 
caused  a  conviction  that  basketry  was  not  one  of  the  accom- 
plishments in  the  years  since  the  conquest  of  New  Mexico. 
Not  only  were  their  baskets  mentioned  in  numerous  accounts 
but  in  the  late  18th  century  they  were  declared  to  be  well 
known  even  in  Mexico.  In  the  17th  century  the  Navaho  not 
only  acquired  herds  and  flocks  but  increased  their  number 
considerably  by  accepting  into  the  tribe  refugees  from  the 


pueblos.  During  the  following  century  they  completed  the 
adoption  of  Spanish  and  Pueblo  culture  traits  and  the  devel- 
opment of  their  characteristic  way  of  life.  A  statement  by 
Governor  Fernando  de  Chacon  concerning  the  Navaho  in 
1795  is  a  particularly  appropriate  conclusion : 

These  Gentiles  are  not  in  a  state  of  coveting  herds  [of  sheep],  as 
their  own  are  innumerable.  They  have  increased  their  horse  herds 
considerably ;  they  sow  much  on  good  fields ;  they  work  their  wool  with 
more  delicacy  and  taste  than  the  Spaniards.  Men  as  well  as  women 
go  decently  clothed;  and  their  Captains  are  rarely  seen  without  silver 
jewelry;  they  are  more  adept  in  speaking  Castilian  than  any  other 
Gentile  nation;  so  that  they  really  seem  "town"  Indians  much  more 
than  those  who  have  been  reduced.34 

34.    Lansing:  Bartlett  Bloom.  "Early  weaving  in  New  Mexico."  NEW  MEXICO  HIS- 

By  J.  WESLEY  HUFF  * 

(Copyrighted,  1949,  by  J.  Wesley  Huff  and  the  Gallup  Independent) 

AN  accident  of  time  in  June  1540  resulted  in  bloodshed, 
murder,  the  martyrdom  of  Franciscan  priests  and  an 
animosity  on  the  part  of  the  Zuni  Indians  for  people  of  Span- 
ish ancestry  which  has  lasted  more  than  400  years. 

The  chronicles  of  Coronado's  expedition  into  the  South- 
west in  1540-42  in  search  of  the  Seven  Cities  of  Cibola  re- 
port incidents  which  the  Spaniards  attributed  to  the  treach- 
ery of  the  Indians.  The  battle  with  Coronado  at  Hawikuh 
was  a  completely  unfamiliar  procedure  for  the  Zufiis.  In- 
dians of  the  Southwest  were  accustomed  to  make  raids  and 
counter  raids.  But  they  did  not  fight  in  battle  array  and  they 
did  not  stand  siege. 

The  battle  was  not  treachery.  It  was  only  the  Indians' 
way  of  handling  a  strange  and  difficult  situation  which  hap- 
pened by  a  queer  twist  of  fate,  and  never  would  happen  again 
if  the  history  of  the  period  were  to  be  re-lived.  Vasquez  de 
Coronado  and  his  army  leaders  were  unaware  of  the  accident 
of  time  which  made  the  Spanish  people  the  traditional  ene- 
mies of  the  Zuni  people. 

Captain  Juan  Jaramillo,  who  accompanied  Coronado, 
wrote  a  detailed  account  of  the  entire  expedition  telling  of 
other  Indian  tribes  with  which  the  expedition  came  in  con- 
tact. He  unknowingly  called  for  an  explanation  when  he 
wrote :  "All  of  these  Indians,  except  the  first  in  the  first  vil- 
lage of  Cibola,  received  us  well." 

One  explanation  of  the  conflict  with  the  Spanish  is  hinted 
in  a  story  handed  down  by  the  people  that  the  first  soldiers 
to  come  from  Mexico  used  the  carved  wooden  figures  in  the 
Zuni  altars  for  firewood.  The  detailed  story,  however,  has  • 
come  to  light  only  now  through  historical  research  involving 

*  Mr.  Huff  was  Editor  of  The  Gallup  Independent  (see  Notes  and  Documents  in 
this  issue  of  the  REVIEW).  This  article  on  Coronado  is  reprinted  from  The  Gallup 
Independent  with  the  permission  of  Mr.  Huff  granted  by  letter  under  dkte  of  July 
12,  1949.  Ed. 



the  correlation  of  dates  of  the  Julian  calendar  which  was  in 
use  in  1540  with  the  primitive  ritual  calendar  of  the  Zunis. 

The  first  contact  made  by  Coronado  and  his  men  with  the 
people  of  Zuni  was  at  the  sacred  lake  near  the  confluence  of 
the  Little  Colorado  and  Zufii  rivers  a  few  miles  northwest  of 
St.  Johns,  Ariz.  The  Indians  he  met  were  members  of  a  cere- 
monial party  which  had  come  to  the  lake  on  a  quadrennial 
pilgrimage  as  part  of  the  summer  solstice  ceremonies. 

The  Indians  promised  Coronado  the  food  his  men  needed 
on  the  next  day,  and  then  ran  away.  That  night  there  was  a 
skirmish  between  a  small  party  of  Indians  and  an  advance 
mounted  patrol  headed  by  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas. 
The  Indians  were  the  pilgrims  and  the  place  their  sacred 
camping  ground  within  a  day's  journey  from  the  village  of 
Zuni.  The  location  is  a  hogback  through  which  the  Zuni  river 
flows  a  few  miles  south  of  Witch  Wells,  Ariz.  It  was  here, 
probably,  that  the  Zunis  saw  their  Katchina  altar  figures 
burning  in  the  campfires  of  the  soldiers. 

The  decorum  of  the  summer  solstice  pilgrimage  at  that 
point  was  thoroughly  disrupted  by  the  Spaniards.  But  the 
Zunis  were  determined  to  carry  it  out  in  close  traditional 
form  even  though  it  meant  a  fight. 

Don  Garcia  reported  the  skirmish  with  the  Indians  that 
night  to  Coronado  at  the  base  camp,  and  the  next  day  the 
troops  moved  toward  Hawikuh,  the  first  of  the  Zuni  villages. 
Here  they  found  the  Indians  drawn  up  in  hostile  formation, 
and  despite  conciliatory  advances  from  Coronado  they  chose 
to  fight.  It  was  a  delaying  action  to  permit  the  pilgrims  to 
escort  the  Kor-kok-shi  gods  into  the  village  of  Zuni  some  15 
miles  to  the  northeast  at  sundown  in  traditional  pattern,  that 
they  might  dance  for  rain  and  bountiful  crops  uninterrupted 
in  the  plazas.  The  battle  of  Hawikuh  was  a  successful  delay- 
ing action.  Coronado  was  wounded  in  the  affray,  and  after 
the  capture  of  the  town  his  starving  men  remained  there  for 
several  days  to  regain  their  strength  on  captured  food 

Coronado  reported  that  three  days  after  the  capture  of 
the  town  some  of  the  people  living  there  brought  him  gifts 


and  petitioned  for  peace,  then  suddenly  packed  off  their  be- 
longings to  the  hills.  It  was  not  until  Coronado  recovered 
from  the  arrow  wound  in  his  foot  some  ten  days  later  that 
he  went  on  to  the  village  of  Zuni  where  he  found  only  a  few 
old  people.  The  rest  had  taken  refuge  on  Corn  Mountain,  as 
became  their  custom  during  the  many  ensuing  years  of  Span- 
ish and  Mexican  occupation  when  things  grew  hot  for  them 
in  their  villages. 

The  rain  making  ceremonies  of  the  summer  solstice  were 
carried  out  by  the  Zufiis  that  year  under  strange  and  trying 
circumstances.  Some  of  the  people  died  at  Hawikuh  that  the 
gods  might  dance.  What  the  reaction  of  the  pilgrims  was 
when  they  first  saw  the  strange  white  people  on  their  awe- 
some horses  will  never  be  known.  But  when  the  strangers 
violated  their  shrines,  the  newcomers,  whoever  they  might 
be,  became  unwelcome.  Even  today  all  people  of  Spanish  an- 
cestry, even  those  individuals  whom  the  Zufiis  consider  to  be 
their  friends,  are  persona-non-grata  at  their  ceremonials. 
They  respect  the  feelings  of  the  Zufiis  by  staying  away.  Some 
people  trace  the  present-day  resistance  of  the  Zufiis  to  the 
ways  of  the  white  man  and  to  their  new  right  to  vote  to  the 
accident  of  time  which  permitted  Coronado  to  blunder  into 
the  most  important  ceremony  on  the  Zufii  summer  ritual 

The  key  to  the  correlation  of  time  which  makes  possible 
this  analysis  of  the  situation  409  years  after  it  occurred  lies 
in  the  date  of  the  fixed  feast  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  and  the 
date  of  the  summer  solstice  in  1540,  both  on  the  Julian 

The  Julian  calendar  was  established  about  45  B.  C.,  but 
got  out  of  synchronization  with  the  seasons  (equinoxes  and 
solstices)  because  3651/4  days  was  used  as  a  basis  of  reckon- 
ing instead  of  the  true  period  of  the  earth's  tropical  year 
which  is  11  minutes  14  seconds  shorter.  This  amounts  to  an 
error  of  a  little  more  than  three  days  in  400  years  (one  day 
in  128  years) . 

At  the  time  of  the  council  of  Nice  in  325  A.  D.,  the  Julian 
calendar  was  correct  so  that  the  equinox  fell  on  March  21. 


But  by  1582  when  Pope  Gregory  established  the  present 
Gregorian  calendar,  it  had  fallen  back  ten  days.  The  Lowell 
Observatory  at  Flagstaff,  Ariz.,  reports  in  the  year  1540  the 
time  of  summer  solstice  was  about  9.49  days  earlier.  Drop- 
ping the  fraction,  since  it  is  less  than  half  a  day,  the  date  of 
the  summer  solstice  in  1540  was  June  12,  instead  of  June  21. 
This  provides  the  information  for  the  dates  of  the  summer 
solstice  ceremonies  of  the  Zunis  in  1540. 

When  Pope  Gregory  in  1582  abolished  the  Julian  calen- 
dar and  substituted  the  New  Style  Gregorian  calendar  he 
directed  the  day  following  the  feast  of  St.  Francis,  that  is 
to  say  October  5, 1582,  be  reckoned  as  the  15th  of  the  month. 
The  next  year  the  feast  of  St.  Francis  was  celebrated  October 
14  as  today.  Applying  the  same  procedure  to  St.  John's  day, 
observed  under  the  Julian  calendar  on  June  14,  the  date  was 
advanced  to  the  present  June  24  date.  The  Julian  calendar 
date  for  St.  John's  day  is  important  in  the  history  of  the 
Coronado  expedition,  for  it  is  from  that  date  that  the  prog- 
ress of  the  Spanish  soldiers  toward  Hawikuh  and  Zuni  can 
be  dated  accurately. 

The  summer  solstice  had  been  observed  two  days  earlier 
and  the  Zufiis  had  started  preparations  for  the  traditional 
ceremonies  when  Coronado's  men  reached  a  river  they  called 
the  San  Juan,  because  they  reached  it  on  the  feast  day  of  St. 
John  the  Baptist,  June  14.  The  progress  of  the  expedition  is 
reported  in  detail  in  the  account  given  by  Capt.  Juan  Jara- 
millo : 

Leaving  here  we  went  to  another  river,  through  a  somewhat  rough 
country,  more  toward  the  north,  to  a  river  which  we  called  the  Rafts 
[de  las  Balsas]  because  we  had  to  cross  on  these  as  it  was  rising.  It 
seems  we  spent  two  days  between  one  river  and  the  other  [June  16] 
and  I  say  this  because  it  is  so  long  since  we  were  there  that  I  may  be 
wrong  in  some  days,  though  not  in  the  rest.  From  here  we  went  to 
another  river  which  we  called  the  Slough  [de  la  Barranca].  It  was  two 
short  days  from  one  to  the  other,  and  the  direction  almost  northeast 
[June  18].  From  here  we  went  to  another  river  which  we  called  the 
Cold  River  [el  rio  Frio]  on  account  of  its  water  being  so,  in  one  day's 
journey  [June  19],  and  from  here  we  went  by  a  pine  mountain,  where 
we  found  almost  on  top  of  it,  a  cool  spring  and  streamlet,  which  was 
another  day's  march  [June  20]. 


From  here  we  went  to  another  river,  which  we  called  the  Red  River  * 
[Bermejo],  two  day's  journey  in  the  same  direction,  but  less  toward 
the  northeast  [June  22]. 

Here  we  saw  an  Indian  or  two,  who  afterward  appeared  to  belong  to 
the  first  settlement  of  Cibola  [Hawikuh].  From  here  we  came  in  two 
days  journey  [June  24]  to  the  said  village,  the  first  of  Cibola. 

Pedro  de  Castaneda  of  Najera,  writing  some  20  years 
after  the  expedition  of  1540-42,  presents  this  information: 

From  here  they  went  on  through  the  wilderness,  and  in  15  days 
came  to  a  river  about  eight  leagues2  from  Cibola  which  they  called 
the  Red  River  because  its  waters  were  muddy  and  reddish.  —  The 
first  Indians  from  that  country  were  seen  here — two  of  them  who  ran 
away  giving  the  news  [June  22].  During  the  night  following  the  next 
day  [June  23-24]  about  two  leagues  [5.26  miles]  from  the  village 
[Hawikuh],  some  Indians  in  a  safe  place  yelled  so  that,  although  the 
men  were  ready  for  anything,  some  were  so  excited  they  put  their 
saddles  on  hind  side  before;  but  these  were  the  new  fellows.  When  the 
veterans  had  mounted  and  ridden  around  the  camp  the  Indians  fled. 
None  of  them  could  be  caught  because  they  knew  the  country. 

The  next  day  [June  24]  they  entered  the  settled  country  in  good 
order,  and  when  they  saw  the  first  village,  which  was  Cibola,  such  were 
the  curses  that  some  hurled  at  Friar  Marcos  that  I  pray  God  may  pro- 
tect him  from  them. 

These  two  accounts  establish  fairly  accurately  that  Coro- 
nado  met  the  first  Zufii  Indians  at  the  juncture  of  the  Little 
Colorado  and  the  Zufii  rivers  close  to  the  location  of  their 
sacred  lake,  and  later  that  night  a  skirmish  occurred  at  the 
camping  place  traditionally  used  by  the  Zuni  pilgrims  on 
their  return  to  the  village. 

The  year  1948  was  a  pilgrimage  year  for  the  Zuriis  to  the 
sacred  lake,  Kothuluwala-wa,  northwest  of  St.  Johns,  Ariz. 
Zuni  tradition  calls  for  the  pilgrimage  every  "fourth  year." 
However,  observations  in  recent  times  indicate  the  Zunis 
count  the  ceremonial  seasons — winter  and  summer — each  as 
a  "year"  so  that  actually  the  pilgrimages  have  been  taking 
place  with  regularity  every  second  calendar  year.  This  is 

1.  Bandelier  identifies  this  as  the  Little  Colorado  river.  At  that  time  of  year  the 
Zuni   river  runs   almost   dry,   while  even   today   there   is   a   substantial   stream   in   the 
Little   Colorado. 

2.  An   old    Spanish    league    was    2.63    miles,    eight   leagues    being    equal   to    21.04 


true  with  other  "four  year"  ceremonials.  The  summer  sol- 
stice in  1948  occurred  on  June  21,  and  the  pilgrims  returned 
to  the  village  with  the  Kor-kok-shi  gods  shortly  before  sun- 
down on  July  3,  the  12th  day  in  elapsed  time  after  the  solstice. 
The  Zuni  observation  of  the  solstice  is  made  at  sunset  on  the 
day  it  occurs,  so  when  the  pilgrims  enter  the  village  with  the 
gods  it  is  the  12th  sunset  after  the  date  of  the  solstice. 

In  the  year  1540  the  summer  solstice  occurred  on  June  12 
the  Lowell  Observatory  reports.  With  the  Zunis  starting  to 
count  at  sunset  on  June  12  for  the  summer  solstice  ceremo- 
nies, the  pilgrims  with  the  Kor-kok-shi  gods  would  arrive 
back  in  the  village  at  sundown  June  24.  That  is  the  date  of 
the  battle  at  Hawikuh,  15  miles  southwest  of  the  main  Zuni 
village  where  the  ceremonies  are  conducted. 

Stevenson,  in  the  23rd  annual  report  to  the  Bureau  of 
Ethnology,  reports  pilgrims  from  the  village  of  Zuni  make  a 
journey  every  four  years  to  the  sacred  lake  in  which  the 
Katchina  gods  live.  On  their  trip  out  they  camp  the  first 
night  (ninth  night  after  the  solstice  or  June  21  in  1540)  on 
a  ridge  or  hogback  through  which  the  Zuni  river  flows.  The 
next  day  (June  22  in  1540)  the  pilgrims  split  into  two 
parties,  each  going  to  sacred  heights  close  to  the  sacred  lake, 
and  later  sink  weighted  prayer  sticks  in  the  marshy  lake. 
They  camp  that  night  on  one  of  the  hills,  and  on  the  morning 
of  the  llth  day  after  solstice  (June  23  in  1540)  they  return 
to  the  marsh  to  hunt  for  turtles.  It  was  June  23,  1540  the  ac- 
counts disclose  that  Coronado  made  first  contact  with  the 

After  the  turtle  hunt  they  make  a  sacred  fire  by  friction 
and  light  a  torch  of  cedar  bark  which  is  to  be  carried  back  to 
Zuni.  Once  the  fire  is  kindled  it  is  a  signal  for  the  start  of  the 
return  trip.  Other  brands  are  kept  in  readiness  for  the  fire 
must  not  go  out  on  the  way.  They  also  gather  pinkish  clay 
used  by  the  personators  of  the  gods. 

The  carrier  of  the  torch  runs  back  and  forth  as  the  pil- 
grims return,  setting  fire  to  dead  clumps  of  sagebrush  so 
that  the  smoke  may  rise  in  clouds  like  the  breath  clouds  from 
the  gods  of  the  lake.  That  night  (June  23  in  1540)  they  camp 


at  the  same  ridge  where  they  camped  on  the  trip  out.  A  fire 
is  built  and  a  dance  held  until  midnight.  Early  in  the  morning 
of  the  12th  day  after  the  solstice  (June  24  in  1540)  they  con- 
tinue on  to  Zuni,  meeting  the  Kor-kok-shi  gods  outside  the 
village.  They  cross  the  river  and  enter  the  town  at  sunset  to 
dance  in  the  plazas. 

Coronado  wrote  a  letter  on  August  3,  1540  to  Don  Anto- 
nio de  Mendoza,  viceroy  of  New  Spain,  in  which  he  reported 
the  day  the  expedition  met  the  Indians  he  sent  Don  Garcia 
Lopez  ahead  to  occupy  any  bad  places  the  Indians  might  de- 
fend. Don  Garcia  apparently  discovered  the  hogback  camp- 
site used  by  the  Zunis  on  their  pilgrimage,  for  the  night  he 
occupied  it  was  the  very  night  the  Zuni  pilgrims  were  sched- 
uled to  use  it.  He  also  tells  of  the  skirmish  on  the  ridge  that 
night  with  the  Indians. 

Here  is  a  translation  of  part  of  his  letter : 

I  sent  the  army-master,  Don  Garcia  Lopez  de  Cardenas,  with  15 
horsemen,  a  day's  march  ahead  of  me,  in  order  to  explore  the  country 

and  prepare  the  way The  way  was  very  bad  for  at  least  30  leagues 

and  more  through  impassable  mountains.  But  when  we  had  passed  these 
30  leagues,  we  found  fresh  rivers  and  grass  like  that  of  Castile. . . .  No 
Indians  were  seen  during  the  first  day's  march,  after  which  four  In- 
dians came  out  with  signs  of  peace,  saying  they  had  been  sent  to  that 
desert  place  to  say  that  we  were  welcome,  and  that  on  the  next  day  the 
tribe  would  provide  the  whole  force  with  food.  The  army-master  gave 
them  a  cross,  telling  them  to  say  to  the  people  in  their  city  that  they 
need  not  fear,  and  that  they  shoud  have  their  people  stay  in  their  own 
houses,  because  I  was  coming  in  the  name  of  His  Majesty  to  defend 
and  help  them. 

After  this  was  done,  Ferrando  Alvarado  came  back  to  tell  me  that 
some  Indians  had  met  him  peaceably,  and  that  two  of  them  were  with 
the  army-master  waiting  for  me.  I  went  to  them  forthwith  and  gave 
them  some  paternosters  and  some  little  cloaks,  telling  them  to  return 
to  their  city  and  say  to  the  people  there  that  they  could  stay  quietly 
in  their  houses  and  they  need  not  fear. 

Coronado  apparently  was  playing  safe  and  prepared  for 
"treachery"  from  the  Indians.  He  continued: 

After  this  I  ordered  the  army-master  to  go  and  see  if  there  were 
any  bad  passages  which  the  Indians  might  be  able  to  defend,  and  to 
seize  and  hold  any  such  until  the  next  day  when  I  could  come  up.  He 


went,  and  found  a  very  bad  place  where  we  might  have  received  very 
much  harm.  He  immediately  established  himself  there  and  with  the 
force  which  he  was  conducting.  The  Indians  came  that  very  night  to 
occupy  the  place  so  as  to  defend  it,  and  finding  it  taken,  they  assaulted 
our  men.  According  to  what  I  have  been  told,  they  attacked  like  valiant 
men3  although  in  the  end  they  had  to  retreat  in  flight,  because  the 
army-master  was  on  the  watch  and  kept  his  men  in  good  order.4  The 
Indians  sounded  a  little  trumpet  as  a  sign  of  retreat,  and  did  not  do 
any  injury  to  the  Spaniards.5 

The  army-master  sent  me  notice  of  this  the  same  night,  so  that  on  the 
next  day  I  started  with  as  good  order  as  I  could,  for  we  were  in  such 
great  need  for  food  that  I  thought  we  should  all  die  of  hunger  if  we 
continued  to  be  without  provisions  for  another  day,  especially  the  In- 
dians, since  altogether  we  did  not  have  two  bushels  of  corn,  and  so  I 
was  forced  to  hasten  forward  without  delay. 

Here  Coronado  reports  that  the  Indians  lighted  fires  to 
signal  the  approach  of  the  troops  toward  the  village.  Smoke 
signals  probably  were  ignited,  but  it  is  interesting  to  con- 
sider the  possibility,  however  remote,  that  the  signals  may 
have  been  those  lighted  by  the  torch  carrier  with  the  party  of 
pilgrims  as  it  continued  to  carry  out  in  detail  the  traditions 
of  the  ceremony  despite  the  threat  from  the  white  strangers. 
This  is  what  Coronado  said : 

The  Indians  lighted  their  fires  from  point  to  point,  and  these  were 
answered  from  the  distance  with  as  good  understanding  as  we  could 
have  shown.  Thus  notice  was  given  concerning  how  we  went  and  where 
we  had  arrived. 

The  story  of  the  battle  of  Hawikuh  as  told  by  Coronado  in 
his  letter  to  the  viceroy  is  well  known.  The  Zunis  rejected 
his  offer  of  peace  and  showered  his  emissaries  with  arrows. 
A  few  of  the  Indians  were  killed  in  a  preliminary  skirmish 
which  preceded  the  siege  of  the  town.  He  reported  his  men 
were  weak  and  "the  hunger  they  suffered  would  not  permit 
of  any  delay."  The  people  of  Hawikuh  defended  the  walls 
with  showers  of  arrows  and  by  hurling  rocks  at  the  soldiers 

3.  Don    Garcia   must   have   wanted   to   make   himself   and   his   men   look   good   in 
Coronado's  report.  Castaneda  waited  20  years  to  describe  it  as  a  fiasco. 

4.  Castaneda  said  some  of  the  men  put  their  saddles  on  backwards  in  the  excite- 

5.  The  trumpet  sound  might  have  come  from  bullroarers  used  by  the  pilgrims  in 
the  ceremonies. 


below.  Coronado  was  bruised  and  cut  on  the  face  by  a  rock 
and  an  arrow  pierced  his  foot. 

"But,  by  the  pleasure  of  God,"  he  wrote,  "these  Indians 
surrendered,  and  their  city  was  taken  with  the  help  of  Our 
Lord,  and  a  sufficient  supply  of  corn  was  found  there  to  re- 
lieve our  necessities." 

So  while  Coronado  nursed  his  food  wound,  and  his  men 
their  numerous  cuts  and  bruises,  and  relieved  the  frenzy  of 
their  hunger  with  captured  corn,  the  pilgrims  continued  on 
to  Zuni  and  danced  without  interruption  in  the  plazas.  After 
a  night  spent  in  one  of  the  kivas  the  dancers  made  the  rounds 
of  the  plazas  again  the  next  day  to  conclude  the  summer  sol- 
stice ceremonies. 

The  battle  of  Hawikuh  had  been  a  successful  delaying  ac- 
tion. Actually  it  was  a  Zuni  victory,  for  the  Spanish  never 
won  anything  from  it  except  a  few  bushels  of  corn ;  and  be- 
cause of  it  never  were  able  to  establish  peace  with  the  Zufiis. 


DID  I  ever  tell  you  about  the  time  they  amputated  that  old 
Apache  chief's  arm  in  Alamogordo?  Well,  Mom  helped 
the  doctor — But  first  I'd  better  sketch  something  of  Mom's 
pioneer  background  for  you,  and  of  course,  Pop's.  They  were 
my  foster  parents,  Henry  and  Carrie  Sutherland,  ranchers 
of  La  Luz,  Otero  County,  Territory  of  New  Mexico. 

Samuel  Henry  Sutherland  was  born  in  Lawrence,  Kansas. 
He  was  a  posthumous  child,  born  after  his  father  was  killed 
in  a  massacre  of  Lawrence  citizens  by  the  Missouri  Redlegs 
during  the  Civil  War,  or  just  after. 

Mom  was  born  Carrie  Findley,  in  Meadville,  Mercer 
County,  Pennsylvania.  When  she  married  Pop  they  moved 
to  El  Paso,  and  there  Pop  drove  a  span  of  mules  hitched  to 
a  scraper  at  the  Santa  Fe  grade  when  that  railroad  built 
west  through  El  Paso.  He  worked  from  6  a.  m.  to  6  p.  m. 
for  one  dollar  a  day.  And  he  saved  money!  Later  he  and 
Frank  Stuart  opened  the  Pioneer  Grocery,  first  of  its  kind 
in  El  Paso.  They  made  money  hand  over  fist. 

One  interesting  item:  That  was  absolutely  the  first 
modern  (for  that  day)  grocery  in  El  Paso;  and  meat  sold 
there  was  wrapped  in  paper.  Most  of  the  native  customers 
had  never  seen  wrapping  paper.  They  supposed  it  must 
cost  extra.  When  they  came  to  buy  meat  they  would  wear 
a  "meat  ring" — an  iron  finger  ring  with  a  sharp  two-inch 
hook  fixed  to  it — and  they  would  have  Pop  hang  their  steak 
or  chops  or  liver  on  that  hook.  They  carried  home  their  meat 
that  way,  hanging  from  a  meat  ring,  the  flies  and  dust 

In  1886,  for  his  health's  sake,  Pop  sold  his  grocery  busi- 
ness and  moved  to  La  Luz,  New  Mexico  Territory,  where 
he  became  a  cattleman. 

It  must  have  been  about  then  that  Grandpa  and  Grandma 
Findley  came  out  from  Pennsylvania.  Grandpa  had  been  to 

*J.  D.  McAllister,  Box  2635,  Denver  1,  Colo. 



California  in  the  gold  rush  days  but  he  hadn't  found  any 
gold.  Now  his  health  was  poor.  Grandma  was  the  most  re- 
sourceful and  the  most  independent  person  I  have  ever 
known;  she  developed  into  the  best  pioneer  of  them  all.  I 
must  tell  you  about  her  some  time.  She  was  a  great  old  girl. 

Mom's  brother  was  a  gambler.  Almost  everybody  in  the 
Southwest  in  those  days  had  heard  of  Eddie  Findley  the 
honest  gambler.  When  luck  was  against  him  in  a  card  game 
he  would  sometimes  send  down  his  gold-headed  cane  to  the 
pawn  shop  for  $500,  though  it  really  was  not  worth  more 
than  a  hundred.  Always  he  redeemed  his  cane.  He  didn't 
feel  fully  dressed  without  it.  A  card-shark,  yes,  but  Uncle 
Eddie  was  one  of  the  kindest  of  men.  When  he  died  of  tuber- 
culosis in  Phoenix  about  1905  he  had  the  longest  funeral 
(horses  and  buggies)  that  Phoenix  ever  saw.  Everybody 
went.  The  funeral  procession  was  two  miles  long.  And  that's 
a  fact  that  can  be  verified. 

Many  and  scary  were  Mom's  and  Pop's  experiences  dur- 
ing their  fourteen  years  of  New  Mexican  frontier  life,  as  I 
have  often  heard  them  tell. 

Often  in  those  wild  days  the  Sutherlands  had  to  abandon 
their  beds  to  sleep  on  pallets  in  corners  of  the  'dobe  house 
where  they  would  be  safe  from  marauders'  bullets.  The  two- 
foot  'dobe  walls  were  pretty  nearly  bulletproof.  Sometimes 
they  propped  mattresses  inside  the  windows  to  stop  the 

Once,  during  a  range  war,  or  as  Pop  would  say,  while  a 
lot  of  his  cattle  were  being  rustled,  one  formidable  cattle 
thief  in  a  friendly  gesture  reached  up  to  shake  Pop's  hand, 
grasped  it  firmly  and  pulled  Pop  out  of  his  saddle  to  the 
ground.  Pop's  six-shooter  fell  out  of  its  holster.  As  he  lay 
sprawled  Pop  reached  for  that  gun,  but  the  rustler  kicked 
it  out  of  his  reach.  "Oh,  no  you  don't,  you  sonof abitch !"  he 
said.  Then  he  planted  his  bootheel  in  Pop's  face  and  ground 
it  in.  The  imprint  remained  on  Pop's  jaw  until  he  died  in 
1928  or  1929.  The  rustler  was  sore  at  Pop  for  complaining 
to  the  sheriff  about  loss  of  cattle. 

For  years  people  in  and  around  La  Luz  looked  to  Mom 


for  help  in  sickness  and  distress.  Frequently  there  would 
be  no  doctor  within  twenty-five  or  thirty  miles  (quite  a  dis- 
tance by  horse  and  wagon  or  on  horseback),  and  often  for 
months  there  was  no  preacher  nearer  than  Roswell  or  Las 
Cruces.  One  exception:  Father  Majone,  or  Maggione,  I  am 
not  sure  of  the  spelling.  He  was  a  smallish  man,  Godly,  and 
always  on  the  job  in  Otero  County.  Mom  was  not  a  Catholic, 
but  she  and  Father  Majone  sometimes  "collaborated"  on 

Mom  officiated  at  births  sometimes,  she  nursed  diphtheria 
and  smallpox  and  arranged  for  isolation  of  such  cases,  and 
she  set  bones.  She  comforted  the  dying.  She  sometimes  helped 
lay  out  the  dead  and  then  would  preach,  or  rather  just 
talk  a  bit,  at  their  burials.  Old  Grandma  Findley  was  the 

The  Spanish  people  in  La  Luz  called  Mom  "Santa  Cata- 
lina."  Mom  was  a  good  woman  with  a  heart  full  of  the  milk 
of  human  kindness,  but  no  one  could  ever  accuse  her  of  being 
puffed  up  about  it.  Of  necessity  she  learned  how  to  do  many 
things  that  had  to  be  done ;  and  to  her,  serving  people  was 
just  part  of  frontier  life. 

La  Luz  was  then  86  miles  from  the  nearest  railroad. 
Twice  a  year  Pop  would  make  a  trip  down  to  El  Paso  and 
haul  back  a  four-horse  wagonload  of  supplies — sugar,  flour, 
coffee,  yardgoods,  soap,  and  other  staples.  Sometimes  we 
would  run  out  of  those  things.  For  washing  soap,  at  such 
times,  Mom  used  amole — a  suds-making  plant  indigenous  to 
the  Southwest  and  used  by  the  native  people  for  generations. 
The  brown  bark  would  be  scraped  off  the  amole  roots  and 
the  white,  pithy  fiber  beaten  almost  to  a  pulp.  It  made  excel- 
lent soap. 

Though  Mom  was  kind-hearted  and  often  substituted  for 
doctor  and  minister  and  even  undertaker,  she  was  thor- 
oughly self-reliant  and  courageous.  There  was  the  time  she 
drove  a  dozen  Apache  bucks  and  squaws  out  of  the  house 
in  La  Luz.  The  Indians  had  come  down  from  the  Mescalero 
reservation  to  trade  with  the  whites,  as  they  sometimes  did. 
They  brought  old  war-clubs,  bows  and  quivers  of  arrows, 


beautiful  feather  headdresses,  beaded  moccasins,  smoked 
mescal  boles,  and  quarters  of  fresh  venison  to  barter  for 
sugar,  lard,  coffee,  yardgoods,  and — if  they  could  get  it — 
whiskey.  Usually  the  Apaches  behaved  themselves,  but  on 
this  particular  day  when  they  found  Mom  alone  at  the  ranch 
house,  they  crowded  up  on  the  back  porch,  then  into  the 
kitchen,  and  on  into  the  house.  Mom  got  scared,  or  mad,  or 
both  maybe.  She  grabbed  up  a  shotgun  and  drove  the  In- 
dians out  of  the  house  and  off  the  place. 

And  mountaineers  used  to  come  down  from  the  Sacra- 
mentos  to  barter  with  people  around  La  Luz  and  Tularosa. 
They  brought  down  eggs  and  butter  and  wild  strawberries 
to  trade  for  things  they  needed.  Always  they  had  an  abun- 
dance of  freshly  churned  butter.  They  brought  it  in  chunks 
about  the  size  of  a  man's  head,  wrapped  in  cloths.  It  was 
unsalted  butter,  sweet  and  delicious.  The  mountain  butter- 
and-egg  men  worked  up  something  of  a  business  among  us 
plains  people. 

There  was  no  such  thing  in  those  days  as  cellophane  or 
waxed  paper.  Cartons  were  practically  unknown  in  the 
plains  country.  Even  ordinary  wrapping  paper  was  scarce. 
That  is  why  the  mountaineers  used  cloths  to  wrap  their  but- 
ter. Any  kind  of  cloth  that  came  to  hand — pieces  of  aprons, 
bandannas  with  the  color  bleached  out,  perhaps  a  white 
piece  of  cloth  that  obviously  had  been  one  leg  of  some  demure 
mountain  lassie's  old-fashioned  drawers,  or  the  tail  of  a 
man's  shirt.  In  time  that  mountain  dairy  product  became 
known  as  "shirt-tail  butter." 

Old  Grandma  Findley  became  an  even  better  pioneer 
woman  than  Mom,  but  her  energy  was  divided  mainly  be- 
tween two  activities:  her  church  and  missionary  work 
among  the  mountaineers,  and  shooting  her  trusty  12-gauge 
shotgun  at  skunks,  chicken  hawks,  coyotes,  wildcats,  and 
once  or  twice  at  human  marauders.  Riley  Baker,  one  of  the 
best  sheriffs  Otero  County  ever  had,  once  told  Grandma  she 
was  the  best  man  with  a  scattergun  in  the  County. 

Some  years  later  Riley  Baker  was  killed  by  the  Yaquis 
in  Old  Mexico.  He  and  two  other  expert  gunmen  had  under- 


taken  to  guide  a  party  of  about  twenty-five  Americans  who 
went  prospecting  for  gold  down  in  the  Yaqui  country  of  Old 
Mexico.  Now  the  Yaquis  had  never  been  conquered  by  Span- 
iards, Frenchmen,  Mexicans,  or  Americans.  They  were 
courageous  fighters,  and  cunning;  and  they  allowed  no 
strangers  in  their  domain.  Not  even  the  Dictator-President 
Porfirio  Diaz'  rurales  even  penetrated  very  far  or  remained 
for  long  in  Yaqui  country.  But  the  five  and  twenty  fool- 
hardy, gold-crazy  Americans  would  not  be  deterred.  The 
Yaquis  massacred  the  entire  party. 

When  searchers  found  Riley  Baker's  body  it  was  hang- 
ing impaled  upon  a  tree.  His  eyelids  had  been  cut  off  so  the 
blazing  sun  would  burn  his  eyeballs.  Long  cactus  thorns  had 
been  thrust  far  under  his  finger-  and  toenails.  .  .  .  His 
whole  body  had  been  slashed  and  beaten.  Riley  Baker  had 
suffered  a  horrible,  lingering  death  by  torture. 

One  evening  in  January  1896  Colonel  Albert  J.  Fountain 
and  his  14-year-old  son,  Henry,  spent  their  last  evening  on 
earth  at  our  house  in  La  Luz.  I  was  too  young  to  know  the 
score  then,  but  in  later  years  I  heard  the  story  told  half  a 
hundred  times.  Colonel  Fountain,  as  government  prosecutor, 
was  most  active  in  prosecution  of  cattle  thieves  in  the  Terri- 
tory. He  had  just  finished  his  duties  in  the  Lincoln  courts 
and  was  on  his  way  to  prosecute  other  cattle  rustlers  in  the 
Silver  City  courts,  the  story  explained. 

While  the  Fountains  were  eating  supper,  the  mail  car- 
rier, driving  a  buckboard  with  U.  S.  mail  on  schedule  up 
from  El  Paso  via  Las  Cruces,  arrived  at  our  place.  This  mail 
man  told  Colonel  Fountain  that  he  had  seen  a  gang  of 
mounted  men  back  along  the  road  about  ten  miles.  "I 
wouldn't  go  on  tonight,  Colonel,  if  I  were  you,"  he  said. 

Young  Henry  Fountain  spoke  up.  "Oh,  we're  not  scared," 
he  said.  "I  can  drive  while  Papa  shoots."  An  hour  later 
Father  and  Son  drove  on  into  the  night.  They  were  never 
seen  again. 

Searchers  later  found  Fountain's  smashed  buckboard 
and  a  bloody  ten  cent  piece,  the  story  said.  Nothing  more. 
Somewhere  near  or  in  the  White  Sands,  it  is  supposed,  the 


Fountains  were  waylaid,  shot  to  death,  and  their  bodies  dis- 
posed of  so  well  that  to  this  day,  more  than  fifty-four  years 
later,  they  have  not  been  found. 

A  few  days  ago,  November  27,  1950,  an  item  appeared 
in  the  Denver  Post  stating  that  Colonel  Fountain's  Masonic 
pin  had  been  found  recently  and  that  a  search-party  includ- 
ing Fountain's  grandsons,  Arthur  Fountain  and  Henry  J. 
Fountain,  had  made  a  fruitless  search  of  the  area  where  the 
pin  was  found.  The  party  had  hoped  either  to  discover  skele- 
tons or  signs  of  recent  digging.  The  Post  story  suggests  that 
the  strange  disappearance  of  the  two  Fountains  seems  des- 
tined to  remain  one  of  New  Mexico's  greatest  unsolved 

Personally,  I  am  inclined  to  believe  the  remains  will  be 
found  in  the  not-too-distant  future.  Is  it  not  strange  that  so 
small  a  thing  as  a  lodge  pin  would  be  found  after  all  these 
years  and  nothing  else  be  discovered? — something  like  a 
skull  and  some  bones,  for  instance?  Does  it  not  seem  that 
somebody  planted  that  pin  where  it  would  be  found,  some- 
body that  hoped  the  pin  would  serve  as  a  clue  to  the  burial 
spot  of  two  bodies?  Perhaps  that  somebody  is  a  very  old 
man  who  wants  to  get  at  least  that  much  of  the  load  off  his 
conscience;  or,  that  somebody  could  be  the  son,  or  even  a 
grandson,  of  one  of  Colonel  Fountain's  murderers,  who 
wants  to  have  the  mystery  solved  without  incriminating 
his  parents.  The  one  gesture  (planting  the  Masonic  pin) 
having  failed  to  lead  inquisitors  to  a  solution  of  the  mystery, 
it  would  not  be  at  all  surprising  if  another  gesture  is  made  A+ 
before  very  long  by  the  same  person  or  persons  possessing  Jp 
knowledge  of  the  Fountain  disappearance.  What  with  exten-  v 
sive  government  rocket  experimentation  going  on  in  tto^ 
White  Sands  area,  droves  of  tourists  driving  annually 
through  the  Land  of  Enchantment,  and  the  usual  everyday 
movements  of  residents  about  the  countryside,  somebody 
some  day  will  undoubtedly  find  some  clue  that  will  lead 
searchers  to  the  skeletal  remains  of  Colonel  Fountain  and 
his  plucky  young  son.  Barring  the  possibility,  of  course, 
that  the  Fountains'  murderers  may  have  burned  their  bodies. 


Just  before  the  turn  of  the  century,  when  the  new  rail- 
road was  building  up  from  El  Paso  northeasterly  across  the 
Territory  and  on  East,  a  new  town  sprang  to  life  near  a 
clump  of  big  cottonwood  trees  growing  between  the  foot 
of  the  Sacramento  Mountains  and  the  White  Sands.  The  new 
town  was  named  Alamogordo.  Fat  Cottonwood,  that  is,  in 

A  sawmill  was  erected  in  the  new  town.  J.  A.  Eddy  and 
his  brother,  president  and  vice-president  of  the  new  E  P  & 
N  E  railroad,  established  a  freight  yard  and  built  a  big 
roundhouse  there.  Frank  Holland  opened  up  the  first  drug 
store  and  soda  fountain  in  Otero  County,  a  business  that 
Henry  Sutherland  was  later  to  buy  a  partnership  in.  Man- 
ning's Alamogordo  News  leaped  into  print.  A  grade  school 
was  started.  Pierce's  Grocery  opened,  displaying  its  green 
vegetables  in  open  boxes  set  along  the  wooden  sidewalk. 
Every  dog  in  Alamogordo  included  Pierce's  Grocery  in  its 
daily  rounds,  until  one  day  an  item  appeared  in  the  News: 
"Every  citizen  of  Alamogordo  that  we  have  consulted  in 
the  matter  has  stated  definitely,  even  emphatically,  that  he 
preferred  his  peas  in  the  plural  and  not  the  singular." 
Pierce  took  his  boxes  of  fresh  vegetables  off  the  sidewalk 
at  once. 

To  haul  timber  down  from  the  Sacramentos  to  the 
Alamogordo  sawmill,  the  railroad  built  a  spur  from  La  Luz 
up  into  the  mountains.  Thus  originated  Cloudcroft,  a  de- 
lightful summer  resort.  All  draughting  and  planning  for 
that  scenic  "corkscrew  railroad"  was  done  in  our  house  in 
La  Luz  by  Chief  Engineer  Sumners,  of  Denver,  and  his  staff. 
The  little  logging  road  wound  up  the  mountainsides  like  a 
corkscrew,  truly.  At  one  spot  passengers  could  look  from  a 
car  window  down  upon  five  other  parallel  stretches  of  track 
on  the  same  mountainside.  Unique  mountain-climbing  en- 
gines, with  a  battery  of  cylinders  mounted  vertically  on  one 
side  and  the  boiler  mounted  off-center  on  the  other  side  for 
balance,  hauled  trains  up  and  down  the  steep  winding 
grades  of  this,  the  crookedest  railroad  in  the  world ! 

Now  Pop  owned  many  water-rights  in  the  part  of  Otero 


County;  he  spoke  Spanish;  and  he  knew  the  country  well, 
having  run  cattle  over  most  of  it.  The  new  Alamogordo  Im- 
provement Company  offered  him  a  position  as  interpreter, 
buyer  of  vital  water-rights,  and  general  advisor.  He  sold 
off  the  larger  part  of  the  ranch  near  La  Luz  and  moved  with 
Mom  to  Alamogordo.  I  stayed  with  Grandma  Findley  at  La 

But  I  used  to  get  a  wagon  ride  down  to  Alamogordo  once 
in  a  while,  and  it  was  on  one  of  my  visits  to  town  that  I  saw 
the  old  Apache  chief  get  his  arm  cut  off. 

It  was  the  Fourth  of  July.  Everybody  celebrated.  Sev- 
eral small  bands  of  Indians  rode  horseback  and  on  burros 
down  from  the  Mescalero  Apache  reservation  to  see  the 
"doin's"  in  Alamogordo.  They  got  hold  of  some  of  the  white 
man's  fire-water.  There  were  fights.  The  old  chief  I'm  telling 
you  about  had  his  right  forearm  horribly  mangled  by  a 
shotgun  blast.  His  friends  brought  the  old  warrior  up  to 
the  doctor's  office,  the  only  one  in  town.  It  was  across  the 
hall  from  Mom's  flat,  upstairs  over  Frank  Holland's  drug 

There  was  not  a  trained  nurse  in  town.  The  doctor  had 
heard  of  Mom's  experiences  with  sick  people,  and  he  asked 
her  to  help  him.  Together  they  got  the  patient  stretched  out 
on  a  table.  The  chloroform  Mom  administered  to  that  In- 
dian would  have  put  a  horse  to  sleep,  but  not  him!  Once, 
when  they  thought  the  patient  was  pretty  well  under,  the 
doctor,  recently  from  the  East,  remarked :  "He  looks  like  a 
tough  old  hombre.  I'll  bet  he's  killed  a  lot  of  people  in  his 

"O  si,  si  Senor,"  said  the  old  Apache  slowly.  (Oh  yes, 
yes  Sir.)  He  wasn't  out  any  more  than  I  was,  and  I  was 
standing  there  in  the  door  to  the  next  room  watching  every- 
thing that  went  on. 

Without  further  delay,  then,  the  doctor  went  ahead  and 
cut  off  the  arm  below  the  elbow.  He  folded  flesh  back  over 
the  ulna  and  radius  bones  and  stitched  it,  and  bandaged  the 
stump  well.  Mom  made  a  sling  of  a  towel  to  support  the 
Indian's  elbow. 


Though  conscious  during  the  entire  operation,  the 
Apache  didn't  flinch  or  even  grunt.  When  it  was  over  he 
got  down  off  the  table,  put  on  his  big  felt  hat  over  two  braids 
of  black  hair  that  hung  down,  and  walked  out.  The  doctor 
had  said  nothing  about  pay  and  the  Indian  didn't  offer  any. 
At  the  stairs  he  turned  and  went  down  backwards  as  he 
would  have  descended  a  ladder.  Never  before  had  he  been  in 
a  house  with  stairs. 

Later  in  the  day  we  saw  that  old  Apache  lying  in  the 
shade  of  a  cottonwood.  A  squaw  was  seated  on  the  ground 
holding  the  chief's  head  in  her  lap.  Another  was  fanning 
flies  off  him  with  a  switch  of  horse-hair.  The  towel  sling 
Mom  had  made  was  gone,  and  the  stump  was  wrapped  in 
a  red  bandanna.  A  little  way  off  another  squaw  was  saddling 
up  some  horses  preparatory  to  their  return  trip  to  the 




Messages  of  the  governor  to  the  Territorial  and  State  legis- 
latures, 1847-1949. 

1847  Governor's  message  (Donaciano  Vigil)  delivered  to  the  Senate 
and  House  of  Representatives,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M.,  Dec.  6,  1847. 
.  .  .  Hovey  &  Davies,  Printers. 

First  official  document  of  its  character  following  the  Ameri- 
can occupation. 
Broadside  24x40.5  cm. 
Text  printed  in  three  columns. 

1851  Message  of  His  Excellency  James  S.  Calhoun  to  the  First  terri- 

torial legislature  of  N.  M.,  June  2d,  1851.  (Santa  Fe)  1851. 
7,7p.  (E&S) 

Message  of  His  Excellency  James  S.  Calhoun  to  the  First  Terri- 
torial legislature  of  New  Mexico,  Dec.  1,  1851.  Santa  Fe, 
Printed  by  J.  L.  Collins  and  W.  G.  Kephard,  1851.  8,  8p. 

1852  Message  of  William  Carr  Lane,  Governor  of  the  Territory  of 

N.  M.,  to  the  Legislative  assembly  of  the  territory,  at 
Santa  Fe,  Dec.  7,  1852.  Santa  Fe,  Published  at  the  Gazette 
office,  1852. 14p. 

1853  First  annual  message  of  David  Meriwether,  governor  of  the  ter- 

ritory of  New  Mexico;  delivered  to  the  Legislative  assembly, 
Dec.  6,  1853.  Santa  Fe,  J.  L.  Collins,  printer,  1853.  13p. 

1854  Message  of  David  Meriwether  to  the  Council  and  House  of  Repre- 

sentatives in  Journal  of  the  Hon.  Council  of  the  Territory 
of  N.  M.,  being  the  second  session  of  the  Third  Legisla- 
tive assembly  begun  and  held  in  Santa  Fe,  Dec.  4,  1854. 
Santa  Fe,  Gazette  office,  1855,  app.  p.  169-176. 
Messages  usually  included  in  House  and  Senate  journals. 

1854  Governor  Meriwether's  special  message  to  the  legislature,  Dec. 

11,  1854. 

1855  Message  of  W.  W.  H.  Davis,  acting  governor  of  the  territory  of 

New  Mexico,  delivered  to  the  legislative  assembly,  Dec.  3, 
1855.  Santa  Fe,  Printed  in  the  Santa  Fe  Weekly  gazette 
office,  1855.  12p.  (E&S) 

1856  Mensaje  anual  de  D.  Meriwether,  governador  del  territorio  de 



Nuevo  Mejico.  Leido  Diciembre  2  de  1856  a  las  dos  cameras 
de  la  asamblea  legislative.  Santa  Fe,  Imprimido  (sic) 
en  la  oficina  de  la  gaceta,  1856.  7p. 

1857  Message  of  His  Excellency  Governor  Rencher  delivered  to  the 

legislative  assembly  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  Dec. 
7,  1857.  Santa  Fe,  Printed  in  the  Weekly  gazette  office,  1857. 

1858  Message  of  Gov.  Rencher  to  legislature,  vetoing  act  providing 

for  revision  of  laws  of  New  Mexico,  Feb.  3,  1858.  Santa  Fe, 
1858.  lOp. 

The  annual  message  of  Gov.  Rencher  delivered  before  the  legis- 
lative assembly  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  Dec.  8,  1858. 
Printed  by  the  Santa  Fe  gazette  co.,  1858.  7p.  (E&S) 
Mensaje  especial  Enero  4  de  1858.  (A.  Rencher)  1  leaf 
Special  message  of  Gov.  Rencher,  executive  department,  Santa 
Fe,  Dec.  17,  1858.  (Santa  Fe,  1858)  3p. 
A  message  in  answer  to  a  resolution  of  the  assembly,  re- 
questing information  on  the  state  of  the  war  with  the  nava- 

1859  Special  message  of  Gov.  Rencher  to  legislature,  Jan.  15,  1859. 

(Santa  Fe)  1859. 

On  military  roads. 
Special  message  from  Gov.  Rencher  to  legislature,  Jan.  22,  1859. 

Concerning  the  palace. 
Gov.  Rencher's  annual  message  to  legislature,  Dec.  5,  1859. 

1860  The  fourth  annual  message  of  Gov.  Rencher  delivered  before  the 

legislative  assembly  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico,  Dec.  6, 
1860.  (Santa  Fe,  1860)  lip. 

Message  to  the  Council  and  House  of  representatives,  in  Journal 
of  the  House  of  representatives.  .  .  10th  session.  .  3d  day  of 
Dec.,  1860.  Santa  Fe,  Russell,  1861.  p.  11-18. 

1861  First  annual  mesage  of  Gov.  Connelly  delivered  before  the  legis- 

lative assembly.  .  .  Dec.  4,  1861.  Santa  Fe,  Printed  in  the 
Gazette  office,  1861.  13p. 

Also  in  Journal  of  the  House  of  representatives.  .  .  llth 
sess.  .  .  4th  day  of  Dec.,  1861.  Santa  Fe,  O'Brien,  1862. 
p.  11-23. 

1862  Executive  message  of  His  Excellency  William  F.  M.  Amy,  acting 

governor  of  New  Mexico,  to  the  Legislative  aassembly  of 

the  territory  delivered  the  2d  day  of  Dec.,  1862.  (Santa  Fe) 

Printed  at  the  Office  of  the  Santa  Fe  gazette,  1862.  26p. 


Also  in  Journal  of  the  House  of  representatives.  .  .  12th 

sess.  .  .  2nd  day  of  Dec.,  1862.  Santa  Fe,  Santa  Fe  gazette 

office,  1863.  p.  9-34. 


1863  The  second  annual  message  of  His  Excellency  Henry  Connelly  to 

the  legislative  assembly  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico 
delivered  Dec.  9,  1863.  Santa  Fe,  Printed  at  the  "New  Mexi- 
can" office,  1863.  lOp. 

Also  in  Journal  of  the  House  of  representatives.  .  .  13th 
sess.  .  .  Santa  Fe,  Tucker,  1864.  p.  11-53. 

1864  The  third  annual  message  of  Gov.  Connelly  delivered  before  the 

legislative  assembly  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico  Dec.  6, 
1864.  Santa  Fe,  Printed  at  the  Office  of  the  Weekly  gazette, 
1864.  18p. 

Also  in  Journal  of  the  House  of  representatives.  .  .  14th 
sess.  .  .  7th  day  of  Dec.,  1864.  p.  13-31. 

1865  The  fourth  annual  message  of  Governor  Connelly  to  the  legis- 

lative assembly  of  New  Mexico  delivered  Dec.  6,  1865.  Santa 
Fe,  Manderfield  and  Tucker,  printer,  Office  of  the  "New 
Mexican,"  1865.  31p.  (E&S) 

Also  in  Journal  of  the  House  of  representatives.  .  .  15th 
sess.  ...  6th  day  of  Dec.,  1865.  Santa  Fe,  Manderfield  & 
Tucker,  1866,  p.  16-45. 

1866  The   second  annual  message  of  acting  governor  Arny  to  the 

legislative  assembly  of  New  Mexico  delivered  Dec.,  1866. 
Santa  Fe,  Manderfield  and  Tucker,  public  printers,  Office  of 
the  "New  Mexican"  (1866)  40p. 

Valedictory  address  of  Gov.  Henry  Connelly  and  the  inaugural 
of  Gov.  Robert  B.  Mitchell  delivered  in  front  of  the  palace 
Monday  July  16,  1866.  Santa  Fe,  Printed  at  the  Office  of 
the  Weekly  gazette,  1866.  7p. 

1867  The  first  annual  message  of  Gov.  Robert  B.  Mitchell  delivered  be- 

fore the  legislative  assembly  Dec.  3,  1867.  (Santa  Fe,  1867) 


Also  in  Legislative  council  journal  17th  sess.   Santa  Fe, 

Manderfield  &  Tucker,  1868.  app.  p.   5-28,  House  journal 

p.  21-55. 

1868  The  second  annual  message  of  governor  Robert  B.  Mitchell  de- 

livered before  the  legislative  assembly  of  the  territory  of 
New  Mexico  Dec.,  1868.  Santa  Fe,  Printed  at  the  office  of 
the  Weekly  gazette,  1868.  28p. 

Also  in  House  journal,  1868.  Santa  Fe,  Manderfield  & 
Tucker,  1869.  p.  19-48. 

1869  The  first  annual  message  of  His  Excellency  Wm.  A.  Pile  to  the 

legislature  of  New  Mexico  Dec.  8,  1869.  Published  by  the 
order  of  the  legislature.  Santa  Fe,  Manderfield  &  Tucker, 
public  printers,  1869.  15p. 

1871    First  annual  message  of  Governor  Giddings  to  the  legislative 


assembly  of  the  territory  of  New  Mexico.  Dec.  1871.  Santa 
Fe,  A.  P.  Sullivan,  public  printer,  1871.  54p. 

1873    Message  of  Governor  Marsh  Giddings  to  the  legislative  assembly 
of  New  Mexico,  Dec.,  1873.  Santa  Fe,  Manderfield  &  Tucker, 
public  printers,  1873.  46p. 
Also  in  Journal  of  the  Legislative  council  1873/74.  app.  46p. 

1875  Message  of  Governor  Samuel  B.  Axtell  to  the  legislative  assem- 
bly of  New  Mexico,  Twenty  second  session.  Santa  Fe,  Man- 
derfield &  Tucker,  public  printers  New  Mexican  office,  (1875) 

1878  Message  of  Governor  Samuel  B.  Axtell  to  the  legislative  assem- 
bly of  New  Mexico,  23rd  session.  Santa  Fe,  Manderfield  & 
Tucker,  public  printer  (1878)  16p.  (E&S) 
also  in  Journals  of  the  Council  and  House  .  .  .  23rd  sess. 
and  the  Rules  of  order  of  the  legislative  council  of  the  23rd 
legislative  assembly. 

1880  Message  of  Governor  Lewis  Wallace  to  the  legislative  assem- 
bly. .  .  24th  session.  Santa  Fe,  1880. 

1882  Message  of  Governor  Lionel  A.  Sheldon  to  the  legislature  of  New 
Mexico  at  its  session  commencing,  Jan.  2,  1882.  Santa  Fe, 
Charles  W.  Greene,  public  printer,  1882.  20p.  (E&S) 

1884  Message  of  Lionel  A.  Sheldon,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  deliv- 
ered to  the  26th  legislative  assembly,  Feb.  19,  1884.  Santa 
Fe,  New  Mexico  printing  co.,  1884.  16p. 

1886  Governor's  (Edmund  G.  Ross)  message  to  the  Council  and  House 
of  representatives  of  the  27th  legislative  assembly.  .  .  Las 
Vegas,  1887.  26p. 

1889  Governor's  messages  to  the  Council  and  House  of  representa- 

tives of  the  28th  legislative  assembly  of  the  territory  of  New 
Mexico.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1889.  83p. 

1890  Message  of  Gov.  L.  Bradford  Prince  to  the  twenty-ninth  legisla- 

tive assembly  of  New  Mexico,  Dec.  30,  1890.  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexican  printing  co.,  1891.  43p.  (E&S) 

1892  Message  of  governor  L.  Bradford  Prince  to  the  thirtieth  legisla- 
tive assembly  of  New  Mexico,  Dec.  28,  1892.  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexican  printing  co.,  1892.  38p.  (E&S) 

1894  Message  of  Governor  William  T.  Thornton  to  the  thirty-first 
legislative  assembly  of  New  Mexico,  Dec.  31, 1894.  Santa  Fe, 
New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1895.  26p.  (E&S) 

1897  Message  of  Governor  William  T.  Thornton  to  the  32nd  legislative 
assembly  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  18,  1897.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mex- 
ican printing  co.,  1897.  25p.  (E&S) 

1899     Message  of  Gov.  Miguel  A.  Otero  to  the  33d  legislative  assembly 


of  New  Mexico,  Jan.   16,  1899.   Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican 

printing  co.,  1899.  14p.  (E&S) 
1901     Message  of  Gov.  Miguel  A.  Otero  to  the  34th  legislative  assembly 

of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  21,  1901.  Albuquerque,  Democrat  pub. 

co.,  1901.  13p.   (E&S) 
1903     Message  of  Miguel  A.  Otero,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to  the 

35th  legislative  assembly  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  19,  1903. 

Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican  printing  co.,  1903.  32p.  (E&S) 
1905     Message  of  Miguel  A.  Otero,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to  the 

36th  legislative  assembly,  Jan.  16, 1905.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mex- 
ican printing  co.,  1905.  36p.  (E&S) 
1907     Message  of  Gov.  Herbert  J.  Hagerman  to  the  37th  legislative 

assembly  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  21,  1907.  Santa  Fe,  New 

Mexican  printing  co.,  1907.  52p.  (E&S) 

1909  Message  of  George  Curry,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to  the  38th 
legislative  assembly,  Jan.  18,  1909.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican 
printing  co.,  1909.  36p. 

1912  Message  of  William  C.  McDonald,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to 

the  first  state  legislature,  March  12,  1912.  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexican  printing  co.,  1912.  38p.  (E&S) 

1913  Message  of  William  C.  McDonald,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to 

the  first  state  legislature,  second  session,  Jan.  15,  1913. 
Santa  Fe  (1913)  37p.  (E&S) 

Special  message  of  the  governor,  1st  legislature,  second  session, 
state  of  New  Mexico,  transmitting  special  report  of  the 
attorney  general  of  New  Mexico  relative  to  the  state 
boundary  cases  and  exhibits  in  connection  therewith.  Re- 
ceived from  the  governor  of  New  Mexico  Feb.  20,  1913; 
ordered  printed,  referred  to  judiciary  committee,  n.p.n.d. 

Special  message  of  the  governor,  1st  legislature,  2nd  session, 
state  of  New  Mexico,  transmitting  a  memorial  relative  to 
indebtedness  for  gun  sheds  incurred  by  citizens  of  Roswell, 
together  with  such  memorials  and  exhibits  of  representa- 
tives from  the  governor,  Feb.  20,  1913;  ordered  printed  and 
referred  to  the  finance  committee,  n.p.n.d.  20p. 

1915  Message  of  William  C.  McDonald,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to 
the  second  state  legislature,  Jan.  13,  1915.  Santa  Fe,  New 
Mexican  printing  co.,  1915.  24p.  (E&S) 

1917  Message  of  E.  C.  DeBaca,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to  the  third 
state  legislature,  Jan.  10,  1917.  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexican 
printing  co.,  (1917)  18p.  (E&S) 

Message  of  W.  E.  Lindsay,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to  the  third 
state  legislature,  May  1,  1917.  Santa  Fe,  1917.  6p.  (E&S) 


1919     Message  of  O.  A.  Larrazola,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to  the 

fourth  state  legislature,  Jan.  15,  1919.  Santa  Fe,  1919.  26p. 
1921     Inaugural  address  of  Hon.  Merritt  C.  Mechem,  fifth  state  gov- 
ernor of  New  Mexico.  Santa  Fe,  1921.  (3) p. 

Also  in  a  volume  of  Reports  of  the  N.  M.  Special  revenue 

Message  of  Hon.  Merritt  C.  Mechem,  governor  of  New  Mexico, 

to  the  fifth  legislative  assembly,  Jan.  12,  1921.  (Santa  Fe, 

1921)   (3)p. 

Also  in  a  volume  of  Reports  of  the  N.  M.  Special  revenue 

1923     Inaugural  address  of  Hon.  J.  F.  Hinkle,  sixth  state  governor  of 

New  Mexico,  delivered  at  Santa  Fe,  Jan.  1,  1923.  Santa  Fe 

(1923)   (5)p. 
Message  of  Hon.  J.  F.  Hinkle,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to  the 

sixth  legislative  assembly,  Jan.  10,  1923.  Santa  Fe,  Santa 

Fe  New  Mexican  pub.  corporation  (1923)  9p.  (E&S) 
1925     Message  of  Hon.  A.  T.  Hannett,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to  the 

seventh  legislative  assembly,  Santa  Fe,  Jan.  13,  1925.  Santa 

Fe,  (1925)  8p. 
1927     Message  of  Richard  C.  Dillon,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to  the 

eighth  state  legislature,  Jan.  11, 1927.  (Santa  Fe,  1927)  (3)p. 
Special  message  no.  1  of  Richard  C.  Dillon,  governor  of  New 

Mexico,  to  the  eighth  state  legislature,  Feb.  23,  1927.  (Santa 

Fe,  1927)  2p. 
1929     Message  of  Richard  C.  Dillon,  governor  of  New  Mexico,  to  the 

ninth   state   legislature,   Jan.   8,   1929.    (Santa   Fe,   1929) 

1931     Inaugural  address  and  legislative  message  of  Gov.  Arthur  Selig- 

man  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  1931.  (Santa  Fe,  1931) 


1933  Message  of  Gov.  Arthur  Seligman  to  the  eleventh  legislature  of 

the  state  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  11, 1933.  (Santa  Fe,  1933)  13p. 

1934  Message  of  Gov.  A.  W.  Hockenhull  to  the  eleventh  state  legisla- 

ture convened  in  special  session  at  Santa  Fe,  April  9,  1934. 
(Santa  Fe,  1934)   (8)p. 

1935  Inaugural  address  and  legislative  message  of  Gov.  Clyde  Tingley 

of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.,  1935.  (Santa  Fe,  1935) 

1936  Governor's  message  to  special  session  of  the  twelfth  legislature. 

(Santa  Fe,  1936)  4p.  mimeo. 

1937  Inaugural  address  and  legislative  message  of  Gov.  Clyde  Tingley 

of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  1937.   (Santa  Fe)   1937 


Special  message  from  Gov.  Clyde  Tingley  to  the  thirteenth 
state  legislature  of  New  Mexico,  1937.  (Santa  Fe,  1937) 

1938  Message  of  Gov.  Clyde  Tingley  to  the  thirteenth  state  legislature. 

.  .  convened  in  extraordinary  session  as  delivered  in  joint 
session  of  the  House  of  representatives  and  the  Senate  on 
Aug.  22,  1938.  6p.  mimeo. 

1939  Inaugural  address  and  legislative  message  of  Gov.  John  E.  Miles 

of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  1939.  (Santa  Fe,  1939) 

1941     Inaugural   address   and   legislative   message   of   Gov.   John   E. 

Miles  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  1941.  (Santa  Fe, 

1941)  (13)p. 
1943     Inaugural   address   and   legislative   message   of   Gov.   John   J. 

Dempsey  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  1943.   (Santa 

Fe,  1943)   (16)p. 
1943     Text  of  the  address  of  Gov.  John  J.  Dempsey  before  a  joint 

meeting  of  the  House  and  Senate  on  Feb.  4,  1943.   (Santa 

Fe,  1943)  7p. 

Governor  urges  passage  of  so-called  tobacco  tax. 
1945     Inaugural    address   and   legislative   message   of   Gov.   John   J. 

Dempsey,  state  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  1945.  (Santa  Fe,  1945) 

1947     Inaugural  address  and  legislative  message  of  Gov.  Thomas  J. 

Mabry,  Jan.  1947  (Santa  Fe,  1947)  (18)  p. 
1949     Inauguration  of  Hon.  Thomas  J.  Mabry,  nineteenth  governor  of 

the  state  of  New  Mexico,  Jan.  1,  1949.   (Santa  Fe,  1949) 


Second  inaugural  address  and  message  to  the  19th  legislature, 
by  the  Hon.  Thomas  J.  Mabry,  governor  of  the  state  of  New 
Mexico,  Jan.  1949.  (Santa  Fe,  1949)  (27)  p. 

Governor.  Message.  Appendix. 

33rd  Legislative  Assembly.  Jan.  16,  1899  (E&S) 

Contents:  —  Report  of  the  territorial  auditor.  —  Report  of  the  terri- 
torial treasurer.  —  Report  of  commission  of  irrigation  and  water 
rights.  —  Solicitor  general.  —  Adjutant  general.  —  Territorial  li- 
brarian. —  Territorial  superintendent  of  public  instruction.  —  Cattle 
sanitary  board.  —  Exposition  commissioners  report.  —  Bureau  of 
immigration.  —  Historical  society  of  New  Mexico.  —  Coal  oil  in- 
spector. —  Board  of  pharmacy.  —  Capitol  rebuilding  board.  —  Bien- 
nial report  New  Mexico  penitentiary.  —  School  for  the  deaf  and 
blind.  —  New  Mexico  military  institute.  —  University  of  New  Mex- 


ico. — Normal  school  at  Las  Vegas. — College  of  agriculture  and 
mechanical  arts. — New  Mexico  insane  asylum. 

34th  Legislative  Assembly.  Jan.  21,  1901  (E&S) 

Contents: — Report  of  the  territorial  treasurer  from  Dec.  3,  1898,  to 
Dec.  1,  1900. — Report  of  the  territorial  auditor  from  Dec.  5,  1898, 
to  Dec.  1,  1900. — Report  of  the  territorial  secretary  from  Dec.  31, 
1898,  to  Dec.  31,  1900. — First  annual  report  of  the  commissioner 
of  public  lands  of  New  Mexico,  Dec.  31,  1900. — Report  of  the  com- 
missioner of  irrigation,  Dec.  15,  1900. — Report  of  the  solicitor 
general  from  Dec.  27,  1898,  to  Dec.  27,  1900. — Report  of  the  super- 
intendent of  public  instruction  for  the  years  1899-1900. — Report  of 
the  territorial  librarian,  1901. — Report  of  the  Cattle  sanitary 
board,  for  the  year  1900. — Dec.  15,  1900. — Report  of  the  Bureau  of 
immigration,  for  1899  and  1900. — Report  of  the  Board  of  equali- 
zation.— Report  of  the  penitentiary  commissioners,  for  the  50th 
and  51st  fiscal  years. — Report  of  the  trustees  of  the  Deaf  and 
dumb  asylum,  Dec.  3,  1900. — Third  biennial  report  of  the  Board 
of  regents  of  the  New  Mexico  military  institute,  Dec.  31,  1900. — 
Report  of  the  regents  of  the  University  of  New  Mexico,  Dec.  1, 
1900. — Report  of  the  Board  of  regents  of  the  New  Mexico  normal 
university,  Dec.  31,  1900. — Report  of  the  regents  of  the  normal 
school  of  New  Mexico,  Dec.  13,  1900. — Report  of  the  New  Mexico 
college  of  agriculture  and  mechanic  arts,  Dec.  26,  1900. — Report 
of  the  directors  of  the  insane  asylum,  Dec.  17,  1900. — Report  of 
the  New  Mexico  school  of  mines,  Jan.  12,  1900. — Reports  of  char- 
itable institutions:  Annual  report — St.  Vincent  hospital,  fiftieth 
fiscal  year  ending  Dec.  2,  1899.  Annual  report  St.  Vincent  orphan 
school,  Mar.  4,  1899  to  Dec.  4,  1900. — Fifty-first  fiscal  year,  St. 
Vincent  orphanage,  Eddy  county  hospital,  1900. — Judiciary  reports. 

35th  Legislative  Assembly,  Jan.  19, 1903.  (E&S) 

Contents: — Report  of  the  territorial  treasurer,  for  the  year  ending 
Nov.  30,  1902. — Report  of  the  territorial  auditor,  for  the  years 
1901-1902. — Report  of  the  solicitor  general  Dec.  27,  1900,  to  Dec. 
27,  1902. — Report  of  the  U.  S.  land  commission,  Dec.  15,  1902. — 
Third  annual  report  of  the  commissioner  of  public  lands  of  New 
Mexico,  Dec.  31,  1902. — Report  of  the  board  of  equalization,  for 
the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30, 1902. — Report  of  the  irrigation  com- 
mission, for  the  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1902. — Biennial  report  of 
the  Bureau  of  immigration,  for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30, 
1902. — Report  of  the  Board  of  penitentiary  commissioners,  for 
the  52nd  and  53rd  fiscal  years. — Report  of  the  Louisiana  purchase 


exposition  managers,  to  Jan.  1,  1903. — Report  of  the  adjutant 
general,  for  the  year  ending  Dec.  31,  1902. — Report  of  the  terri- 
torial librarian,  for  the  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1902. — Report  of 
the  secretary  of  the  territory,  for  the  two  years  ending  Dec.  31, 
1902. — Report  of  territorial  coal  oil  inspector,  for  the  year  end- 
ing Dec.  31,  1902. — Report  of  the  cattle  sanitary  board,  for  the 
year  ending  Nov.  30,  1902. — Report  of  the  Sheep  sanitary  board, 
from  Dec.  15,  1901,  to  Dec.  1,  1902. — Report  of  the  Board  of 
health,  from  Dec.  1,  1901,  to  Dec.  30,  1902. — Report  of  the  Board 
of  pharmacy,  for  the  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1902. — Report  of  the 
superintendent  of  public  instruction,  for  the  scholastic  year  end- 
ing Oct.  1,  1902. — Report  of  the  University  of  New  Mexico,  for 
the  year  1902. — Report  of  the  New  Mexico  normal  university, 
for  the  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1902. — Report  of  the  regents  of 
Normal  school,  for  the  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1902. — Report  of  the 
New  Mexico  military  institute,  for  the  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1902. 
— Report  of  the  school  of  mines,  from  Nov.  30,  1901,  to  Nov.  30, 
1902. — Thirteenth  annual  report  of  the  New  Mexico  college  of 
agriculture  and  mechanic  arts,  for  the  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1902. 
— Report  of  the  Asylum  for  the  deaf  and  dumb,  from  Dec.  1,  1900 
to  Nov.  30,  1902. — Report  of  the  New  Mexico  insane  asylum,  from 
Dec.  1,  1901,  to  Nov.  30,  1902. — Report  of  Capitol  custodian  com- 
mittee, Nov.  30,  1902. — Report  of  the  Historical  society. 

36th  Legislative  Assembly.  1905.  (E&S) 

Contents: — Report  of  the  territorial  treasurer,  for  the  two  years 
ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — Report  of  the  territorial  auditor,  for  the 
years  1903-1904. — Report  of  the  solicitor  general,  Dec.  27,  1902, 
to  Dec.  27,  1904. — Report  of  the  U.  S.  land  commissioner,  Nov. 
30,  1904. — Fifth  annual  report  of  the  Commissioner  of  public 
lands,  for  the  year  1904. — Report  of  the  Board  of  equalization, 
for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — Report  of  the  Irrigation 
commission,  for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — Biennial 
report  of  the  Bureau  of  immigration,  for  the  two  years  ending 
Nov.  30,  1904. — Report  of  the  Board  of  penitentiary  commission- 
ers, for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — Report  of  the 
Louisiana  purchase  exposition  managers,  to  Dec.  31,  1904. — Re- 
port of  the  adjutant  general,  for  the  two  years  ending  Dec.  31, 
1904. — Report  of  the  territorial  librarian,  for  the  two  years  end- 
ing Dec.  31,  1904. — Report  of  the  secretary  of  the  territory,  for 
the  two  years  ending  Dec.  31,  1904. — Report  of  the  traveling  audi- 
tor, for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — Report  of  the  Cattle 
sanitary  board,  from  July  1,  1904-Nov.  30,  1904. — Report  of  the 
Sheep  sanitary  board,  for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — 


Report  of  the  New  Mexico  boards  of  health,  for  the  two  years 
ending  Dec.  5,  1904. — Report  of  the  Board  of  pharmacy,  Nov.  30, 
1904. — Report  of  the  superintendent  of  public  instruction,  for  the 
scholastic  year  ending  Oct.  1,  1904. — Report  of  the  University  of 
New  Mexico,  for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — Report  of 
the  New  Mexico  normal  university,  for  the  two  years  ending  Nov. 
30,  1904. — Report  of  the  regents  of  normal  school,  for  1903-1904. 
— Report  of  the  New  Mexico  college  of  agriculture  and  mechanic 
arts,  Dec.  1,  1904. — Report  of  the  Asylum  for  the  deaf  and  dumb, 
for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — Report  of  the  Capitol 
custodian  committee,  for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — 
Biennial  report  of  the  historical  society  of  New  Mexico,  Dec.  1, 
1904. — Report  of  the  Department  of  game  and  fish,  for  the  two 
years  ending  Dec.  1,  1904. — Report  of  the  Board  of  dental  exam- 
iners, for  1903-1904. — Report  of  the  Institute  for  the  blind,  for 
the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — Report  of  the  Miners'  hos- 
pital, for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — Report  of  the 
Reform  school,  Dec.  1,  6,  1904. — Report  of  the  Orphan  school,  for 
the  two  years  ending  Dec.  1,  1904. — Report  of  the  Albuquerque 
armory  board  of  control,  Dec.  1,  1904. — Report  of  the  Las  Vegas 
armory  board  of  control,  Dec.  1,  1904. — Report  of  St.  Vincent's 
hospital  and  orphanage,  for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1904. — 
Report  of  the  Grant  county  charity  hospital,  for  the  two  years 
ending  Dec.  1,  1904. — Report  of  the  St.  Joseph's  hospital,  for  the 
two  years  ending  Dec.  1,  1904. — Report  of  the  Ladies  hospital, 
for  the  two  years  ending  Dec.  1,  1904. — Report  of  the  Ladies  relief 
society,  for  the  two  years  ending  Dec.  1,  1904. — Report  of  the  St. 
Joseph  sanitarium,  for  the  two  years  ending  Dec.  1,  1904. — Report 
of  the  Gallup  hospital,  for  the  two  years  ending  Dec.  1,  1904. — 
Memorial  of  the  Educational  association  of  New  Mexico. 

37th  Legislative  Assembly.  Jan.  21, 1907.  (E&S) 

Contents: — Report  of  the  treasurer  of  the  territory,  for  the  two 
years  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the  auditor  of  the  terri- 
tory, for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the 
traveling  auditor,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Bi- 
ennial report  of  the  attorney  general,  1905-1906. — Report  of  the 
Board  of  penitentiary  commissioners  to  the  governor,  for  the  56th 
and  57th  fiscal  years,  commencing  Dec.  1,  1904,  and  ending  Nov. 
30,  1906,  including  the  Report  of  the  superintendent,  Arthur  Trel- 
ford. — 16th  Annual  report  of  the  superintendent  of  public  instruc- 
tion to  the  governor,  Dec.,  1906. — Sixth  annual  report  of  the  com- 
missioner of  public  lands,  Dec.  31,  1905. — Seventh  annual  report 
of  the  commissioner  of  public  lands,  Dec.  1,  1906. — Report  of  the 
secretary  of  the  territory  for  the  two  years  ending  Dec.  31,  1906. 


— Report  of  the  adjutant  general,  for  the  two  years  ending  Dec. 
31,  1906. — Report  of  the  fish  and  game  warden,  for  the  two  years 
ending  Dec.  18,  1907. — Report  of  the  coal  oil  inspector,  for  the 
year  ending  Dec.  31,  1906. — Report  of  the  superintendent  of  insur- 
ance, for  the  year  ending  Dec.  31,  1906. — Report  of  the  irrigation 
engineer,  for  the  two  years  ending  Jan.  1,  1907. — Report  of  the 
public  printer,  from  Mar.  1,  1905,  to  Dec.  1,  1906. — Report  of  the 
mounted  police,  from  Apr.  1,  1905,  to  Dec.  31,  1906. — Report  of 
the  artesian  well  supervisor,  Dec.  31,  1906. — Report  of  the  terri- 
torial librarian,  for  the  two  years  ending  Dec.  31,  1906. — Report 
of  the  Sheep  sanitary  board,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  Nov.  30, 
1906. — Report  of  the  Cattle  sanitary  board,  for  the  two  years 
ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the  New  Mexico  board  of 
health,  for  the  two  years  ending  Jan.  1,  1907. — Report  of  the 
Board  of  dental  examiners,  for  the  two  years  ending  Jan.  1,  1907. 
— Report  of  the  Board  of  pharmacy,  from  July  11,  1904,  to  Jan. 
14,  1907,  inclusive. — Biennial  report  of  the  Bureau  of  immigration 
of  the  territory,  for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report 
of  the  Capitol  custodian  committee,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  Nov. 
30,  1906. — Report  of  the  Board  of  control,  for  the  two  years  end- 
ing Dec.  31,  1906. — Report  of  the  University  of  New  Mexico,  for 
the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the  New  Mexico 
college  of  agriculture  and  mechanic  arts,  for  the  two  years  ending 
Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the  Normal  university,  for  the  two 
years  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the  Normal  school,  for  the 
fiscal  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the  Military  institute 
for  the  fiscal  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the  School  of 
mines,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the 
Insane  asylum,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report 
of  the  Deaf  and  dumb  asylum,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  Nov.  30, 
1906. — Report  of  the  Institute  for  the  blind,  for  the  fiscal  year 
ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the  Orphan  children's  home, 
for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the  Board  of 
osteopathy,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of 
the  St.  Vincent's  hospital  and  orphanage,  for  the  two  years  end- 
ing Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the  Grant  county  hospital,  from 
Jan.  1,  1905,  to  Jan.  1,  1906. — Report  of  the  St.  Joseph's  hospital, 
for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  5,  1906. — Report  of  the  Ladies 
hospital,  for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the 
Eddy  county  hospital,  for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — 
Report  of  the  Ladies'  society,  for  the  two  years  ending  Nov.  30, 
1906. — Report  of  the  St.  Joseph's  hospital,  for  the  two  years 
ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Report  of  the  Gallup  hospital,  for  the 
fiscal  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. — Biennial  report  of  the  Board 
of  optometry,  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  Nov.  30,  1906. 
(To  be  continued) 

Notes  and  Documents 

GALLUP  Jan.  26  (AP) — J.  Wesley  Huff,  managing  editor  of  the  Gal- 
lup Independent  and  former  Associated  Press  writer,  died  yesterday  at 
the  age  of  40. 

He  had  been  in  ill  health  since  he  came  to  New  Mexico  from  New 
York  in  1939,  but  his  death  came  suddenly  in  St.  Mary's  Hospital 
shortly  after  he  had  been  placed  in  an  oxygen  tent. 

Huff  was  the  first  New  Mexico  newspaperman  to  receive  the  coveted 
Shaffer  award  for  reporting  in  1944.  He  won  the  honor  for  a  story  re- 
porting a  courtroom  shooting  at  the  murder  trial  of  Pete  Talamante  in 

He  was  editor  of  the  Hobbs  News-Sun  before  moving  to  Gallup 
seven  years  ago.  He  had  studied  at  Colgate  University  and  the  Pulitzer 
College  of  Journalism  at  Columbia  University.  In  1935  he  joined  the 
Associated  Press  in  Philadelphia.  He  worked  for  the  Associated  Press 
in  Albuquerque  and  Santa  Fe  after  coming  west  for  his  health. 

He  is  survived  by  his  widow  and  daughter,  Betsy,  and  his  mother, 
Mrs.  J.  W.  Huff,  Sr.f  of  Elmira,  N.  Y. 

*At  the  close  of  the  Civil  War,  the  Federal  Government 
turned  its  attention  to  the  solution  of  problems  which  had 
been  under  consideration  before  the  war  but  which  had  of 
necessity  received  scant  notice  during-  the  great  sectional 
conflict.  One  of  the  most  puzzling  and  pressing  of  these  mat- 
ters was  the  question  of  how  best  to  establish  a  satisfactory 
policy  toward  the  Indians  west  of  the  Mississippi  where  ex- 
ploring and  settling  whites  had  disturbed  their  old  ways  of 

To  this  end,  on  March  3,  1865,  a  joint  congressional  com- 
mittee was  selected  to  make  a  personal  inspection  with  the 
aim  of  discovering  the  true  condition  of  the  tribes.  James 
Rood  Doolittle,  Senator  from  Wisconsin,  Chairman  of  the 
Senate  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs,  was  chosen  to  head  the 

The  following  letter  is  an  unofficial  account  of  the  trip 
by  Doolittle  and  his  party.  It  was  written  sixteen  years  later 
by  Doolittle  to  Foster's  widow  at  her  request.  The  original 

*  This    letter   was    prepared    for   publication    by    Clarissa    P.    Fuller    -who    received 
the  doctorate  at  the  University  of  New  Mexico  in  June,  1950. 



letter  is  in  the  collection  of  Doolittle  papers  in  the  archives 
of  the  Wisconsin  Historical  Society  at  Madison.  A  photo- 
static  copy  of  the  letter  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Library  of 
the  University  of  New  Mexico. 

James  Rood  Doolittle  had  a  long  and  vigorous  career  as 
judge,  statesman,  and  educator  throughout  the  greater  part 
of  the  19th  century  (1815-1897).  Born  and  reared  in  a 
Democratic  family,  he  was  charmed  into  the  newly  formed 
Republican  party  in  1856  by  its  expression  of  principles 
which  he  found  to  his  liking.  He  was  elected  Republican  sen- 
ator from  Wisconsin  in  1857.  A  close  friend  of  Lincoln, 
Doolittle  later  became  a  strong  advocate  of  Johnsonian  poli- 
cies which  he  championed  in  a  very  outspoken  manner,  be- 
lieving that  Johnson  followed  what  would  have  been  the 
Lincoln  path.  Doolittle's  course  at  this  time  amounted  to 
committing  political  suicide  in  the  Republican  party.  His 
career  in  Washington,  therefore,  terminated  when  the  Radi- 
cal elements  of  the  Republican  party  gained  control.1 

Residence  Racine, 


Chicago,  March  7th,  1881 
Mrs.  L.  F.  S.  Foster, 

Dear  Madam, 

I  most  cheerfully  respond  to  your  request  to  give  you,  from  per- 
sonal recollection,  some  account  of  a  trip  to  New  Mexico,  and  Colorado 
in  the  summer  of  1865,  made  before  any  railway  had  crossed  the 
Missouri  River,  by  your  late  lamented  husband,  the  Hon.  Ross  of  Illi- 
nois, and  myself,  as  members  of  a  Joint  Special  Committee  of  the  two 
Houses  of  Congress,  under  the  Joint  Resolution  of  March  3,  1865 — 
directing  an  inquiry  into  the  Condition  of  the  Indian  Tribes  and  their 
treatment  by  the  Civil  and  Military  authorities  of  the  United  States. 

In  doing  so,  however,  I  shall  not  undertake  to  give  a  history  of 
the  labors  of  the  Committee  in  taking  testimony  for  the  information 
of  Congress, — which  will  all  be  found  in  our  report  to  the  Senate,  of 
January  26,  1867,2  and  in  the  Appendix,  making  a  limited  volume  of 
more  than  500  pages,  but  shall  confine  myself  mainly  to  the  personal 
incidents  of  our  journey  which  I  doubt  not  you  would  be  better  pleased 
to  know. 

1.  The  story  of  the  later  career  of  Doolittle  can  be  found  in  the  Dictionary  of 
American  Biography. 

2.  Condition  of  the  Indian  Tribes.  Senate  Report  166,  39th  Congress,  2nd  session, 
Washington,  Government  Printing  Office,  1867. 


You  recollect  that  Mr.  Lincoln's  assassination,  in  April,  1865, 
after  our  committee  was  raised,  had  made  Mr.  Foster  de  facto  Vice 
President,3  and,  therefore,  although  I,  as  chairman  of  the  Senate  Com- 
mittee on  Indian  Affairs,  had  been  selected  as  chairman  of  the  joint 
commission  to  do  the  work,  we  all  resolved  to  bring  him  to  the  front, 
in  all  our  interviews  with  the  Indians,  not  as  the  great  father  himself, 
but  as  the  one  who  stood  nearest  in  that  relation  to  the  dependent 
Indian  Tribes. 

To  our  subdivision4  of  the  [illegible]  committee  was  assigned  the 
duty  of  inquiring  into  Indian  Affairs  in  the  state  of  Kansas,  the  Indian 
Territory,  Colorado,  New  Mexico  and  Utah. 

Being  in  a  state  of  War  with  the  Cheyenne  and  Arrappahoes  on 
the  plains  of  Kansas  and  Eastern  Colorado,  and  with  the  Apaches  and 
Navajoes,  in  New  Mexico,  a  small  military  escort  under  Genl  McCook 
was  assigned  by  the  War  Department  to  attend  the  Committee,  and 
assist  them  in  the  discharge  of  their  duties. 

It  was,  as  I  have  already  said  before  any  railways  were  con- 
structed west  of  the  Missouri  river  and  the  place  of  rendezvous  and 
of  departure  was  fixed  at  Fort  Leavenworth,  Kansas.  Genl  McCook 
who  was  familiar  with  the  route  had  all  things  in  readiness  including 
tents,  camp  equipage  and  horses  for  the  Committee  to  ride.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  Committee  were  permitted  to  select  horses  for  themselves 
from  a  large  number.  Mr.  Foster  selected  a  beautiful  light  chestnut; 
Mr.  Ross  a  large  fine,  bay  stallion;  I  preferred  a  dark  brown — almost 
black,  with  strong  compact  body,  short  limbs,  bright  courageous  eye 
and  small  clean  cut  ear.  In  this  selection,  I  was  very  fortunate  as  my 
horse  was  the  only  one  of  all  selected  by  our  party  which  was  able  to 
endure  the  whole  journey  to  New  Mexico  and  back  again  to  Fort 

Sometime  in  June,  the  exact  date  I  do  not  now  remember,  we  set 
out  upon  our  journey,  at  the  rate  of  about  25  miles  per  day.  The 
weather  was  delightful;  the  air  from  the  mountains  over  the  plains  of 
Kansas  pure  and  invigorating.  We  struck  our  tents  very  early  in  the 
morning  and  made  but  one  march  without  halting.  We  made  about  25 
miles,  and  then  pitched  our  tents  for  the  night,  generally  about  3  or 
4  P.  M.  near  some  watering  place.  No  one  could  possibly  enjoy  the 
horseback  rides  from  about  6  to  11  o'clock  in  the  morning  before  the 

8.  In  1864,  at  the  time  of  President  Lincoln's  assassination,  Foster  was  President 
pro  tempore  of  the  Senate.  When  Johnson  became  President  of  the  United  States,  the 
office  of  Vice  President  was  vacant.  Under  the  law  of  1792,  it  was  provided  that  the 
President  pro  tempore,  if  there  was  such,  should  succeed  to  the  office  of  President  of 
the  United  States  if  the  offices  of  both  President  and  Vice  President  were  vacant.  In 
the  Doolittle  letter,  Foster  is  constantly  referred  to  as  the  Vice  President.  Dr.  Wesley 
Gewehr,  University  of  Maryland,  suggests  that  the  only  justification  for  referring  to 
Mr.  Foster  as  the  Vice  President  lay  in  the  possibility  that  he  might  become  President. 

For  a  detailed  account  of  Foster,  see  the  Dictionary  of  American  Biography. 

4.     Senators  Doolittle,  Foster,  and  Representative  Ross  of  Illinois. 


sun  became  very  hot  and  oppressive  more  than  did  Mr.  Foster.  His 
horse  had  a  very  lively  and  spirited  gate,  and  he  was  always  at  the 
front,  full  of  humor,  enjoying  and  making  others  enjoy  every  moment. 

We  had  been  about  two  weeks  on  our  journey  before  anything  of 
special  interest  occurred.  All  at  once,  about  10  o'clock  in  the  morning 
an  immense  herd  of  Buffaloes  appeared  in  sight  about  half  a  mile  in 
front  of  us.  All  being  mounted,  instantly  armed  themselves  with  car- 
bines and  Navy  Revolvers  and  pushed  forward  at  all  possible  speed: — 
not  to  throw  themselves  across  the  route  of  the  advancing  herd,  for 
they  would  have  been  overwhelmed  horses  and  riders, — had  they  done 
so,  but  to  strike  them  in  their  rear,  and  upon  their  flank. 

Into  this  wild  and  dangerous  sport  Mr.  Foster  entered  with  all 
enthusiasm.  A  large  Buffalo  Bull  was  singled  out.  He  was  fired  upon 
and  wounded  severely.  But  he  turned  upon  his  pursuers  whose  horses 
were  greatly  frightened  and  turned  back  towards  our  train  of  teams 
and  soldiers  for  safety, — the  old  bull  slowly  pursuing.  As  he  appeared 
upon  the  crest  of  rising  ground  the  foremost  span  of  mules  caught 
sight  of  the  gigantic  beast.  Like  a  streak  of  lightening,  they  whirled 
around  and  ran  at  the  top  of  their  speed,  down  the  sloping  prairie 
for  nearly  half  a  mile, — upsetting  the  wagon,  and  scattering  every- 
thing upon  the  ground.  Then  followed  such  a  panic  among  mules  and 
such  cursing  and  swearing  among  mule-drivers  as  none  can  imagine 
who  never  was  present  on  such  an  occasion.  A  fortunate  shot  from  a 
Remington  carbine,  at  last,  brought  down  the  huge  and  infuriated 
beast,  and  peace  and  tranquility  reigned  once  more  through  the  whole 

My  son,  Col.  A.  O.  Doolittle,5  who  with  another  young  man,  had 
followed  the  herd  still  further,  wounded  another  of  the  largest  size. 
He  turned  suddenly  and  rushed  at  the  horse  of  his  companion.  The 
horse  frightened  at  his  appearance,  sprang  from  under  him — throwing 
him  upon  the  ground.  The  enraged  animal  plunged  forward  towards 
him  while  prostrate  upon  the  ground.  At  the  instant,  just  in  time  to 
save  him,  my  son,  from  a  Remington  carbine  fired  a  shot  into  the 
beast  just  behind  his  shoulder.  The  ball  pierced  his  heart  and  he 
dropped  dead,  within  a  few  feet  of  the  young  man.  He  dropped  with 
such  force  as  to  plunge  his  nose  into  the  ground.  It  was  with  the 
greatest  possible  difficulty  that  both  of  them,  with  all  their  strength, 
could  move  his  head,  so  as  to  secure  the  tongue  of  the  animal,  which 
is  regarded  as  one  of  the  greatest  delicacies  by  the  victorious  hunter 
upon  the  plains. 

During  all  this  excitement  of  the  chase  and  of  the  panic  among  the 
mules  of  our  train  Mr.  Foster  enjoyed  himself  immensely.  His  wit 
and  humor  and  merry  glee  were  flowing  in  a  continual  stream. 

5.  Anson  O.  Doolittle  who  served  in  the  Wisconsin  infantry  during  the  Civil 
War.  He  attained  the  rank  of  Brevet  Colonel  and  resigned  from  the  service  Septem- 
ber 7,  1864. 


For  more  than  two  weeks  we  were  inarching  over  the  plains  of 
Kansas  encamping  generally  on  the  banks  of  the  Arkansas  before  we 
sighted  Fort  Lyon  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  Sand  Creek  Massacre : — 
of  which  much  testimony  was  taken  by  our  committee  as  appears  in 
the  appendix  to  our  report  above  referred  to. 

Arriving  at  Fort  Lyons,  we  determined  not  only  to  take  the  testi- 
mony of  our  officers  but  to  go  with  them  over  the  battle  ground.  It 
hardly  deserves  the  name  of  a  battle  for  it  was  little  less  than  a 
treacherous  surprise,  in  their  tents,  of  women  and  children  who  sup- 
posed they  were  under  the  protection  of  our  own  troops.  It  was  in  fact 
a  wholesale  massacre  of  women  and  children.  We  ourselves  picked  up 
the  skulls  of  infants  whose  milk  teeth  had  not  been  shed: — perforated 
with  pistol  or  rifle  shots,  and  the  sworn  accounts  given  of  the  scalping 
and  mutilating  of  women  and  children,  by  white  men  under  Col. 
Chivington  show  that  while  it  may  be  hard  to  make  an  Indian  into  a 
civilized  white  man,  it  is  not  so  difficult  a  thing  to  make  white  men  into 
Indian  savages. 

Traveling  by  rail  now  at  30  miles  an  hour  over  the  plains  of  Kan- 
sas in  palace  cars,  is  a  very  different  thing  from  traveling  then  on 
horseback  or  in  wagons  drawn  by  mules,  only  25  miles  in  twenty  four 
hours;  and  one  can  well  understand  how  monotonous  the  plains  of 
Kansas  and  Colorado  became  to  us  long  before  we  reached  Fort  Bent, 
the  point  where  we  crossed  the  Arkansas  river,  on  our  way  to  New 
Mexico,  and  the  real  joy  we  felt  in  crossing.  When  at  length  we  reached 
the  line  of  New  Mexico  many  a  shout  and  cheer  went  up  with  an 
occasional  apostrophe, — now  in  prose  and  now  in  rhyme — now  to  the 
enormous  territories  we  had  just  traveled  through  and  now  to  the 
greater  one  we  were  just  entering. 

In  passing  southwesterly  into  New  Mexico  we  crossed  the  Raton 
range  of  the  Rocky  Mountains,  over  into  the  valley  of  the  Cimmaron 
River.  Here  we  encamped  and  stayed  over  Sunday  at  the  famous 
Maxwell's  Ranch.  People  generally  have  no  idea  of  the  enormous 
amount  of  territory — embracing  mountains  and  valleys — mines  and 
wheatfields  contained  in  this  Ranch.  It  was  an  old  Spanish  grant 
bounded  by  mountain  ranges;  embracing  probably  a  territory  nearly 
as  large  as  the  whole  of  Rhode  Island. 

Grain  is  raised  there  only  by  irrigation;  and  the  Cimmaron  river 
was  used  for  that  purpose  by  Maxwell ;  who  had  under  him  more  than 
250  New  Mexicans,  raising  grain  and  attending  upon  his  flocks  of 
sheep,  and  herds  of  cattle  and  horses. 

Here  we  had  the  pleasure  of  seeing  for  the  first  time  the  use  of 
the  "Lasso"  in  capturing  a  wild  horse  in  a  herd  of  more  than  five 
hundred.  The  lasso  was  thrown  by  Maxwell,  himself,  who,  although  an 
American  had  become  as  expert  in  its  use  as  a  Mexican. 

In  the  form  of  a  "slipper  noose"  the  lasso  is  thrown  over  the  head 
and  around  the  throat  and  drawn  so  tightly  and  held  so  firmly  that 


the  poor  beast  is  actually  choked  until  he  falls  to  the  ground.  Then  he 
is  blindfolded  and  held  down  until  a  rope  bridle  is  placed  in  his  mouth 
and  then  he  is  allowed  to  rise.  But  the  choking  and  falling  and  blind- 
folding in  a  very  few  minutes  does  much  to  stem  if  not  subdue  the 
animal.  While  still  blindfolded  a  saddle  is  fastened  upon  him  and  a 
young  Mexican  is  mounted.  With  a  strong  rope  around  the  body  of  the 
animal  and  over  the  knees  of  his  rider  (but  in  such  a  way  that  in  case 
of  danger  he  can  unloose  his  limbs  at  pleasure) ,  the  rider  was  fastened 
as  securely  upon  his  back  as  the  saddle  itself.  When  fairly  seated  and 
fastened  the  blindfold  is  taken  off,  and  then  the  wild  horse  realizes  his 
situation.  Such  pitching  and  rearing,  such  jumping  and  plunging  to 
unhorse  his  rider  you  can  hardly  conceive. 

In  this  particular  case  after  vainly  trying  to  throw  his  rider  for 
five  or  ten  minutes,  the  horse  suddenly  plunged  into  the  Cimarron  River 
where  the  water  was  full  breast  high. 

But  the  rider  would  not  dismount.  There  sat  the  cool,  intrepid, 
inevitable  Mexican.  After  cooling  his  sides  in  the  stream  for  it  maybe 
five  minutes  the  horse  suddenly  came  out  of  the  river  and  started  upon 
a  full  run  down  a  road  upon  its  banks  for  a  mile  and  a  half.  The 
Mexican  instead  of  checking  him,  pushed  him  at  the  top  of  his  speed  by 
the  free  use  of  a  whip  until  the  horse,  panting  and  almost  exhausted, 
was  glad  enough  to  relax  his  gait,  and  came  down  to  a  walk.  In  less 
than  an  hour  this  wild  horse  was  completely  tamed ;  and  he  came  back 
quiet  as  a  kitten.  Anyone  could  lead  him  anywhere  and  the  young  girls 
who  had  witnessed  the  performance  of  the  Mexican  Rory  upon 
this  wild  young  horse  came  out  with  blankets  and  umbrellas  and  shook 
them  at  him  but  they  had  no  more  effect  in  frightening  him  than  if  he 
had  been  an  old  dray  horse.  You  can  well  imagine  how  much  Mr.  Foster 
enjoyed  a  scene  like  that,  so  novel  and  interesting  to  us  all. 

From  Maxwell's  Ranch  we  passed  down  Southwest  to  Fort  Union 
where  we  stayed  over  for  a  day  or  two.  Upon  resuming  our  march, 
passing  down  on  the  right  side  of  a  valley  through  which  one  of  the 
small  branches  of  the  Canadian  river  flows,  we  had  not  proceeded  many 
miles  when  suddenly  we  came  to  a  halt;  and  the  important  announce- 
ment was  made  by  Gen'l  McCook  that  a  whole  band  of  the  Mescalero 
Apaches  had  just  been  captured  by  a  company  of  our  soldiers,  and  was 
then  en  route  to  Fort  Union. 

Here  was,  upon  the  face  of  things,  an  important  event,  and  one 
which  our  committee  could  not  overlook.  Gen'l  McCook  who  besides 
being  a  good  soldier  was  a  very  good  actor,  and  spoke  the  Spanish 
language,  determined  to  introduce  the  chiefs  and  warriors  of  the 
captive  tribe  who  understood  a  little  Spanish,  to  the  Committee,  and 
especially  to  the  Vice  President  of  the  United  States,  in  becoming 
style.  So  everything  was  put  in  the  very  best  order  to  produce  the 
most  profound  impression  upon  the  savages.  A  messenger  was  sent 
forward  with  orders  to  the  officer  in  command  of  our  victorious  troops 


to  bring  the  captives  across  the  valley  to  the  place  where  we  were 
halted  to  receive  them. 

The  warriors,  about  40  in  number,  were  on  foot.  The  women  with 
their  children,  blankets  and  other  worldly  goods,  were  mounted  upon 
ponies.  They  approached.  The  tall  chief,  dressed  in  deer  skin  with 
all  his  paint  and  feathers  on,  came  up  in  grand  style;  and  with  a 
certain  dignity  and  grace.  He,  of  course,  was  the  first  to  be  intro- 
duced to  that  high  officer  who  stood  second  only  to  the  great  father, 
himself,  in  the  estimation  of  all  the  Indian  tribes. 

Gen'l  McCook  in  his  high  style,  and  best  Spanish  made  a  little 
speech  and  then  introduced  the  head  chief  of  the  Mescaleros  to  the 
Vice  President.  Imagine  our  astonishment  when  instead  of  taking  Mr. 
Foster's  right  hand  as  he  extended  it  to  him,  the  tall  chief  walked 
directly  up  to  him,  in  front,  and  true  Spanish  style  threw  his  long 
arms  around  and  embraced  him; — warmly,  strongly  embraced  him,  I 
might  say  literally  "hugged"  him,  ejaculating  in  Spanish  "Bueno! 
Bueno!"  [pronounced  wano].  Then  followed  the  lesser  chiefs  and  war- 
riors one  by  one,  until  each  had  given  him  the  same  earnest  embrace. 

As  the  last  one  left  him,  Mr.  Foster  breathed  deeper,  and  freer, 
thinking  the  thing  at  last  was  over ;  but  in  this  he  was  sadly  mistaken 
for  the  real  agony  was  yet  to  come.  Soon  as  the  men  had  finished,  the 
women  began  to  dismount  and  one  after  the  other  in  the  same  style 
and  with  the  same  words  of  welcome  gave  him  the  same  earnest 
embraces.  As  they  were  not  as  tall  as  the  men,  their  painted  faces  came 
against  the  breast  and  collar  of  his  coat,  which,  like  Joseph's  became 
a  coat  of  many  colors,  long  before  the  grand  ceremony  was  over. 

When  with  becoming  fortitude  and  patience  he  had  borne  all  this 
grand  introduction  to  an  Indian  tribe,  he  quietly  suggested  that  per- 
haps the  other  members  of  the  Committee  would  like  to  go  through  the 
same  ceremony; — which  they  as  quietly  declined  suggesting  that  one 
such  ceremony  was  all  sufficient  to  establish  friendly  relations  with 
the  captives. 

That  day  we  marched  on  to  Las  Vegas.  Even  then  it  was  known, 
but  far  more  widely  now,  for  its  delicious  warm  baths,  baths  which 
beyond  any  other  I  have  seen  soften  and  purify  the  skin. 

If  ever  a  human  being  took  delight  in  stripping  off  his  clothing 
and  getting  into  a  delicious  warm  bath  it  was  Mr.  Foster  after  that 
day's  entertainment  and  investigation  of  Indian  Affairs. 

From  Las  Vegas  we  pursued  our  way  southward  towards  the 
Bosque  Redondo  situated  on  the  Pecos  river — being  a  reservation  of 
40  miles  square,  upon  which  our  troops  had  placed  about  7000  Navajoes 
prisoners,  captured  the  year  before  by  Col.  Kit  Carson.6 

On  our  way  at  one  of  our  encampments  we  captured  a  large 

6.     See  Frank  D.  Reeve,  "Federal  Indian  Policy  in  New  Mexico,  1858-1880,"  NEW 
MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  vol.  12,  p.  218  and  voL  IS. 


Tarantula.  In  form  it  was  like  a  huge  black  spider.  His  body  was  as 
large  as  a  good  sized  butter  plate  while  his  legs  and  tentacles  were 
at  least  a  full  inch  in  length.  To  make  sure  of  him  we  placed  him  in  a 
large  tin  cup,  and  placed  a  plate  over  it.  But  the  sight  of  that  dreadful 
creature,  whose  bite  is  almost  certain  death,  and  the  consciousness 
that  he  was  still  alive  and  in  our  tent  made  all  sleep  impossible  for 
Mr.  Foster,  and  we  struck  a  light  and  despatched  the  monster  as  a 
fitting  sacrifice  to  the  God  of  Sleep. 

On  our  way  to  the  Bosque  we  encamped  another  night  near  some 
Alkaline  Lakes.  The  water  was  so  clear  and  beautiful  that  Mr.  Foster 
and  myself  were  tempted  to  bathe.  They  were  very  strong  in  alkaline 
properties.  The  effect  upon  me  was  considerable.  Upon  Mr.  Foster  the 
effect  was  still  more  severe.  In  fact  it  brought  on  a  fever,  lasting  him 
nearly  a  week;  and  keeping  him  confined  to  his  bed  most  of  the  time 
we  spent  at  the  Bosque. 

Most  fortunately,  however,  we  there  found  Capt.  Gary,  an  old 
friend  of  Mr.  Foster  and  with  his  nursing  and  the  best  of  medical 
attendance,  he  was  soon  on  his  feet  as  well  as  before;  and  yet  this 
short  sickness  made  him  all  the  more  anxious  to  return  home,  and 
was  in  fact  one  of  the  reasons  which  cut  short  our  trip  to  Utah. 

After  closing  our  labors  at  the  Bosque  Redondo,  having  taken 
a  large  amount  of  testimony  there  we  proceeded  northwesterly  by  the 
usual  marches  to  the  old  City  of  Santa  Fe.  There  for  the  first  time  in 
our  lives,  we  witnessed  a  Mexican  Fandango  where  men  and  women 
of  all  shades  and  colors  meet  and  mingle  and  dance  together  upon  a 
footing  of  perfect  social  equality. 

Having  taken  considerable  testimony  there,  as  to  the  causes  which 
led  to  the  wars  with  the  Navajoes,  we  passed  northward  up  the  Rio 
Grande  into  the  Park  and  thence,  by  Fort  Garland  and  the  Huerfano 
pass  over  the  Rocky  Mountains  whose  highest  peaks  were  covered 
with  eternal  snows  into  the  valley  of  the  Arkansas.  We  passed  over 
the  mountains  on  horseback.  The  scenery  was  grand  and  imposing; — 
beyond  anything  I  saw  in  Switzerland.  Of  course,  all  this  was  a  source 
of  intense  enjoyment  to  Mr.  Foster : — awakening  in  him  the  deepest 
enthusiasm.  Exhilerated  by  the  sight,  a  touch  of  high  poetic  sentiment 
would  occasionally  find  impromptu  expression,  or,  bring  out  most  apt 
quotations.  I  wish  for  your  sake  I  could  give  you  his  words.  But 
sixteen  years  have  come  and  gone  since  we  were  riding  there  together; 
and  while  his  words  have  faded  from  memory  their  sweetness  and 
fragrance  cling  to  it  still. 

I  must  not  forget  to  mention  on  our  way  to  Fort  Garland  we  made 
a  visit  to  the  famous  Kit  Carson.  Knowing  him  as  a  bear-hunter  and 
Indian  fighter  you  can  hardly  imagine  the  impression  which  this  most 
modest  and  unassuming  man  with  a  voice  almost  feminine  in  accent 
and  expression  made  upon  us.  We  staid  over  night  in  his  hospitable 
home  near  Taos.  In  the  evening  Mr.  Foster  drew  him  out  and  he  told 


in  modest  style  a  few  of  the  most  remarkable  incidents  of  his  wonder- 
ful life,  none  more  interesting  than  his  account  of  his  escape  from 
the  clutches  and  jaws  of  a  great  grizzly  bear. 

He  had  wounded  him.  The  bear  was  so  near  to  him  that  he  could 
not  reload  his  rifle.  He  was  compelled  to  drop  it  and  to  climb  a  tree 
to  escape  from  the  infuriated  beast.  His  description  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  bear  undertook  to  tear  down  the  tree; — the  gnashing  of 
his  teeth;  his  terrible  growls  at  him  as  he  remained  for  long  hours  in 
the  tree  above  his  reach;  the  deep  agony,  almost  in  which  he  waited 
for  the  beast  to  leave  him,  and  the  joy  he  felt  when  at  last  he  did 
leave  him  was  intensely  interesting;  and  it  passed  far  into  the  small 
hours  of  the  morning  before  we  retired  to  bed. 

On  our  way  we  passed  in  sight  of  Pikes  Peak.  We  entered  the 
place  which  Col.  Fremont  named  the  Garden  of  the  Gods.  There  we 
drank  of  the  mineral  waters  and  what  was  more  practical  still  our 
cook  took  with  him  a  canteen  filled  from  the  Soda  Spring  with  which, 
the  next  morning  he  made  us  some  most  excellent  soda  biscuits. 

We  soon  reached  Denver,  the  Capital  of  Colorado.  There  a  grand 
reception  was  tendered  to  us  by  Governor  Evans  and  the  citizens  of 
Colorado.  It  was  given  at  the  Opera  House.  Mr.  Foster  was  called  upon 
for  a  speech,  Mr.  Ross  also.  In  their  happiest  vein  they  responded  and 
spoke  of  the  pleasures  of  our  trip,  leaving  to  me  as  chairman  of  the 
committee,  to  speak  on  the  troublesome  Indian  question.  In  thus  leaving 
me  to  bear  that  burden  alone,  I  always  more  than  half  suspected  Mr. 
Foster  remembered  the  occasion  when  I  left  him  to  bear  alone  the  whole 
shock  of  the  introduction  to  the  tribe  of  Apaches,  and  that  he  got 
more  than  even  with  me  for  his  was  a  reception  of  captive  Indians; — 
mine  was  a  reception  by  white  men  in  a  time  of  fierce  excitement.  In 
that  very  Opera  House,  Col.  Chivington,  a  few  months  before,  having 
returned  from  the  Sand  Creek  Massacre,  had  publicly  exhibited  to 
excited  thousands  the  scalps  they  had  taken  as  the  trophies  of  victory. 

It  was  no  easy  task  for  me  to  present  the  true  Indian  policy  of 
the  government  in  that  place,  and  to  hundreds  of  the  same  men  who 
celebrated  with  Col.  Chivington  his  victory  and  triumphs.  Indeed  it 
threatened  to  prove  a  very  stormy  time.  Of  course  I  shall  not  attempt 
to  give  you  an  account  of  the  speech  made  by  me.  But  representing  as 
we  did  the  United  States  we  could  not  quail  before  the  excited  people 
of  Denver  and  shrink  from  speaking  the  truth  on  that  occasion.  One 
incident  I  will  relate  which  served  as  the  basis  or  text  for  the  greater 
part  of  that  speech. 

When  I  had  referred  in  a  cool  and  matter  of  fact  way  to  the  occa- 
sion of  conflict  between  the  whites  and  Indians,  growing  out  of  the 
decrease  of  the  Buffalo  and  the  increase  of  the  herds  of  cattle  upon  the 
plains  of  Kansas  and  Colorado  and  said:  the  question  had  arisen 
whether  we  should  place  the  Indians  upon  reservations  and  teach  them 
to  raise  cattle  and  corn  and  to  support  themselves  or  whether  we 


should  exterminate  them,  there  suddenly  arose  such  a  shout  as  is  never 
heard  unless  upon  some  battle  field; — a  shout  almost  loud  enough  to 
raise  the  roof  of  the  Opera  House. — "Exterminate  them!  Exterminate 

That  was  the  occasion; — the  text,  I  may  say  of  the  main  part  of 
my  speech,  at  Denver: — a  speech  which  Mr.  Foster  and  Mr.  Ross  said 
was  as  good  as  any  they  had  ever  heard  from  me  in  the  Senate.  One 
thing  is  certain  I  was  fully  aroused.  My  only  regret  is:  Murphy  was 
not  there  to  take  it  down  just  as  it  was  uttered.  It  was  a  full  and  frank 
discussion  of  the  Indian  Problem  and  in  the  face  of  an  audience  where 
hundreds  and  thousands  perhaps  were  not  well  inclined  to  do  justice 
to  the  Indians. 

While  in  Colorado  we  were  invited  to  go  in  a  buggy  to  Georgetown 
and  Central  City  to  examine  the  deepest  gold  mine  then  worked  in 
that  territory.  We  had  a  delightful  ride  up  among  the  mountains.  We 
then  descended  into  the  Black  Hawk  Mine  to  the  depth  of  about  350 
feet.  We  descended  by  ladders.  But  we  ascended  in  the  great  bucket 
in  which  the  ores  were  lifted  to  the  surface.  That  was  the  deepest 
point  in  the  bowels  of  the  earth  into  which  we  had  now  descended,  and 
in  coming  out  again  to  the  upper  air  Mr.  Foster  quietly  remarked  he 
was  fully  satisfied  with  his  visit  below  and  did  not  care  to  go  down  into 

While  absent  from  Denver,  on  this  visit  to  Central  City  about 
four  days,  a  remarkable  incident  occurred  near  Denver.  Upon  a  sandy 
Island  in  the  Platte  river  an  enterprising  farmer  was  raising  a  most 
bountiful  crop.  He  could  do  that  upon  that  Island  without  irrigation : — 
sufficient  moisture  from  the  river  passing  through  the  land.  The  value 
of  his  growing  crop  was  estimated  at  $10,000.  It  was  in  beautiful  and 
luxuriant  condition  when  we  started  on  our  trip  to  Central  City.  When 
we  returned  it  was  wholly  destroyed.  A  cloud  of  grasshoppers  or 
locusts  had  come  down  upon  his  Island  farm  and  in  two  days  devoured 
every  green  thing.  Though  the  sun  shown  through  the  clearest  of  skies, 
yet  when  we  looked  up  into  the  deep  deep  blue  vault  between  us  and 
the  sun  we  could  see  myriads  of  these  insects  as  high  as  the  eye  could 
reach  flying  over  the  mountains  like  far  off  clouds  in  the  sky. 

From  Denver  after  renouncing  our  trip  to  Utah  where  the  Indians 
were  all  at  peace  with  us,  we  resolved  to  return  by  stage  over  the 
plains — a  trip  of  five  days  and  nights  to  reach  the  Hannibal  &  St.  Joe 
railway  on  the  Missouri  river.  Accordingly  we  chartered  a  coach  for 
four  of  us, — Mr.  Foster,  Mr.  Ross  and  myself  and  my  son  who  acted 
as  clerk  for  our  committee. 

We  arranged  the  coach  for  sleeping  at  night  by  placing  boards 
lengthwise  across  the  three  seats  inside;  and  by  placing  a  straw 
mattress  upon  them,  so  that  three  could  sleep  inside  while  the  fourth 
had  a  straw  mattress  placed  on  top  of  the  coach  and  with  a  broad 


leather  strap  the  sleeper  of  the  upper  deck  was  securely  lashed  on  top 
of  the  mattress. 

As  myself  and  son  were  the  two  youngest  of  the  party  and  of  the 
toughest  build  we  alternately  slept  on  deck: — he  sleeping  there  three 
nights  and  I  sleeping  there  only  two  on  our  journey.  The  weather  was 
fine.  The  sky  was  clear  and  the  sleeping  on  top  of  the  coach,  lashed 
down  to  the  bed,  was  not  such  a  great  trial  after  all. 

We  got  on  very  nicely.  The  only  incident  of  special  interest  was 
that  one  morning  upon  our  way  we  halted  at  a  ranch  for  breakfast  and 
there  we  found  the  body  of  a  young  man  just  killed  with  an  Indian 
arrow  piercing  him  to  the  heart, — the  body  was  still  warm.  This  inci- 
dent let  me  assure  you  gave  us  all  some  twinges  of  apprehension  as  to 
what  "might  have  been."  But  we  continued  on  our  journey  in  safety 
till  we  reached  the  great  engine  of  modern  civilization  the  railway  at 
St.  Jo.  That  brought  us  back  again  to  our  home  life. 

I  have  thus  as  rapidly  as  possible  and  as  briefly  as  I  could  given 
you  the  main  personal  incidents  of  our  trip  to  the  Territories. 

With  sincere  regards,  I  remain,  as  ever, 

J.  R.  Doolittle. 

The  following  documents  were  preserved  by  Juan 
Geronimo  Torres,  once  a  resident  of  Sabinal,  New  Mexico, 
and  are  now  in  the  possession  of  Edward  E.  Torres,  prin- 
cipal of  the  junior  high  school  at  Socorro.  Mr.  Torres  has 
presented  photostatic  copies  to  Rodgers  Library  at  New 
Mexico  Highlands  University. 

My  translation  has  benefitted  from  assistance  received 
by  comparison  with  a  translation  prepared  by  Mr.  Torres 
as  part  of  his  graduate  studies  and  by  consultation  with 
Dr.  Luis  E.  Aviles,  Head  of  the  Department  of  Modern  For- 
eign Languages  at  New  Mexico  Highlands  University.  How- 
ever, I  assume  the  responsibility  for  this  translation.* 

The  documents  have  been  organized  in  three  series.  The 
first  may  be  entitled  The  Personal  Interests  of  Juan 
Geronimo  Torres;  the  second  group  presents  Some  Laws 
and  Legal  Proceedings  of  the  Mexican  Period;  and  the  third 
series  deals  with  The  Building  of  a  Church  at  Sabinal,  1821 
to  1831. 

The  first  series  follows. 

*  Dr.   Lynn   I.    Perrigo,    Head   Department  of   History   and    Social   Sciences,    New 
Mexico  Highlands  University. 




Review  of  Militia 

Mayoralty  of  Belen 
November  4,  1819 

List  and  true  copy  of  the  review  overseen  by  me,  Captain  Com- 
mander Don  Antonio  Chaves,  of  the  officers  and  other  members  of 
which  this  squadron  is  composed  on  the  day  carried  out. 

Classifications        Names 

3rd  Co.  of  the  2nd  Squadron 

Don  Juan  Geronimo  Torres 
Second  Lt. 

Don  Juan  Jesus  Chaves 

Francisco  Chaves 

Rafael  Baca 

Jose  Antonio  Pino 

Manuel  Pino 

Antonio  Jose  Torres 

Bison  Sais 


Vicente  Xaraurio 

Francisco  Padia 

Antonio  Barela 

Pablo  Torres 

Juan  Miguel  Santillanes 

Juan  Trujillo 

Antonio  Gorge 

Jose  Antonio  Garcia 

Estevan  Santillanes 

Francisco  Serna 

Juan  Jose  Martin  Baca 

Jose  Manuel  Garcia 

Antonio  Gurule 

Juan  Antonio  Trujillo 

Don  Juan  Francisco  Baca 

Juan  Silba 

Vicente  Silba 





8     ! 





i  2 



<S    ( 

5     *• 


J   P 

5   < 





































1  <*i  25 












1  1  25 




1  1  25 




















1  1  25 








1  1  25 
















0  1  25 









Dionisio  Silba 
Hermenegildo  Montolla 
Lorenso  Padia 
Diego  Antonio  Abeita 
Juaquin  [sic']  Padia,  2nd 
Ramon  Montoya 
Pablo  Gallego 
Antonio  Jose  Chaves 
Bartolome  Romero 
Juan  Jose  Ribas 
Juan  Montolla 
Juan  Ribas 
Miguel  Perca 
Rafel  [sic]  Ribera 
Jose  Antonio  Gutierrez 
Antonio  Montolla 
Antonio  Carrillo 
Manuel  Xaramillo 
Jose  Gamboa 
Felipe  Padia 
Antonio  Jofola 
Antonio  Jose  Maldonado 
Carlos  Romero 
Marcos  Baca 
Lorenso  Salas 


Lieutenant  1 

2nd  Lieutenant  1 

Sergeants  2 

Corporals  2 

Carbineers  2 

Soldiers 42 

Total  ..  ..  50 




























1  1 









































































Antonio  Chaves 

Appointment  of  Mayor's  Deputy  at  Sabinal,  1819 
Don  Miguel  Aragon,  Alcalde  Mayor  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Belem, 
its  districts  and  frontiers,  in  behalf  of  Sir  Don  Pedro  Maria  de 
Allende  y  Saabedra,  Graduate  Lieutenant  of  Cavalry  and  Captain  of 
the  Royal  Garrison  of  San  Carlos  of  the  Province  of  New  Viscaya, 
and  Governor  and  neighbor  of  New  Mexico — 

Since  I  have  had  the  resignation  of  Don  Lorenzo  Salas  from  the 
office  of  political  deputy  of  the  village  of  Sabinal  and  consider  desir- 


able,  for  the  good  administration  of  justice,  to  name  a  person  of 
merit  and  conduct,  equally  combined  with  circumstances  of  valor, 
disinterest  and  zeal,  and  these  coinciding  in  the  person  of  Don  Juan 
Geronimo  Torres,  therefore  I  elect  and  appoint  him  in  the  name  of 
His  Majesty  (Whom  God  May  Protect)  for  such  deputy  of  the  Alcalde 
Mayor  of  the  said  village  and  its  districts  and  confer  on  him  the 
same  powers  which  are  bestowed  upon  me,  in  order  that  he  may  deal 
with  the  cases  and  matters  which  may  arise,  civil  and  criminal,  prose- 
cuting them  until  passing  judgment,  and  next  that  he  may  give  me 
an  account  in  order  for  me  to  determine  what  may  be  wise  by  a 
similar  order  for  all  of  the  existing  and  resident  citizens  of  the  dis- 
trict; that  those  arriving  and  leaving  may  hear  and  respect  said 
deputy  of  the  Alcalde  Mayor,  and  may  they  obey  and  keep  his  oral 
and  written  orders  under  penalty  of  which  the  rebellious  and  disobedi- 
ent may  be  severely  punished  accordingly.  This  power  I  give  to  the 
appointed  Don  Juan  Geronimo  Torres  in  order  that  he  may  raise 
the  emblem  of  justice,  and  I  order  him  to  exercise  great  zeal  that 
those  of  his  district  may  be  instructed  in  the  rudiments  of  Our  Holy 
Catholic  Faith,  guarding  carefully  likewise  the  greatest  glory  of 
God  and  punishing  severely  the  public  and  scandalous  sinners,  and 
I  order  the  Deputy  to  give  painstaking  care  that  he  demand  a  survey 
of  his  respective  region  where  enemies  might  invade  should  the  cir- 
cumstances allow  it,  and  that  immediately  upon  receipt  of  his  title 
he  shall  notify  the  aforesaid  resigned  Deputy  of  this  district  in  order 
to  place  him  in  the  position  of  his  new  appointment  with  good  public 
notice  through  all  parts  of  the  neighborhood  by  the  town  crier  so 
that  none  may  be  in  ignorance.  Likewise  I  order  the  retired  Deputy 
to  cooperate  with  his  influence  and  good  example  in  behalf  of  good 
administration  for  the  citizens  in  order  that  the  titled  Deputy  of  this 
commission  may  have  no  great  prejudice  arise  against  him. 

Done  in  this  village  of  Valencia  on  the   Twenty-fourth  day  of 
February  of  eighteen  hundred  nineteen,  I  certify 

Miguel  Aragon 

Sale  of  Merchandise 

Don  Juan  Geronimo  Torres  offers  for  sale  on  the  account  of  Don 
Pedro  Armendaris  the  following  goods: 

A    S.  O  Pesos  Reals 

10  pieces  of  wool,  at  10  reals  a  yard          @271/^  p  275.  0 
32  fine  printed  cottons,  2  and  % 

yards  each                                              @  4     p.  128.  0 

24  Native  mufflers                                              @  4      p.  96.  0 

1  piece  fine  lace  edging,  12  yds.                   60.  0 

2  same,  nankeen  at  1  peso  per  yd.                   11      p.  22.  0 
1  same,  white  cotton,  20  yds.                        32.  4 

49  yards  flannel  @  4      p.        196.        0 


5  reams  paper,  25  pieces  for  9  reals 

@20  p.  2  r.      101. 


10  dozen  hunting  knives  at  5  reals  each 

@  7%  p.  doz.    75. 


1000  needles  at  70  per  half 



60  playing  cards 

@         4  r.         30. 


408  yards  ribbon,  water  marked 

@  2%  r.yd.    127. 


4  muslin  gowns,  embroidered 

@20      p.           80. 


150  yards  English  chintz 

@     12  r.yd.  225. 


150  same,  from  Barcelona 

@     19  r.yd.  281. 


12  madras  handkerchiefs 

@     12  r.          18. 


12  scissors 

@       4  r.             6. 


40  yards  muslin,  embroidered 

@     20  r  yd.    100. 


50  veils,  black  ornaments 

@  1      p.           50. 


60  Chinese  combs 

@       2  r.           15. 


1  piece  wide  ribbon  of  33  yards 

@  1      p.           33. 


2  same,  narrow  of  33  yards 

@       6  r.  yd.     49. 





Santa  Fe,  December  18,  1820 

Sale  of  Land  Near  Belen,  1818, 1828 

In  this  post  of  Valencia  on  the  eighth  day  of  the  month  of  June 
in  the  year  eighteen  hundred  eighteen,  for  lack  of  a  Royal  notary 
public  in  this  entire  province,  before  me,  Don  Miguel  Aragon,  Alcalde 
Mayor  of  the  jurisdiction  of  Belen,  its  districts  and  frontiers,  with 
power  to  act;  before  me  Jose  Antonio  Quintana  and  Carlos  Gavaldon 
have  made  the  requisite  presentation  for  themselves,  the  first  resident 
of  the  community  of  Sevilleta  and  the  second  of  the  ranchitos  of  the 
same  community,  whom  I  certify  I  know,  and  the  aforementioned 
Jose  Antonio  Quintana  said  he  was  giving  and  in  effect  transferring 
in  royal  sale  to  said  Carlos  Gavaldon  the  title  to  land  which  belongs 
to  him  by  grant  in  the  said  site  of  Sevilleta  on  both  banks  of  the 
river,  for  the  price  and  sum  of  one  team  of  oxen  and  two  cows  with 
calves  which  come  to  one  hundred  pesos  in  the  current  coin  of  the 
land,  which  said  Gavaldon  confers  upon  him  in  turn,  received  with 
his  full  satisfaction  and  endorsement,  with  his  amount  paid  and 
satisfied  so  that  this  may  be  honored  as  the  fair  price,  that  if  it  be 
valued  at  more  or  could  be  valued  in  excess  he  will  have  it  free  by 
grant  pure,  perfect,  irrevocable,  which  the  law  describes  as  inter- 
vibos,  in  order  that  he  may  enjoy  possession  for  himself,  his  marriage- 
able children  and  successors  without  the  possibility  that  there  might 
be  put  upon  it  some  demand  by  the  said  seller  nor  any  of  his  people, 
and  that  if  in  case  it  might  be,  they  may  not  be  heard  in  judgment 
nor  lawsuit  for  it;  moreover  that  he  waives  now  and  forever  and 
forever  to  the  present  all  and  as  many  laws  as  may  speak  in  his 
favor,  that  none  may  be  of  value,  and  it  is  submitted  now  to  the  royal 
justices  of  His  Majesty  in  order  that  they  may  compel  and  oblige 


him  by  all  of  the  strictness  of  the  law  to  fulfillment  of  this  contract, 
whose  testimony  executes  it  so  that  it  serves  as  the  title,  and  he  may 
take  and  takes  possession  of  said  title  to  the  land,  and  that  he  may 
keep  it  in  his  possession  as  his  safety  and  security ;  and  they  did 
not  sign  it  because  he  said  they  said  they  did  not  know  how,  therefore 
I,  said  Alcalde  Mayor,  may  sign  it  with  the  testimony  of  my  witnesses, 
for  whom  I  certify — 

Miguel  Aragon 

(Witness)   Mariano  Montoya 
(Witness)  Francico  [sic]  Maldonado 

In  this  town  of  Santa  Maria  de  Belen  on  the  Fifth  of  April  of 
eighteen  hundred  twenty-eight — before  me,  Official  Alcalde  of  this 
town,  were  presented  Don  Juan  Geronimo  Torres  and  Carlos  Gaval- 
don,  the  first  a  citizen  of  Sabinal  and  the  second  of  the  vale  of 
Sebilleta,  for  whom  I  certify,  and  whom  I  know,  and  Gavaldon  said 
that  he  transferred  and  turned  over  to  Torres  the  attached  deed  with 
all  of  the  rights  and  privileges  which  were  accrued,  to  said  Torres, 
giving  him  the  deed  which  was  executed  by  Jose  Antonio  Quintana, 
for  the  same  price  that  it  cost,  and  with  this  the  aforesaid  Gavaldon 
remains  without  any  right  by  said  transfer  by  which  he  [Torres] 
will  have  the  lands  in  full  formality.  This  before  me  and  entreating 
me  that  I  might  place  all  of  the  judicial  authority  in  order  that  it 
may  have  full  force,  and  I  said  that  I  place  it  in  effect  to  the  extent 
that  is  conferred  upon  me,  with  testimony  of  witness,  for  whom 
I  certify — 

Antonio  Jose  Chaves 

Witness ; 

Jose  Patricio  Baca 
Gregorio  Arteaga 

Commission  as  Lieutenant  of  Militia 

The  respectable  municipal  government  of  Santa  Maria  de  Belen, 
dependent  of  this  territory  of  New  Mexico: 

In  compliance  with  Article  21  of  the  Provincial  Ordinance  for 
the  Civil  Militia  there  have  been  elected  by  the  individuals  of  the 
company  of  seventy  men,  formed  in  this  jurisdiction,  by  a  strong 
plurality  of  those  assembled  before  this  municipal  government,  for 
Lieutenant  of  the  same  company,  the  citizen  Don  Juan  Geronimo 
Torres,  whose  election  is  proclaimed  by  the  action  of  the  president 
of  this  community;  consequently  we  order  that  all  of  the  persons 
enlisted  in  this  group  in  order  to  form  the  aforesaid  company  in  this 
town  of  Belen  may  find  and  have  the  citizen,  Don  Juan  Geronimo 
Torres  as  lieutenant,  reserving  for  him  the  preeminent  honors  to 
which  he  is  entitled  by  the  rule  of  law  of  the  matter  discussed,  which 


carries  for  the  inducted  lieutenant  the  obligation  to  take  an  oath 

before  the  respective  commanding  officer,  as  provided  in  Article  35. 
Done  in  the  town-house  of  the  municipal  government  of  Santa 

Maria  de  Belen  on  the  25th  day  of  the  month  of  October  of  1826. 

First,  third,  and  second. 

Antonio  Chaves  y  Aragon 
Commander  of  the   Said  Company 

Commission  as  lieutenant  of  the  civil  militia  in  behalf  of  Don  Juan 

Geronimo  Torres. 

(To  be  continued) 

Book  Reviews 

Land  of  the  Conquistador es.  Cleve  Hallenbeck.  Caldwell, 
Idaho :  The  Caxton  Printers,  1950.  Pp.  375.  Illus.  $5.00. 

While  little,  if  anything,  is  added  to  present  knowledge 
of  New  Mexico  history  in  this  ambitious  compilation,  Hallen- 
beck's  work  is  a  welcome  resume  of  data  gleaned  from  the 
published  research  of  such  dependable  and  scholarly  his- 
torians as  Bolton,  Hackett,  Scholes,  Bloom,  and  others.  Per- 
haps sufficient  credit  is  not  given  to  the  late  Lansing  Bloom, 
whose  careful  and  thorough  research  in  Seville  and  other 
European  archives  and  libraries  made  available  to  scholars 
much  of  the  lately  acquired  information  regarding  former 
gaps  in  New  Mexico's  annals,  by  means  of  microfilm  now 
stored  in  the  Library  of  the  University  of  New  Mexico  and 
of  the  Museum  of  New  Mexico.  As  the  author  states  in  his 
Foreword :  "To  date  no  other  unbroken  history  of  the  state 
has  been  written,  because  the  period  1608  to  1680  was  almost 
entirely  blank — the  so-called  'silent  years'  of  the  state's 
annals."  Referring  again  to  the  Foreword,  the  author  was 
unaware  that  the  New  Mexico  Archives,  transferred  at  one 
time  to  the  Library  of  Congress,  have  been  restored  to  the 
vaults  of  the  Museum  of  New  Mexico  and  the  New  Mexico 
Historical  Society.  Some  readers  might  find  fault  with  the 
classification  adopted  by  Hallenbeck  for  New  Mexico  inhab- 
itants as  Spaniards,  mestizos,  Spanish  Americans,  New 
Mexicans,  and  "Anglos,"  only  the  last  named  being  desig- 
nated as  "white"  citizens  of  the  United  States.  The  author 
died  in  February,  1949,  and  therefore  did  not  have  available 
to  him  late  publications  such  as  Bolton's  Coronado  and  the 
Turquoise  Trail  or  the  historical  sketches  of  present-day 
author  Fray  Angelico  Chavez  and  other  Catholic  writers. 

The  book  opens  with  a  sketchy  treatment  of  the  Indian 
tribes  when  they  apparently  occupied  different  sections  of 
the  Southwest  in  early  days.  This  is  followed  by  a  chapter 
entitled  "The  Conquistadores,"  beginning,  as  do  most  if  not 
all  New  Mexico  histories,  with  the  wanderings  of  Cabeza  de 



Vaca  and  his  three  companions.  The  author  is  among  those 
who  believe  that  they  made  a  detour  far  into  New  Mexico. 
Friar  Marcos  de  Niza  is  branded  a  charlatan,  impostor,  and 
unmitigated  liar,  the  author  completely  ignoring  the  pleas 
of  apologists  and  defenders  of  the  friar,  from  Bandelier  to 
Fray  Angelico. 

Chapter  3  is  devoted  to  "The  Seventeenth  Century,"  be- 
ginning with  Juan  de  Onate,  the  colonizer,  up  to  and  includ- 
ing the  reconquest  by  de  Vargas.  The  Eighteenth  Century 
chapter,  starting  with  the  administration  of  Pedro  Rodri- 
guez Cubero,  lists  the  governors  up  to  Fernando  Chacon  and 
tells  much  of  the  strife  between  the  Franciscans  and  the 
secular  authorities  which  began  as  early  as  the  days  of 
Onate.  Hallenbeck  states:  "One  of  Onate's  demands  which 
was  disallowed,  was  that  religious  orders  other  than  the 
Franciscans  be  permitted  to  engage  in  missionary  activities 
in  New  Mexico.  This  request,  if  granted,  would  have  pre- 
vented most  of  the  turmoil  that  marked  the  seventeenth 
century  in  this  province.  ..."  A  few  pages  later:  "The 
Pueblo  Indians  thus  found  themselves  with  two  masters  who 
continually  were  at  loggerheads.  The  situation  was  rendered 
worse  by  the  fact  that  the  Church  was  represented  in  New 
Mexico  by  only  one  of  the  mendicant  orders — the  Order  of 
Friars  Minor,  popularly  known  as  the  Franciscans."  These 
conclusions  of  the  author  must  be  taken  as  mere  opinions  not 
entirely  borne  out  by  facts.  Indian  warfare  and  the  west- 
ward march  of  the  French  colored  much  of  New  Mexico's 
history  in  the  Eighteenth  Century.  Writes  Hallenbeck: 
"Spain's  activity  on  this  northern  frontier  was  directed 
chiefly  toward  two  objects:  (1)  the  repulse  of  the  French 
advance,  and  (2)  the  protection  of  the  settlements  from 
hostile  tribes  that  encompassed  New  Mexico  on  the  west, 
north  and  east."  However,  much  else  occurred  as  the  admin- 
istrations of  successive  governors  are  covered  more  or  less 
briefly,  climaxed  by  the  administration  of  Juan  Bautista 
de  Anza,  to  whom,  according  to  the  author,  the  following 
tasks  were  assigned :  (1)  to  lay  out  a  more  direct  route  from 
Santa  Fe  to  Sonora,  (2)  to  dissolve  the  alliance  between  the 


Apaches  and  the  Navajos,  (3)  to  form  an  alliance  with  the 
Comanches,  (4)  to  consolidate  the  scattered  settlements 
of  the  province,  and  (5)  to  save  the  Moquis  from  extinction. 

Chaper  5,  "The  Nineteenth  Century,"  brings  New  Mexico 
history  up  to  the  American  Occupation,  a  few  paragraphs  in 
conclusion  merely  referring  to  the  years  that  followed  up  to 
the  granting  of  statehood  to  the  Territory. 

Hallenbeck  adds  chapters  "dealing  intimately  with  the 
life  of  the  colonial  New  Mexico,"  depending  upon  Benavides, 
Vetancourt,  Morfi,  and  Barreiro,  upon  traditions  and  the 
early  visitors  over  the  Santa  Fe  Trail.  There  are  separate 
chapters  on  Government,  the  Missions,  Population,  Indus- 
tries, Commerce,  Colonial  Life,  the  Spaniard  and  the  Indian, 
and  The  New  Mexico  Camino  Real,  the  longest  and  most 
informative,  perhaps,  being  the  chapter  on  commerce. 

The  illustrations  are  from  drawings  by  the  author  done 
rather  stiffly  with  pen  and  ink.  Maps  and  plats  aid  the 
reader  to  follow  the  sequence  of  the  narrative.  The  book  is 
one  deserving  a  place  on  the  library  shelf  of  everyone 
interested  in  New  Mexico  history. 

Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 

Bird's-Eye  View  of  the  Pueblos.  Stanley  A.  Stubbs.  Norman : 
University  of  Oklahoma  Press,  1950.  Pp.  ix,  122.  $3.00. 

This  small  volume  represents  a  compilation  which  should 
have  been  made  years  ago.  No  library  concerned  with  South- 
western subjects  can  be  complete  without  its  inclusion. 

Following  a  general  discussion  and  illustration  of  ground 
plans  of  prehistoric  Pueblo  villages,  and  a  brief  description 
of  Pueblo  Indian  life,  the  author  systematically  lists  all  of 
the  currently  occupied  Pueblos  of  the  Southwest.  Each  'is 
illustrated  by  means  of  a  vertical  aerial  photograph  and  a 
scaled  map.  Each  room  is  shown  and  the  number  of  stories 
of  construction  indicated.  Kivas  and  abandoned  rooms  are 
designated,  as  are  the  missions.  After  completion  of  the  air 
photographs,  the  author  visited  each  village  in  order  to 


establish  a  scale  for  the  accompanying  map  and  to  orient  the 
ground  plan  in  relation  to  north. 

This  record  of  the  villages  of  a  rapidly  changing  people 
is  particularly  valuable  because  of  the  inclusion  of  tabulated 
information  such  as  the  etymology  of  the  village  name, 
linguistic  affiliations,  approximate  date  of  founding,  the 
census  of  population,  size  of  reservation  and  the  date  of  the 
annual  feast  day  and  dance.  It  is  for  this  reason  that  no 
serious  visitor  to  the  Pueblo  villages  should  be  without  a 

Accompanying  the  photographs,  maps  and  tabulations 
are  brief  and  soundly  authoritative  discussions  of  each 
Pueblo,  its  pottery,  basketry,  silverwork  and  other  handi- 
crafts, together  with  salient  points  concerning  the  history 
of  the  people.  These  contribute  so  much  that  one  might 
wish  they  had  been  more  extended.  With  justification  Stubbs 
also  emphasizes  the  rapidity  of  change  or  alteration  of  the 
ground  plans.  This  circumstance  may  well  make  us  speculate 
on  the  enhanced  value  of  this  record  one  hundred  years 
from  now. 

The  insignificance  of  the  errors  found  certainly  reflects 
the  high  validity  of  the  book.  The  single  kiva  at  Sandia  is 
referred  to  as  being  plural  in  the  text  (page  34) ,  the  square 
kivas  of  the  Rio  Grande  towns  should  not  have  been  called 
rectangular  (for  this  confuses  them  with  the  Little  Colorado 
rectangular  kivas) ,  and  a  comma  is  misplaced  on  page  71. 
The  only  other  possible  bone  of  contention  has  to  do  with 
the  date  of  changes  in  the  Pueblos  as  a  result  of  Spanish 
re-conquest.  This  date  is  usually  given  as  1692  rather  than 

One  interesting  point  bears  on  an  old,  old  argument. 
Stubbs  lists  Acoma  as  having  been  occupied  "at  least  one 
thousand  years"  and  Old  Oraibi  as  having  been  occupied 
"since  about  1150."  However,  the  author  conservatively 
states  that  "only  by  archaeological  excavation  in  the  refuse 
mounds  of  Acoma  and  Old  Oraibi  can  the  title  of  oldest 
continuously  occupied  town  in  the  United  States  be  settled." 
And  such  excavation  is,  of  course,  impossible  at  this  time. 


In  addition  to  the  accuracy  and  high  value  of  this  excel- 
lent account,  the  author  has  achieved  the  goal  of  making 
what  might  have  been  a  mere  tabulation  into  genuinely 
interesting  reading.  Although  written  in  clear  and  popular 
form  for  the  layman,  the  book  will  see  extensive  use  for 
many  years  by  the  anthropologist. 

University  of  New  Mexico 

Grant  of  Kingdom.  Harvey  Fergusson.  New  York :  William 
Morrow  and  Company,  1950.  Pp.  vi,  311.  $3.00. 

A  reviewer  of  Harvey  Fergusson's  latest  novel  could  sit 
down  with  it  and  a  copy  of  W.  A.  Keleher's  Maxwell  Land 
Grant  and  occupy  himself  delightedly  in  seeking  answers  to 
such  questions  as  whether  or  not  the  "grant"  in  question  is 
the  famous  Maxwell  Land  Grant ;  to  what  extent  the  fictional 
Jean  Ballard  is  Lucien  B.  Maxwell;  whether  or  not  Clay 
Tighe  is  in  reality  Jim  Masterson,  the  law  enforcement 
officer  brought  in  by  the  grant  people  to  quiet  the  dispos- 
sessed ;  to  what  degree  Daniel  Laird,  preacher,  is  a  fictional 
development  of  the  Reverend  0.  P.  McMains  of  Raton,  fiery 
leader  of  the  anti-grant  faction ;  or  who  the  fictional  Major 
Arnold  Newton  Blore  is  supposed  to  be. 

Such  an  exercise,  however,  would  be  of  little  profit  to 
the  lover  of  history  or  of  fiction.  A  piece  of  historical  fiction 
is  not  to  be  judged  by  any  criterion  of  conformity  to  the 
known  facts  of  character,  era,  or  region,  however  sparse 
or  abundant  the  known  facts  may  be.  The  historical  novelist 
seeks  to  catch  the  spirit,  the  feeling,  the  flavor  of  character, 
era,  or  place,  not  merely  to  get  in  as  many  known  facts  as 
possible.  He  is  interested  in  "the  process  by  which  the  past 
becomes  a  beloved  myth,"  to  use  Harvey  Fergusson's  own 
words.  He  is  interested  in  nostalgia,  in  the  desire  of  any 
human  being,  as  he  looks  at  a  place  where  life  was  once 
lived,  to  repeople  that  place,  to  vivify  its  incidents,  to  drama- 
tize it  and  romanticize  it  and  put  some  kind  of  understand- 
able pattern  upon  it. 


Harvey  Fergusson  started,  he  says,  with  the  ruins  of 
an  old  house ;  and  he  goes  on  from  there  to  tell  the  fascinat- 
ing story  of  an  Eastern  woodsman  who  came  to  the  West, 
became  a  mountain  man,  fell  in  love  with  a  woman  of 
Spanish  descent  whose  family  had  a  royal  Spanish  grant, 
married  her,  and  accepted  the  challenge  to  move  east  out 
of  the  mountains  around  Taos  on  to  the  Plains  to  settle  and 
establish  there  law,  order,  and  civilization.  Here  is  the  basic 
Robinson  Crusoe  fictional  pattern  that  will  still  appeal 
mightily  to  any  reader  with  an  iota  of  love  of  freedom  and 
tangible  accomplishment  left  in  him.  The  only  difference  is 
that  there  is  abundance  here  that  Crusoe  never  dreamt  of. 
The  one-man  empire  flourishes;  only  age  and  physical  dis- 
ability— and  the  march  of  history — defeat  Jean  Ballard. 
Land-hungry  America  swarms  in,  corporate  interests  gobble 
up  Ballard's  holding,  nesters  and  settlers  not  very  well 
versed  in  the  intricacies  of  law  and  surveying  are  dispos- 
sessed, mainly  through  the  iron  nerve  of  a  former  Kansas 
officer  who  represents  the  new  interests.  An  old-fashioned 
preacher-prophet  with  some  of  the  primitive  strength  of 
Moses  resists  the  new  forces,  but  fails  and  goes  back  into 
the  mountains  and  into  the  Spanish- American  villages  along 
the  Rio  Grande. 

The  Maxwell  Land  Grant  locale  is  not  the  only  one  Mr. 
Fergusson  writes  convincingly  about.  Jean  Ballard's  life 
in  the  old  Eastern  wilderness,  an  axman's  life  like  that  of 
young  Abraham  Lincoln;  the  life  in  Virginia  before  and 
just  after  the  Civil  War,  which  Arnold  Blore  knew  he  had 
to  leave;  the  raw  life  in  the  Kansas  cattle-shipping  towns; 
the  life  of  the  Western  trappers  and  mountain  men — Mr. 
Fergusson,  in  building  characters'  backgrounds,  handles  all 
these  briefly  but  with  the  novelist's  sense  of  what  is  mean- 
ingful and  what  is  not. 

It  is  perhaps  a  bit  difficult  to  tell  how  seriously  one  should 
take  the  clue  to  the  pattern  of  the  book  that  the  author  him- 
self gives.  In  his  "Foreword"  Mr.  Fergusson  writes,  "Here 
were  the  benevolent  autocrat  creating  order,  the  power- 
hungry  egoist  destroying  it,  the  warrior  tragically  bound  to 


his  weapon,  the  idealist  always  in  conflict  with  an  irrational 
world,  struggling  to  save  his  own  integrity."  Whether  or 
not  this  story  and  this  situation  really  have  much  in  common 
with  or  throw  any  light  upon  "the  great  power  struggles 
that  periodically  shake  the  world"  [Fergusson's  own  words 
again],  here  are  people  that  are  convincing,  working  out  a 
destiny  in  a  region  that  called  out  the  heroic  and  the  dra- 
matic. Above  all,  here  is  a  portion  of  history  in  a  beloved 
region  made  into  a  "beloved  myth."  These  yesterdays  in  the 
American  West  were  not  many  days  ago,  and  Harvey  Fer- 
gusson  makes  it  seem  tragic  to  have  lost  them. 

University  of  Colorado 

Cowboys  and  Cattle  Kings.  C.  L.  Sonnichsen.  Norman :  Uni- 
versity of  Oklahoma  Press,  1950.  Pp.  316.  $4.50. 

This  is  a  shotgun  kind  of  book.  Mr.  Sonnichsen  knows  a 
great  many  people  in,  or  associated  with,  the  livestock  in- 
dustry. He  crams  these  into  both  barrels  of  his  ten  gauge 
Greener  and  lets  drive. 

The  title,  "Cowboys  and  Cattle  Kings,"  seems  a  little 
misleading  and  the  subtitle,  "Life  on  the  Range  Today," 
comes  nearer  to  describing  the  contents  of  the  book.  To  be 
sure  there  are  cowboys  present  and  at  least  one  cattle  king, 
but  there  are  also  sheepherders,  sheepmen,  stock  farmers 
and  a  dairyman  or  so.  Perhaps  a  better  title  for  the  book 
would  be :  A  Good,  Fair  Picture  of  How  Men  Get  Along  With 
Cows,  and  the  subtitle  might  read,  And  How  They  Look,  Act, 
and  Talk  While  Doing  It. 

Anyone  who  wants  the  above,  circa  1950,  should  have 
Cowboys  and  Cattle  Kings.  Anyone  who  wishes  to  preserve 
his  illusions  as  depicted  by  Roy  Rogers,  Gene  Autry,  et  al, 
should  leave  it  alone.  Because  the  movies  won't  buy  this  one. 
What  horses  there  are  ride  in  trailers  and  pick-up  trucks, 
the  way  horses  ride.  The  people  pack  few  guns,  lock  their 
doors  when  they  go  to  town,  and  otherwise  act  as  reasonable 
citizens.  Never  a  one  says,  "They  went  that-a-way,"  and 
only  two  or  three  are  cow  thieves. 


Indeed,  at  first  reading  it  seemed  that  Mr.  Sonnichsen 
was  on  a  debunking  expedition,  but  reflection  shows  that 
this  was  not  the  case.  The  author  had  something  on  his  mind 
and  this  appears  to  be  that  while  times  change  and  people 
change  with  them,  Western  people  remain  Western  people. 
Just  doing  things  differently,  that's  all. 

Pleasant  reading. 

Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Revista  Interamericana  de  Bibliografia:  Review  of  Inter- 
American  Bibliography.  Washington:  Pan  American 
Union,  1951. 

This  quarterly  replaces  Lea,  which  has  been  discontinued. 
It  should  become  a  useful  supplement  to  other  literature  on 
Latin  American  and  American  countries.  It  will  not,  how- 
ever, replace  professional  journals  devoted  exclusively  to 
Hispanic  American  states.  For  example,  the  Hispanic  Amer- 
ican Historical  Review  is  published  in  the  English  language ; 
the  newcomer  in  the  field,  the  RIB,  is  essentially  bi-lingual, 
and  often  even  quatro-lingual.  Contributors  write  in  their 
native  idioms,  which  may  indicate  that  the  circulation  will 
be  greater  in  the  Latin-speaking  countries  than  in  the  United 
States  and  Canada.  There  are  also  some  European  contrib- 
utors, who,  by  agreement,  are  restricted  to  writing  in 
French,  Spanish,  Portuguese,  or  English. 

Another  variation  from  the  usual  type  of  professional 
journal  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  RIB  will  attempt  to  cover 
all  fields,  which  will  mean  special  usefulness  for  reference 
and  research.  The  reference  room  of  every  library  should 
have  copies  on  file;  this  periodical  should  be  read  by  all 
students  of  Hispanic  America,  regardless  of  the  field  in 
which  they  specialize. 

Because  the  publication  is  sponsored  by  the  Pan  Ameri- 
can Union,  one  must  not  expect  the  exactness  demanded  by 
professional  journals.  Although  Dr.  A.  Curtis  Wilgus  is  the 
president  of  the  organization,  its  essential  purpose  seems 


to  be  the  continued  development  of  closer  cultural  relations 
between  the  various  states  on  a  higher  level,  with  each 
country  making  contributions  within  chosen  fields. 

The  RIB  will,  like  most  quarterlies,  publish  a  general 
bibliography  of  books,  pamphlets,  and  articles,  as  well  as 
bi-annual  lists  of  new  periodicals,  and  an  annual  roundup 
of  government  documents.  The  latter  two  items  should  be 
used  as  checklists  of  Latin  American  materials. 

The  two  major  weaknesses  appear  to  be:  first,  the  em- 
ployment of  a  variety  of  languages,  which  may  prove  to  be  a 
handicap  to  the  less  gifted  who  would  otherwise  be  inter- 
ested; and  second,  as  the  title  indicates,  only  the  area  is 
specific,  the  field  is  general. 

University  of  New  Mexico 

Mexico  During  the  War  with  the  United  States.  Jose  Fer- 
nando  Ramirez.  Edited  by  Walter  V.  Scholes.  Translated     * 
by  Elliott  B.  Scherr.  The  University  of  Missouri  Studies^p 

XXIII,  No.  1.  Columbia,  1950.  Pp.  165.  $2.50.  ^Pv 


This  is  one  observer's  view  of  Mexico  during  the  years 

1846  and  1847.  It  is  in  the  form  of  a  diary  and  letters  to  a 
political  friend.  These  were  published  nearly  fifty  years  ago 
in  the  original  Spanish  by  Genaro  Garcia.  Now  they  appear 
for  the  first  time  in  English  translation,  with  numerous 
brief  notes  identifying  persons  and  places  and  explaining 
certain  events  that  might  not  otherwise  be  clear  to  the 
reader.  The  translation  seems  to  be  a  happy  combination  of 
accuracy  and  clarity.  The  notes,  in  some  instances,  are 
incomplete,  and  the  index  is  not  quite  adequate.  The  intro- 
duction does  not  present  a  rigidly  accurate  view  of  the  cir- 
cumstances leading  to  the  Mexican  War.  But  these  are  very 
minor  blemishes.  The  documents  well  deserve  publication  in 
English,  for  they  present  a  vivid  picture  of  the  chaotic  con- 
ditions in  Mexico  during  this  period  as  seen  by  an  intelligent 
observer,  as  well  as  the  opinions  and  perplexities  of  this 
observer,  who  witnessed  in  person  many  of  the  events  which 


he  described.  Jose  Fernando  Ramirez  did  not  have  a  high 
regard  for  the  political  capacity  of  the  Mexicans  of  his  day, 
whom  he  considered  proud,  imprudent,  selfish,  and,  for  the 
most  part,  corrupt.  Later  he  seems  to  have  despaired  of  their 
ability  for  self-government,  for  while  he  did  not  join  in  the 
invitation  to  Ferdinand  Maximilian  to  rule  Mexico,  he  soon 
became  a  member  of  Maximilian's  cabinet.  Although  Ramirez 
had  a  few  kind  words  for  Paredes,  Santa  Anna,  and  Gomez 
Farias,  his  tone  is  usually  denunciatory.  The  Mexico  of  this 
war  period  seems  to  have  reeked  with  petty  larceny. 

The  University  of  Chicago 



(As  amended  Nov.  25,  1941) 

Article  1.  Name.  This  Society  shall  be  called  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico. 

Article  2.  Objects  and  Operation.  The  objects  of  the  Society  shall 
be,  in  general,  the  promotion  of  historical  studies;  and  in  particular, 
the  discovery,  collection,  preservation,  and  publication  of  historical 
material  especially  such  as  relates  to  New  Mexico. 

Article  3.  Membership.  The  Society  shall  consist  of  Members,  Fel- 
lows, Life  Members  and  Honorary  Life  Members. 

(a)  Members.     Persons  recommended  by  the  Executive  Council 
and  elected  by  the  Society  may  become  members. 

(b)  Fellows.     Members  who  show,  by  published   work,   special 
aptitude  for  historical  investigation  may  become  Fellows.     Immedi- 
ately  following   the    adoption    of   this    Constitution,   the    Executive 
Council  shall  elect  five  Fellows,  and  the  body  thus  created  may  there- 
after elect  additional  Fellows  on  the  nomination  of  the  Executive 
Council.    The  number  of  Fellows  shall  never  exceed  twenty-five. 

(c)  Life  Members.    In  addition  to  life  members  of  the  Historical 
Society  of  New  Mexico  at  the  date  of  the  adoption  hereof,  such  other 
benefactors  of  the  Society  as  shall  pay  into  its  treasury  at  one  time 
the  sum  of  fifty  dollars,  or  shall  present  to  the  Society  an  equivalent 
in  books,  manuscripts,  portraits,  or  other  acceptable  material  of  an 
historic  nature,  may  upon  recommendation  by  the  Executive  Council 
and  election  by  the  Society,  be  classed  as  Life  Members. 

(d)  Honorary  Life  Members.     Persons  who  have  rendered  emi- 
nent service  to  New  Mexico  and  others  who  have,  by  published  work, 
contributed  to  the  historical  literature  of  New  Mexico  or  the  South- 
west, may  become  Honorary  Life  Members  upon  being  recommended 
by  the  Executive  Council  and  elected  by  the  Society. 

Article  4.  Officers.  The  elective  officers  of  the  Society  shall  be  a 
president,  a  vice-president,  a  corresponding  secretary,  a  treasurer,  and 
a  recording  secretary;  and  these  five  officers  shall  constitute  the 
Executive  Council  with  full  administrative  powers. 

Officers  shall  qualify  on  January  1st  following  their  election,  and 
shall  hold  office  for  the  term  of  two  years  and  until  their  successors 
shall  have  been  elected  and  qualified. 


Article  5.  Elections.  At  the  October  meeting  of  each  odd-numbered 
year,  a  nominating  committee  shall  be  named  by  the  president  of  the 
Society  and  such  committee  shall  make  its  report  to  the  Society  at 
the  November  meeting.  Nominations  may  be  made  from  the  floor 
and  the  Society  shall,  in  open  meeting,  proceed  to  elect  its  officers  by 
ballot,  those  nominees  receiving  a  majority  of  the  votes  cast  for  the 
respective  offices  to  be  declared  elected. 

Article  6.  Dues.  Dues  shall  be  $3.00  for  each  calendar  year,  and 
shall  entitle  members  to  receive  bulletins  as  published  and  also  the 
Historical  Review. 

Article  7.  Publications.  All  publications  of  the  Society  and  the  selec- 
tion and  editing  of  matter  for  publication  shall  be  under  the  direction 
and  control  of  the  Executive  Council. 

Article  8.  Meetings.  Monthly  meetings  of  the  Society  shall  be  held 
at  the  rooms  of  the  Society  on  the  third  Tuesday  of  each  month  at 
eight  P.  M.  The  Executive  Council  shall  meet  at  any  time  upon  call 
of  the  President  or  of  three  of  its  members. 

Article  9.  Quorums.  Seven  members  of  the  Society  and  three  mem- 
bers of  the  Executive  Council,  shall  constitute  quorums. 

Article  10.  Amendments.  Amendments  to  this  constitution  shall  be- 
come operative  after  being  recommended  by  the  Executive  Council 
and  approved  by  two-thirds  of  the  members  present  and  voting  at 
any  regular  monthly  meeting;  provided,  that  notice  of  the  proposed 
amendments  shall  have  been  given  at  a  regular  meeting  of  the  Society, 
at  least  four  weeks  prior  to  the  meeting  when  such  proposed  amend- 
ment is  passed  upon  by  the  Society. 



Historical  Review 

Palace  of  the  Governors,  Santa  Fe 

,  1951 






VOL.  XXVI  JULY,  1951  No.  3 


Washington  Ellsworth  Lindsey 

Ira  C.  Ihde 177 

Cristobal  de  Onate 

Agapito  Key 197 

Development  of  the  Cattle  Industry  in  Southern  Arizona,  1870'  and  80's 
J.  J.  Wagoner 204 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications  (continued) 

Wilma  Loy  Shelton 225 

Notes  and  Documents 242 

Book  Reviews  .  248 

THE  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  Subscription  to  the  quarterly  is 
$3.00  a  year  in  advance ;  single  numbers,  except  those  which  have  become  scarce,  are 
$1.00  each. 

Business  communications  should  be  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  A.  F.  Walter,  State 
Museum,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. ;  manuscripts  and  editorial  correspondence  should  be 
addressed  to  Prof.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 
UNIVERSITY  PRESS,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 


VOL.  XXVI  JULY,  1951  No.  3 

By  IRA  C.  IHDE  * 

Youth  and  Early  Manhood 

WASHINGTON  ELLSWORTH  LINDSEY  exemplified  the  spirit 
of  a  pioneering  and  progressive  family.  The  third 
governor  of  the  state  of  New  Mexico  was  born  on  December 
20,  1862,  near  Armstrong  Mills  in  Belmont  County,  Ohio. 
He  lived  the  normal  life  of  an  Ohio  farm  youth  for  his  time. 
He  slept  in  the  loft  of  the  log  house,  which  he  reached  by 
climbing  a  straight  ladder  along  the  wall.  The  boy  loved  to 
fish  in  nearby  Capitana  Creek,  to  roam  the  fields  in  search 
of  arrow  heads,  and  to  tramp  through  the  woods  to  his  fa- 
vorite persimmon  tree.  As  he  was  the  sixth  of  eight  children, 
he  was  disciplined  frequently  by  the  older  members  of  the 

Washington  Lindsey  began  his  educational  career  in  a 
one-room,  brick  school  building  at  Armstrong  Mills.  He  be- 
gan attending  the  village  school  at  the  age  of  seven,  and 
attended  four  months  each  year  until  he  was  seventeen. 
Due  to  the  large  number  of  pupils  for  the  one  teacher,  indi- 
vidual recitations  were  very  infrequent.  However,  because 
of  his  love  for  history  and  mathematics,  he  became  proficient 
in  these  subjects.  Upon  completion  of  the  course  offered  at 
the  village  school,  he  entered  Scio  College  in  Harrison 
County,  Ohio.  This  was  a  Methodist  supported  institution 
which  united  in  1911  with  Mount  Union  College  of  Alliance, 

*  Dr.  Ira  C.  Ihde  is  a  member  of  the  faculty  of  the  Eastern  New  Mexico  Univer- 
sity. This  article  is  a  condensation  of  his  doctoral  dissertation,  University  of  New 
Mexico,  1950. 



Ohio.  The  "One  Study  System"  was  in  vogue  at  Scio  College. 
A  student  devoted  himself  exclusively  to  the  study  of  one 
subject  until  he  could  pass  a  proficiency  examination.  Upon 
successful  completion  of  an  examination,  he  devoted  his  time 
to  another  subject.  After  displaying  a  superior  grasp  of  his- 
tory, government,  and  mathematics,  Washington  Lindsey 
was  graduated  in  the  spring  of  1884  with  the  Bachelor  of 
Science  degree. 

While  at  Scio,  he  was  inspired  by  a  Professor  Smith  to 
continue  his  education  after  graduation.  He  wished  to  stay 
in  school,  but  lacked  the  necessary  funds.  The  next  four 
years,  then,  were  spent  in  accumulating  funds  and  in  devel- 
oping a  philosophy  of  life.  Any  and  all  odd  jobs  were  wel- 
comed by  him;  he  even  took  up  amateur  boxing  to  aid  his 
finances.  Most  of  his  time,  however,  was  devoted  to  teaching 
short  terms  of  school.  The  young  man  migrated  from  place 
to  place,  teaching  in  country  schools  in  Ohio  and  Michigan, 
and  later  at  West  Point  and  Mohament  in  Piatt  and  Cham- 
paign Counties  in  Illinois. 

Washington  Lindsey  matriculated  at  the  University  of 
Michigan  in  the  spring  of  1888,  and  in  June,  1891,  received 
the  degree  of  LL.D.  from  this  institution.  While  at  Michigan, 
he  was  active  in  student  life.  He  was  always  an  advocate 
of  westward  expansion.  Because  of  his  interest  and  respect 
for  Horace  Greeley,  his  classmates  attached  to  him  the 
nickname  of  "Greeley."  Although  he  was  opposed  to  polyg- 
amy, the  young  man  had  a  great  admiration  for  the  west- 
ward migration  of  the  Mormons.  His  forensic  society 
selected  him  to  represent  it  in  debates  on  a  phase  of  the 
Mormon  question  involving  the  Edmunds  Act.  The  respect 
with  which  he  was  held  by  his  classmates  is  shown  by  the 
fact  that  he  was  elected  vice-president  of  his  class. 

While  attending  Michigan,  Washington  Lindsey's  life 
was  particularly  influenced  by  several  individuals.  He  did 
some  special  work  under  H.  B.  Adams,  a  noted  statistician, 
who  was  in  the  service  of  the  Federal  government.  He  was 
a  pliant  student  of  the  renowned  John  Dewey,  professor  of 
philosophy  at  Michigan  from  1884  to  1888.  James  R.  Angell 
was  a  close  friend  from  among  his  classmates.  Angell  later 


became  an  eminent  psychologist,  a  professor  at  the  Uni- 
versity of  Chicago  for  many  years,  and  then  president  of 
Yale  University.  This  friendship  was  maintained  by  corre- 
spondence and  visits  throughout  the  life  of  Washington 

Having  finished  law  school,  he  soon  embarked  on  a  long 
delayed  marriage.  While  at  Scio  College,  he  was  chosen  to 
carry  the  lead  in  a  college  play.  Cast  to  play  opposite  him 
was  Amanda  "Mattie"  Haughton  of  Easton,  Michigan.  Lind- 
sey played  the  character  of  a  young  man  named  "Wade," 
while  "Mattie"  was  cast  as  a  young  lady  named  "Deane." 
The  enacted  love  scenes  initiated  a  romance  which  later  cul- 
minated in  marriage.  The  rest  of  their  lives,  "Mattie"  called 
Lindsey  "Wade"  and  Lindsey  called  her  "Deane." 

Washington  Lindsey  and  his  wife  had  three  children: 
Howard  Wade,  born  in  Chicago,  December  25,  1893 ;  Helen 
Marr,  born  in  Chicago,  August  1,  1898 ;  and  Michael  Roose- 
velt, born  in  Portales,  New  Mexico,  on  January  7,  1904.  The 
latter  was  named  after  Miguel  A.  Otero,  Governor  of  the 
Territory  of  New  Mexico,  and  Theodore  Roosevelt,  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  Both  were  progressive  Republi- 
cans at  the  time  of  the  boy's  birth  and  both  were  greatly 
admired  by  his  father. 

In  July,  following  his  graduation  in  June,  1891,  Lindsey 
began  the  practice  of  law  in  Chicago.  His  success  for  the 
first  year  was  mediocre,  but  as  the  years  passed  there  were 
signs  of  the  development  of  a  promising  career.  A  certain 
amount  of  restlessness  and  the  lure  of  the  west,  however, 
was  in  the  background  of  his  mind.  He  followed  keenly  the 
movement  to  the  west.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  war  with 
Spain,  he  offered  his  services  to  his  country.  He  was  com- 
missioned captain  of  Company  L  of  the  provisional  division 
in  Illinois;  however,  the  armistice  was  signed  before  his 
regiment  was  inducted  into  service. 

He  took  an  active  part  in  Illinois  politics,  and  was  a 
delegate  to  the  Republican  State  Convention  at  Peoria,  in 
May,  1900.  The  men  whom  he  helped  to  nominate  were 
elected  that  fall  after  he  had  left  the  state. 

In  the  meantime,  Mrs.  Lindsey  was  seemingly  growing 


deaf.  Her  physician  advised  her  to  move  from  Chicago  to  a 
high  and  dry  climate.  This  suggestion  was  welcomed  by  her 
husband.  He  was  solicitous  of  her  health,  and  felt  that  the 
west  would  offer  opportunities  for  a  young  man  with  a  legal 
background.  Mrs.  Lindsey,  with  her  two  children,  came  west 
in  an  exploratory  trip.  She  first  went  to  Salida,  Colorado, 
but  this  did  not  seem  satisfactory.  She  then  went  to  Roswell, 
New  Mexico.  After  residing  there  for  one  month,  her  hus- 
band joined  her  in  May,  1900.  But  Roswell,  too,  did  not  seem 
satisfactory  because  the  water  disagreed  with  Mrs.  Lindsey. 
On  June  20,  1900,  they  located  at  Portales,  New  Mexico, 
where  they  were  to  spend  a  quarter  of  a  century  of  their 
lives,  and  to  take  an  active  part  in  the  development  of  New 


Civic  Interests 

Myriad  were  the  activities  of  Washington  Lindsey  after 
his  arrival  in  Portales.  The  entire  area  of  what  is  now 
Roosevelt  County  at  that  time,  with  the  exception  of  prob- 
ably twenty  quarters,  was  "free"  government  land.  Lindsey 
applied  for  an  appointment  as  United  States  Commissioner, 
and  on  July  10,  1900,  the  appointment  was  received  from 
Chief  Justice  Mills  of  the  Territorial  Supreme  Court.  Thou- 
sands of  homestead  filings  were  made  before  him.  Lindsey, 
himself,  bought  out  the  claim  of  someone  on  a  homestead 
in  North  Portales.  Upon  this  160  acre  tract,  he  immediately 
built  a  small  home.  Later  he  enlarged  it  and,  except  for  short 
intervals,  this  remained  his  home  throughout  his  life. 

Lindsey  served  as  United  States  Commissioner  for  six- 
teen years,  from  1900  to  1916.  During  those  years  the  duties 
of  his  office  took  up  most  of  his  time,  but  not  all  of  it.  He 
was  actively  engaged  in  the  practice  of  law,  and  in  promot- 
ing various  business  enterprises  which  have  proved  of  de- 
cided value  to  the  community.  He  was  identified  with  prac- 
tically all  of  the  activities  of  the  town  and  the  community. 

The  promotion  of  townsites  was  one  of  Lindsey's  busi- 
ness ventures.  In  company  with  John  Brown  Sledge,  he 
formed  the  Portales  Townsite  Company,  and  was  president 
and  chief  promoter  of  this  organization  from  1902  to  1911. 
A  large  portion  of  Lindsey's  homestead  was  converted  into 


town  lots.  In  addition,  much  of  the  original  townsite  of  Por- 
tales  was  purchased  by  this  company  and  sold  to  individuals 
who  sought  new  homes  in  the  west.  In  the  early  years,  in 
making  his  contacts,  he  traveled  in  a  two-seated  hack  drawn 
by  one  horse,  called  "Old  Mouse."  After  discarding  this 
mode  of  conveyance,  which  had  become  a  familiar  sight  in 
Portales,  he  purchased  his  first  automobile,  which  he  called 
the  "Bull  Moose." 

The  promotion  of  townsites  in  the  surrounding  com- 
munities, with  various  associates,  engaged  another  portion 
of  Lindsey's  time.  Early  in  the  century,  the  Atchison,  To- 
peka,  and  Santa  Fe  Railroad  Company  was  contemplating 
a  site  for  its  shops  somewhere  along  its  proposed  line  be- 
tween Amarillo,  Texas,  and  Vaughn,  New  Mexico.  These 
shops  were  finally  located  at  Clovis,  and  it  was  here  that 
Lindsey  realized  nice  profits  from  the  sale  of  original  town- 
site  lots  which  he  had  bought  for  speculative  purposes. 
However,  while  the  location  was  still  in  doubt,  Lindsey  and 
his  associates  bought  land  along  the  route,  and  established 
two  other  townsites,  in  hopes  of  securing  the  Santa  Fe  shops. 
They  laid  out  town  lots  and  named  the  places  La  Lande  and 
Taiban.  Both  Taiban  and  La  Lande  became  railroad  stations, 
and  La  Lande  gave  promise  of  growth ;  for  a  time  it  had  a 
college  and  a  newspaper.  The  census  of  1940  gives  Taiban 
an  estimated  population  of  one  hundred,  and  La  Lande 
thirty-five.  Both  bear  testimony  to  the  optimism  of  a  pio- 
neering and  progressive  spirit.  As  a  monument  to  that 
spirit,  there  still  stands  at  La  Lande  a  beautiful  but  empty 
Santa  Fe  station. 

During  the  years  of  his  multiple  activities,  Washington 
Lindsey  acquired  considerable  property  and  financial  hold- 
ings. He  owned  several  farms,  some  livestock,  business 
buildings,  and  some  bank  stock.  After  business  hours  he 
enjoyed  supervising  the  farm  near  his  home.  On  this  farm 
he  had  a  small  herd  of  cattle,  and  hired  men,  working  under 
his  direction,  took  care  of  them  and  farmed  the  land. 

Lindsey  was  a  booster  for  his  home  area.  He  gave  a 
generous  and  encouraging  hand  to  the  Commercial  Club  and 
to  the  geographical  area  of  his  home.  He  cultivated  friend- 


ship  and  fellowship  in  his  home,  his  church,  and  his  fra- 
ternal organizations.  He  promoted  the  expansion  of  dry 
land  and  irrigation  farming  in  his  community. 

Prodded  by  Lindsey  and  John  A.  Fairly,  William  H. 
Andrews,  territorial  delegate  from  New  Mexico,  was  instru- 
mental in  getting  a  forest  reserve  for  Roosevelt  County  in 
1905.  It  was  a  strip  in  the  northern  part  of  the  county, 
running  east  from  the  present  site  of  Melrose  to  the  state 
line.  It  was  eight  miles  wide  and  thirty  miles  long  but  no 
trees  were  ever  planted.  A  full  time  forest  ranger  lived  in 
Portales  for  over  two  years.  The  reserve  project  was  aban- 
doned and  restored  to  the  public  domain  in  March,  1907. 

Boosting  for  the  home  area  agriculturally,  Lindsey  first 
experimented  with  dry  land  crops;  later  he  became  an  ar- 
dent advocate  of  irrigation.  He  was  one  of  the  first  to  try 
dry  land  cotton  growing  in  Roosevelt  County,  and  his 
original  half  acre  of  planting  was  successful.  When  the  fed- 
eral government  distributed  free  cotton  seed,  which  was 
especially  adapted  to  arid  lands,  he  encouraged  the  local 
farmers  to  submit  their  names  to  him  so  that  he  might 
get  their  allotment  from  the  territorial  delegate  in  Congress, 
W.  H.  Andrews. 

Living  in  a  semi-arid  land,  Lindsey  loved  trees  of  all 
kinds.  He  planted  many  of  them  and  encouraged  others  to 
do  so.  On  his  frequent  trips  to  Ohio,  he  brought  back  walnuts 
and  successfully  grew  them  into  trees. 

But  the  promotion  of  irrigation  in  the  Portales  Valley 
was  his  first  love.  When  information  was  received  in  Por- 
tales that  an  artesian  flow  of  water  had  been  discovered  near 
the  present  site  of  Artesia,  New  Mexico,  much  interest  was 
shown  in  this  event  by  the  citizens  of  Portales.  Accordingly, 
sponsored  by  Lindsey,  a  pool  of  money  was  collected  in  the 
fall  of  1902  for  the  purpose  of  drilling  a  test  well.  In  1903 
and  1904  a  Mr.  Jessup  was  employed  to  drill  the  well.  It  was 
found  that  the  well  would  flow  only  by  mechanical  means ; 
it  was  not  artesian.  This  however  did  not  discourage  Lind- 
sey, but  his  enthusiasm  was  not  shared  by  all  and  the  project 
was  soon  abandoned. 

A  second  stimulus  to  the  Portales  irrigation  project 


occurred  on  May  20,  1909,  when  Delegate  Andrews  intro- 
duced a  bill  in  Congress  to  set  up  a  fund  of  $300,000  for  an 
electric  plant  at  Portales.  The  bill  went  the  way  of  most 
bills ;  it  died  in  the  committee.  It  did,  however,  arouse  local 
interest  and  local  efforts.  A  citizens'  committee,  with  Lindsey 
as  chairman,  was  appointed  to  confer  with  the  Westinghouse 
Company  of  Pittsburgh  relative  to  the  possibility  of  estab- 
lishing a  power  plant  in  Portales. 

In  the  meantime,  several  individually  sponsored  test 
wells  were  sunk,  two  of  them  by  Lindsey.  Both  of  them 
were  successful  in  producing  a  generous  flow  of  water. 

After  a  considerable  amount  of  promotion  and  several 
mass  meetings,  the  Portales  Irrigation  Company  was  incor- 
porated on  December  14,  1909.  Its  chief  promoter,  Lindsey, 
was  unanimously  elected  president.  A  contract  was  drawn 
with  the  Westinghouse  Company.  The  general  plan  was  to 
have  the  farmers  subscribe  a  minimum  of  10,000  acres  for 
irrigation.  They  were  to  make  an  initial  payment  of  $3.50 
an  acre,  and  to  pay  in  annual  installments  until  a  total  of 
thirty-five  dollars  an  acre  had  been  paid.  The  Westinghouse 
Company  was  to  hold  a  mortgage  on  the  farms  as  security ; 
it  in  turn  was  to  erect  the  huge  power  plant  and  supply 
current  to  the  individual  farms.  Rapid  progress  was  made 
in  getting  subscriptions  for  a  while  but  not  without  minor 
difficulties.  By  July  21,  1910,  fifty-six  wells  were  pumping 
with  an  average  of  from  750  to  1,470  gallons  per  minute. 
A  Water  Carnival  was  held  in  Portales  on  August  18, 19,  and 
20  to  celebrate  the  first  year  of  operation  of  the  plant.  On 
February  1,  1912,  there  were  sixty-nine  wells  powered  from 
the  central  plant.  During  the  fall  of  1913,  the  company 
began  its  first  extension  by  adding  thirty  miles  of  line  and 
twenty-five  new  wells.  This  project  was  completed  by  March, 
1914,  and  the  total  length  of  power  lines  at  this  time  was 
105  miles. 

But  the  task  of  converting  dry  land  into  production  was 
not  all  smooth  sailing.  As  early  as  1911,  ten  per  cent  of  the 
subscribers  were  unable  to  meet  the  payments  due  in  that 
year.  Furthermore,  in  that  same  year,  due  to  the  need  of 
repairs  and  the  mechanical  overhauling  of  the  engines,  there 


was  a  shortage  of  power  and  likewise  of  water  during  the 
heat  of  summer.  Lack  of  proper  marketing  facilities  for 
perishable  products  depreciated  the  outlook  for  profits.  The 
number  of  delinquent  subscribers  increased.  It  was  not  al- 
ways possible  for  a  farmer  to  get  water  when  he  most 
needed  it.  Individual  pumping  systems  were  installed  in- 
creasingly year  by  year,  and  became  serious  competitors  of 
the  central  plant.  The  Portales  Power  and  Irrigation  Com- 
pany as  such,  became  defunct  in  1917.  The  bond  holders 
acquired  over  seven  thousand  acres  of  the  best  land  in  the 
Portales  Valley.  It  was  appraised  at  twenty  dollars  per  acre. 
The  probable  loss  to  the  irrigation  company  was  estimated 
at  $500,000. 

It  was  a  heavy  blow  to  Lindsey.  He  grieved  for  the  losses 
of  his  friends,  and  personally  lost  $50,000  in  the  venture. 
The  co-operative  project  failed  but  it  demonstrated  the 
possibilities  of  irrigation  in  the  valley.  Today  the  Portales 
Valley  has  over  30,000  acres  under  irrigation.  The  leading 
crops  are  grain  sorghums,  peanuts,  sweet  potatoes,  garden 
truck,  and  cotton.  The  total  estimated  income  from  these 
crops,  for  the  year  1948,  was  $4,000,000.  Much  of  the  credit 
due  to  this  progress  in  irrigation  farming  must  be  given  to 
the  prophetic  vision  and  dauntless  courage  of  Washington 
E.  Lindsey. 

A  Friend  of  Education 

The  cause  of  free  public  education  always  needs  friends. 
In  a  frontier  area  these  friends  are  invaluable ;  such  a  friend 
of  education  was  Washington  E.  Lindsey.  A  section  of  public 
school  land  was  located  near  Portales  while  the  town  was  in 
need  of  money  to  sponsor  its  elementary  school  system. 
Lindsey  conceived  the  idea  that  this  public  land  could  be  sold 
to  the  local  school  board  at  a  nominal  price;  the  board,  in 
turn,  could  re-sell  the  land  as  city  lots,  and  realize  a  nice 
profit  for  the  school  fund.  He  worked  on  this  project  per- 
sistently until  it  was  accomplished. 

In  the  meantime,  financial  difficulties  were  jeopardizing 
the  length  of  the  school  term.  In  February  of  1908,  the 
chairman  of  the  school  board  called  a  special  meeting  of  the 


patrons  to  discuss  the  proposed  closing  of  the  schools  at 
the  end  of  the  seventh  month  because  of  lack  of  funds.  At 
this  meeting  many  patrons,  one  of  whom  was  Lindsey, 
voiced  their  opposition  to  the  plan.  Lindsey  made  an  address 
in  which  he  pleaded  for  the  extension  of  the  school  term, 
and  in  which  he  gave  an  intelligent  account  of  the  manner 
in  which  the  school  funds  were  raised  and  in  what  manner 
they  might  lawfully  be  disbursed.  The  schools  did  not  close. 

That  Lindsey  had  a  long  range  vision  for  the  school  pro- 
gram is  indicated  by  his  advocacy  of  conserving  school  lands 
as  a  constant  source  of  revenue,  and  of  disposing  them  only 
when  at  a  premium.  This  was  his  constant  policy  through 
the  years. 

Lindsey's  interest  in  education  extended  to  the  higher 
educational  institutions.  He  believed  in  sending  New  Mexico 
youth  to  New  Mexico  colleges ;  and  to  have  a  college  near  the 
home  town,  if  possible.  Even  previous  to  the  constitutional 
convention,  he  thought  of  a  college  for  the  eastern  side  of 
New  Mexico.  He  was  not  successful  in  gaining  a  normal 
school  in  Portales  immediately,  but  he  had  a  hand  in  laying 
the  groundwork  for  a  future  college  at  that  place.  Com- 
menting on  this  activity,  Thomas  J.  Mabry  observed  that 
"W.  E.  Lindsey  and  J.  C.  Compton  worked  hard  with  me 
for  an  east  side  normal."  The  result  of  this  hard  work  was 
a  provision  in  the  organic  constitution  for  a  normal  school  in 
one  of  the  six  counties  which  in  1910  constituted  the  eastern 
side  of  the  state. 

In  appraising  the  administration  of  Governor  Lindsey, 
Dr.  Frank  H.  H.  Roberts,  former  president  of  New  Mexico 
Normal  University,  stated :  "His  friendship  to  the  movement 
in  education  merits  one  of  his  claims  to  a  place  in  the  his- 
tory of  the  state." 

The  welfare  of  the  non-English  speaking  New  Mexican 
soldier  was  one  of  his  problems  while  he  was  governor. 
Rumors  were  current  that  these  men  were  the  object  of  dis- 
crimination by  American  Army  officers.  The  Governor  made 
a  tour  of  inspection  through  Camp  Kearny  and  Camp  Cody, 
a  result  of  which  was  that  schools  of  instruction  were  estab- 
lished in  both  camps  for  those  who  could  not  speak  the 


English  language.  Cordial  relations  were  sponsored  between 
Spanish-speaking  and  English-speaking  soldiers. 

In  his  administration,  Governor  Lindsey  personally  spon- 
sored more  generous  appropriations  for  the  educational 
institutions ;  and  he  sponsored  and  signed  several  bills  which 
have  promoted  the  cause  of  education  in  New  Mexico.  Im- 
portant educational  laws  enacted  during  his  administration 
made  it  possible  to  teach  high  school  courses  with  credit  in 
the  rural  districts;  to  promote  co-operative  extension  work 
in  agriculture  and  home  economics ;  to  centralize  and  control 
the  rural  schools  for  efficiency,  and  for  more  economical 
administration  by  the  creation  of  county  boards.  Other  im- 
portant educational  laws  provided  for  an  annual  appropria- 
tion to  the  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico  for  the 
maintenance  of  public  exhibits  in  the  State  Museum,  the 
acceptance  of  the  museum  by  the  state,  and  an  authoriza- 
tion for  the  use  of  the  museum  by  the  School  of  American 

Probably  one  of  the  greatest  contributions  that  Lindsey 
made  to  the  cause  of  education  was  his  service  as  president 
of  the  Portales  Board  of  Education.  He  had  a  long  tenure 
in  that  capacity,  serving  from  1910  to  1916,  and  again  from 
1919  until  his  death  in  1926.  While  Lindsey  was  the  chair- 
man of  the  board,  that  body  worked  on  democratic  principles 
in  the  management  of  the  public  schools.  After  plans  and 
specifications  for  new  school  buildings  had  been  drawn,  they 
were  exhibited  to  the  public  in  Lindsey's  office.  In  a  current 
news  item  he  stated  that  the  board  wished  to  invite  the  citi- 
zens of  the  school  district  to  examine  the  plans  and  specifica- 
tions and  to  submit  such  suggestions  thereon  as  may  occur 
to  them.  The  annual  report  of  the  board  of  education,  writ- 
ten and  submitted  for  publication  by  Lindsey,  urged  all 
patrons  to  attend  the  sessions  of  the  board  and  to  criticize 
and  make  suggestions  to  the  members. 

That  Lindsey  was  democratic  in  school  policies  is  further 
evidenced  by  his  work  in  the  constitutional  convention.  In 
reporting  to  the  citizens  of  Roosevelt  County  regarding  the 
actions  of  that  body  he  stated  that  the  reactionaries  or 
"stand  patters"  desired  appointive  supreme  and  district 


courts,  an  appointive  attorney  general,  an  appointive  super- 
intendent of  public  instruction,  but  that  these  officers  were 
now  elected.  He  further  stated  that  he  had  something  to  do 
with  the  provision  that  women  might  vote  at  elections  for 
school  officers  and  be  eligible  for  election  to  school  offices. 
That  he  practiced  these  precepts  is  evidenced  by  the  fact 
that  he  was  instrumental  in  getting  Mrs.  J.  P.  Stone  as  a 
member  of  the  Portales  Board.  She  was  the  first  woman  to 
serve  in  that  capacity  in  the  entire  area.  Thus,  the  wide 
range  of  Lindsey's  educational  activities  designate  him  as  a 
friend  of  education. 

Political  Activities 

The  lure  of  politics  was  fascinating  to  Lindsey  through- 
out his  lifetime.  By  conscientious  effort  he  left  an  enviable 
record  of  achievement  along  political  lines  for  his  city,  his 
county,  and  his  state.  His  first  endeavor  for  community 
building  was  in  writing  a  bill  to  create  Roosevelt  County 
and  securing  its  passage  through  a  territorial  legislature. 
The  population  increase  in  eastern  New  Mexico  was  due, 
in  part,  to  the  building  of  the  Pecos  Valley  and  Northeastern 
Railroad  in  1898;  the  population  increase,  in  turn,  created 
a  demand  for  a  new  county.  The  county  seat  for  the  area 
at  that  time  was  at  Roswell,  a  distance  of  over  ninety  miles. 
If  Portales  could  be  made  a  center  of  local  government,  not 
only  would  it  bring  business  to  town,  but  it  would  also  elim- 
inate much  wearisome  travel  to  and  from  Roswell. 

The  bill  for  the  new  county  was  drawn  up  by  Lindsey 
and  introduced  in  the  territorial  council  by  Albert  Fall.  On 
February  28,  1903,  Roosevelt  County  was  created  by  the 
signature  of  Governor  M.  A.  Otero. 

His  work  in  the  creation  of  Roosevelt  County  was  just 
the  beginning  of  the  political  activity  of  Lindsey.  In  a  sense, 
it  served  as  a  step  to  a  political  appointment  in  the  newly 
created  county.  Governor  Otero,  on  March  23,  1903,  desig- 
nated him  as  the  probate  clerk,  a  position  which  he  held  until 
the  end  of  1904.  Lindsey's  conscientious  work  as  county 
probate  clerk  and  the  proper  political  connections  led,  in 
1905,  to  his  appointment  as  assistant  district  attorney.  He 

.  t-^^-^y.^^* 

«^B*ft«>«»*  ' 


held  this  position  throughout  the  year  1909,  serving  under 
District  Attorney  J.  M.  Hervey,  of  Roswell.  Later,  while 
governor,  Lindsey  appointed  his  former  chief  as  special 
counsel  in  the  attorney  general's  office. 

Direction  of  the  county  Republican  organization  was 
virtually  a  lifelong  political  activity  of  Lindsey.  With  the 
exception  of  two  slight  interruptions  at  his  own  request,  he 
served  continuously  as  county  Republican  chairman  from 
the  inception  of  the  county  in  1903  until  his  death.  While  he 
held  the  office,  harmony  pervaded  the  county  Republican 
ranks  at  all  times.  No  doubt  in  most  respects  his  leadership 
as  county  Republican  chairman  paralleled  that  of  other 
county  chairmen  of  his  day.  He  called  meetings,  presided  at 
them,  introduced  speakers,  released  publicity,  and  promoted 
party  harmony  to  the  best  of  his  ability.  Perhaps  the  most 
striking  element  of  his  leadership  was  his  policy  of  writing 
resolutions,  having  them  approved,  and  then  having  them 
published  in  the  county  papers.  This  feature  was  in  line 
with  his  political  policy  of  writing  many  open  letters  to  the 
public  stating  his  specific  views  on  the  questions  of  the  day. 
The  county  convention  resolutions  appeared  regularly. 

The  county  Republican  chairmanship  led  to  state  politi- 
cal connections  and  activities.  The  newspaper  files  record 
that  in  1904  he  attended  the  territorial  Republican  state 
convention  at  Las  Vegas.  In  1908  he  was  at  the  territorial 
Republican  convention  at  Silver  City  which  was  "very  har- 
monious," and  in  which  "the  sentiment  was  very  strongly 
expressed  in  favor  of  Taft  as  the  next  nominee  of  the  party 
for  president."  Three  years  later  he  was  a  delegate  to  the 
territorial  convention  at  Las  Vegas ;  and  in  1918  he  headed 
the  Roosevelt  County  delegation  in  the  state  meeting  in 
Santa  Fe.  In  the  state  convention  of  1921,  held  in  Santa  Fe, 
he  was  "honored  by  being  placed  on  the  resolutions 

Portales  became  an  incorporated  municipality  in  Febru- 
ary, 1909.  The  unanimous  choice  for  mayor  of  the  new 
town  was  W.  E.  Lindsey,  who  served  until  the  spring  elec- 
tion of  1910  when  he  refused  to  further  consider  the  mayor- 
alty. Lindsey  and  his  "Home  Protection  Ticket"  won  on  a 


progressive  and  prohibition  program.  They  favored  the  con- 
struction of  a  municipal  water  and  light  plant  and  the  ban- 
ishment of  the  saloons  in  Portales.  In  regard  to  the  latter, 
the  issue  was  made  by  the  winning  ticket  as  strictly  in  favor 
of  prohibition  for  Portales.  Immediately  after  election,  the 
city  administration  promoted  and  held  a  bond  election  and 
passed  city  "ordinances  that  put  the  saloon  temporarily  out 
of  business."  A  municipal  water,  light,  and  sewer  system 
was  installed  at  the  expense  of  $80,000.  Both  the  dry  ordi- 
nances and  the  municipal  projects  after  they  got  underway 
drew  considerable  opposition.  Some  citizens  charged  that 
favoritism  was  being  shown  to  members  of  the  city  council 
in  the  matter  of  public  utilities,  while  other  objected  to  what 
they  called  dictatorial  methods  in  handling  the  liquor  prob- 
lem; nevertheless,  the  projects  were  carried  on  to  a  success- 
ful conclusion.  Today,  the  city  of  Portales  still  owns  and 
operates  its  municipal  water  and  sewer  plant ;  its  light  plant 
was  sold  to  the  Southwestern  Public  Service  Company  in 
1925 ;  and  Roosevelt  County  is  one  of  the  two  remaining  dry 
counties  in  New  Mexico. 

Within  a  month  after  the  first  bond  election  of  the  city 
of  Portales,  the  mayor  went  on  an  exploratory  trip  to  nearby 
cities  to  study  their  municipal  programs.  On  his  return,  he 
wrote  an  open  letter  to  the  public  in  which  he  reported  his 
findings  and  in  which  he  laid  down  the  broad  plans  of  the 
program  of  improvement  of  his  own  city.  That  the  program 
of  instituting  a  municipal  light,  water,  and  sewer  project 
for  Portales  was  successful  is  a  matter  of  record.  The  suc- 
cess of  the  city  dry  ordinances  is  a  matter  of  conjecture, 
but,  Lindsey  held  that  they  worked  well.  When  speaking  for 
local  option  in  the  state  constitutional  convention,  he  said 
that  the  people  of  Portales  had  lived  under  prohibition 
ordinances  for  eighteen  months  and  were  satisfied.  He 
further  stated  that  Roosevelt  County  had  accumulated  in  its 
court  fund  a  balance  exceeding  $6,000  or  $7,000,  had  reduced 
its  tax  rate  for  the  court  fund  from  six  to  three  mills  on  the 
dollar,  and  that  "the  jail  has  stood  practically  empty  since 
the  saloons  have  been  banished." 

Chronologically  the  next  important  political  activity  of 


Lindsey  was  his  work  in  the  state  constitutional  convention. 
Soon  after  the  national  congress  passed  the  enabling  act  for 
New  Mexico,  and  the  territorial  allotment  for  delegates  to 
a  constitutional  convention  had  been  set  up,  the  Republicans 
of  Roosevelt  County  nominated  him  as  delegate.  His  contri- 
butions in  the  convention  will  be  treated  in  subsequent  pages. 

In  the  year  following  the  state  constitutional  convention, 
the  Republicans  of  Roosevelt  County,  by  convention,  nom- 
inated Lindsey  for  the  office  of  state  senator  from  Roosevelt 
County.  It  was  a  fitting  tribute  to  the  Republican  member 
of  the  constitutional  convention  from  his  home  constituents. 
However,  Roosevelt  County  is  on  the  Democratic  eastside  of 
New  Mexico  and  the  result  was  a  defeat  for  Lindsey.  Prac- 
tically the  only  campaigning  engaged  in  by  him  in  this  first 
state  election  was  the  publication  of  an  open  letter  to  the 
electorate  of  Roosevelt  County.  The  letter  gave  a  frank  and 
sincere  statement  of  his  political  philosophy.  In  it  he  advo- 
cated a  powerful  elected  tax  commission,  a  retention  of  state 
lands  until  they  could  be  sold  for  an  appreciable  price,  state 
wide  prohibition,  direct  election  of  United  States  senators, 
and  the  direct  primary.  He  also  favored  a  corrupt  practice 
law,  homestead  exemption  from  the  property  tax,  reduction 
of  legal  interest  rates  from  twelve  to  ten  per  cent,  the  loca- 
tion of  a  Normal  School  at  Portales,  and  the  initiative, 
referendum,  and  recall  in  state  government. 

Lindsey's  next  step  up  the  political  ladder  was  his  nom- 
ination and  election  as  lieutenant-governor.  He  had  been  a 
member  of  the  state  Republican  convention  which  nominated 
the  first  group  of  Republican  candidates  for  office  in  the  new 
state.  In  this  convention,  he  unsuccessfully  opposed  the 
nomination  for  governor  of  Holm  0.  Bursum.  Again  in 
1916,  Lindsey  unsuccessfully  opposed  Bursum,  but  finally 
accepted  the  nomination  to  campaign  as  his  running-mate. 
He  was  a  representative  of  the  progressive  element  of  the 
Republican  party,  while  Bursum  was  the  leader  of  the  so- 
called  Old  Guard  Republicans.  While  Lindsey  took  little 
active  part  in  the  campaign,  he  managed  the  interests  of  the 
Republican  party  in  Roosevelt  County  and  introduced  Re- 
publican state  candidates  when  they  appeared  in  his  area. 


The  Republicans  and  Democrats  split  the  two  guberna- 
torial offices  in  the  election  of  1916.  Ezequiel  C.  de  Baca, 
Democrat,  was  made  chief  executive  with  a  total  vote  of 
32,732,  against  31,524  for  Bursum.  For  the  office  of  lieuten- 
ant-governor Lindsey,  with  a  vote  of  32,742,  defeated  W.  C. 
McDonald,  Democrat,  who  polled  31,757  votes.  Returns  of 
Roosevelt  County  gave  McDonald  a  majority  of  602  votes 
over  Lindsey,  while  de  Baca's  majority  over  Bursum  was 
804.  But  Lindsey  polled  the  largest  vote  of  the  four  and 
ran  far  ahead  of  his  ticket  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  state. 

On  January  1,  1917,  Lindsey  was  sworn  into  the  office 
of  lieutenant-governor.  He  presided  over  the  early  delibera- 
tions of  the  senate  of  the  third  legislature  from  January  9 
to  February  19.  On  January  1,  1917,  in  Saint  Vincents 
Sanitarium  in  Santa  Fe,  E.  C.  de  Baca  took  the  oath  of 
office  as  governor.  This  was  the  occasion  for  the  first  meet- 
ing of  the  two  men  and  they  here  pledged  to  each  other  their 
support  and  co-operation  for  the  administration.  The  cordial 
relations  thus  initiated  between  the  two  continued  until 
February  18,  1917,  the  date  of  Governor  de  Baca's  death. 

The  last  step  in  the  series  of  political  activities  was  taken 
by  him  a  few  years  after  he  relinquished  the  governor's 
chair.  In  1924  he  was  chosen  as  a  delegate  from  New  Mexico 
to  the  National  Republican  Convention  which  met  in  Cleve- 
land, Ohio.  In  this  convention,  he  cast  his  votes  for  the 
nomination  of  Calvin  Coolidge  and  Charles  G.  Dawes,  for 
president  and  vice-president  respectively.  After  their  nom- 
ination as  the  Republican  candidates,  he  campaigned  ac- 
tively for  their  election.  Thus,  the  life  of  political  activity 
of  Washington  E.  Lindsey  was  progressive;  it  began  in  the 
county,  enlarged  to  the  state,  and  closed  on  the  national 


Framing  the  State  Constitution 

-j-^p.^*  l 

The  struggle  for  New  Mexico's  entry  into  the  Union 
was  a  long  one.  It  began  soon  after  General  Kearny's  con- 
quest and  continued  with  accelerated  intensity  until  its  final 
culmination  in  1912.  After  more  than  fifty  bills  on  the  sub- 
ject had  been  drafted,  a  bill  introduced  by  Delegate  W.  H. 
Andrews  on  February  3,  1909,  and  supported  by  Senator 


Matthew  S.  Quay  of  Pennsylvania,  became  the  basis  for 
statehood.  Modified  to  a  minor  extent,  this  bill  became  the 
victorious  Enabling  Act  passed  by  Congress  for  New  Mexico 
on  June  20,  1910.  This  act  authorized  a  constitutional  con- 
vention, stipulated  the  number  of  delegates,  and  appropri- 
ated $100,000  for  the  expenses  involved.  It  provided  that  the 
election  of  delegates  to  the  convention  should  be  held  not 
less  than  sixty  days  nor  more  than  ninety  days  after  the 
passage  of  the  act. 

On  June  29,  1910,  Governor  Mills  issued  a  proclamation 
calling  for  an  election  on  September  6  to  select  the  delegates 
to  the  convention.  On  July  21,  County  Republican  Chairman 
Lindsey  issued  an  official  call  to  the  Republicans  of  Roose- 
velt County  to  meet  on  August  9  for  the  purpose  of  nominat- 
ing three  candidates  on  the  Republican  ticket  as  delegates  to 
the  constitutional  convention.  One  of  the  candidates  nom- 
inated by  the  Republicans  was  Lindsey. 

The  following  week,  in  one  of  his  characteristic  open  let- 
ters to  the  public,  Lindsey  announced  his  platform  and  the 
objectives  for  which  he  would  strive  if  elected.  After  extoll- 
ing the  principles  and  privileges  of  democratic  government, 
he  advocated  elective  state  officials,  the  secret  ballot,  the 
initiative,  referendum,  and  recall,  state  wide  prohibition,  the 
direct  primary,  and  proportional  representation  for  minor- 
ity groups. 

The  campaign  for  the  election  of  delegates  to  the  con- 
stitutional convention  from  Roosevelt  County  was  the  most 
spirited  of  its  political  history.  The  final  count  of  the  ballot- 
ing revealed  that  one  Republican,  Lindsey,  and  two  Demo- 
crats, James  A.  Hall  and  C.  M.  Compton,  had  been  elected. 

The  constitutional  convention  of  New  Mexico  was  offi- 
cially called  to  order  on  October  3,  1910.  Lindsey  was  on 
hand  early  for  the  opening  of  the  convention  in  Santa  Fe, 
and  in  those  early  hours  he  learned  something  of  the 
machinations  of  practical  politics.  He  sensed  quickly  that 
all  of  his  idealism  would  not  be  incorporated  into  organic 
law,  as  can  be  seen  from  his  open  letter  of  October  3  to  his 
constituents.  In  this  letter  he  described  a  pre-convention 
Republican  caucus  in  which  the  "standpatters  had  the  thing 


all  cut  and  dried."  He  predicted  that  the  personnel  of  the 
committees  as  selected  in  this  meeting  would  draft  the  con- 
stitution section  by  section  and  that  their  recommendations 
would  be  incorporated  into  the  organic  document. 

The  letter  was  strikingly  prophetic  and  might  well  have 
served  as  a  guide  to  the  convention.  The  first  official  appoint- 
ment received  by  Lindsey  was  his  membership  to  the  power- 
ful committee  on  committees  whose  chairman  was  Solomon 
Luna,  of  Valencia  County.  The  convention  was  resolved  into 
twenty-six  standing  committees,  each  designated  to  write  a 
portion  of  the  constitution.  Lindsey  was  made  chairman  of 
the  committee  of  ways  and  means  and  was  a  member  of  two 
other  committees:  taxation  and  revenue,  and  public  build- 
ings and  institutions. 

The  chairmanship  of  the  ways  and  means  committee 
was  a  challenge  in  conscientious  stewardship  for  him.  The 
national  Congress,  by  the  Enabling  Act,  had  appropriated 
$100,000  for  the  cost  of  the  elections  and  the  convention; 
Lindsey  saw  to  it  that  these  funds  were  kept  in  bounds  and 
that  they  were  justly  apportioned.  His  committee  met  for 
serious  business  early  in  the  convention  and  made  a  tenta- 
tive detailed  apportionment  of  the  national  appropriation. 
In  this  detailed  apportionment,  the  committee  estimated  the 
costs  as  follows :  cost  of  election  of  delegates,  $30,000 ;  cost 
of  the  convention,  including  salaries  of  members  and  em- 
ployees, printing  and  other  expenses,  $675  a  day;  cost  of 
election  for  the  adoption  or  rejection  of  the  constitution, 
$30,000.  On  the  basis  of  this  estimate,  the  committee  sensed 
that  it  could  not  finance  a  prolonged  session  of  the  conven- 
tion ;  therefore,  it  placed  before  that  body  a  recommendation 
that  October  22  be  the  final  date  on  which  files  could  be 
introduced.  This  recommendation  was  accepted  by  the 

The  incident  that  drew  the  most  fire  against  the  commit- 
tee on  ways  and  means  was  the  introduction  of  resolution 
No.  21  by  Delegate  G.  A.  Richardson,  Democrat  of  Chaves 
County,  which  provided  for  the  printing  of  a  daily  journal 
to  include,  in  full,  all  deliberations  of  the  convention.  Lind- 
sey's  committee  reported  adversely  on  this  resolution,  main- 


taining  that  the  cost  would  be  prohibitive.  The  Democratic 
minority  charged  that  the  real  reason  was  not  cost,  but  an 
effort  to  hold  the  deliberations  of  the  convention  a  secret. 
They  charged  it  was  but  another  effort  to  muzzle  the  voice 
of  the  minority.  The  resolution  was  lost. 

The  final  result  of  the  printing  controversy  was  the  adop- 
tion of  resolution  No.  26  by  Delegate  Lindsey  which  pro- 
vided for  the  printing  of  one  hundred  thousand  copies  of 
the  draft  of  the  constitution,  one  half  thereof  to  be  printed 
in  the  English  language,  all  for  distribution  among  the 
people  and  voters  of  the  territory. 

In  his  work  as  a  member  of  the  committee  on  taxation 
and  revenue  he  seems  to  have  gone  along,  as  a  rule,  with 
the  majority  in  framing  Articles  VIII  and  IX  of  the  con- 
stitution. However,  he  took  issue  with  his  Republican  col- 
leagues on  the  matter  of  assessment.  He  favored  assessment 
for  taxation  nearer  to  its  actual  value  than  the  majority  of 
the  committee.  He  said  that  "it  is  very  poor  advertisement 
for  New  Mexico  to  have  it  go  abroad  that  the  taxable  assess- 
ment of  New  Mexico  is  less  than  $60,000,000  when  it  should 
exceed  $300,000,000."  He  favored  a  state  commission  em- 
powered to  "equalize  the  levy  and  assessment  of  'taxes/ ' 
but  had  to  be  content  with  the  provision  that  the  legislature 
might  create  one  at  a  later  time. 

The  function  of  the  committee  on  public  buildings  and 
institutions  was  largely  to  approve  the  institutions  as  they 
already  existed  under  the  territorial  government,  both  as  to 
location  and  as  to  administration.  In  Article  XIV,  which  it 
composed,  the  committee  agreed  to  accept  federal  lands  or 
other  grants  and  donations  for  these  institutions.  Lindsey's 
role  on  this  committee  was  a  matter  of  approving  current 
policies  and  conditions. 

The  work  of  the  constitutional  convention  was  not  left 
entirely  in  the  hands  of  the  standing  committees.  There  were 
discussions  from  the  floor ;  influence  was  exerted  upon  com- 
mittees other  than  the  ones  of  which  the  delegates  were 
members.  In  these  deliberations,  Lindsey  took  an  active 
part ;  on  some  of  them,  he  left  his  impressions.  He  was  par- 
ticularly interested  in  such  progressive  measures  as  the 


initiative,  referendum,  recall,  woman's  suffrage,  and  elec- 
tive state  officers.  He  favored  benefits  for  his  east-side  con- 
stituents— such  as  tax  relief  and  underground  water  rights 
for  farmers,  and  an  educational  institution  for  those  who 
wished  higher  education  in  their  home  area.  Prohibition 
was  another  cause  that  received  his  interest  and  support. 

In  a  large  measure,  Lindsey's  efforts  for  these  pro- 
gressive measures  were  in  vain,  but  not  entirely  so.  It  is 
true  that  no  initiative  or  recall  provisions  were  incorporated 
into  organic  law,  but  into  that  organic,  la.  w  went!&--nftG4ified 
referendum  clause.  Kansas  Citv.  *• 

In  the  matter  of  the  promotion  of  woman's  suffrage,  in 
any  form,  Lindsey  also  was  in  the  minority  of  his  party. 
The  result  of  the  controversy,  as  far  as  the  organic  constitu- 
tion was  concerned,  was  that  women  received  the  right  to 
vote  at  school  elections,  provided  that  they  possessed  the 
same  qualifications  as  the  male  electors;  and  provided, 
further,  that  the  right  of  woman  suffrage  had  not  been  sus- 
pended in  the  district  by  a  petition  against  the  same 
presented  by  the  majority  of  the  voters  to  the  board  of 
county  commissioners.  Lindsey's  comment  on  his  part  in  the 
framing  of  that  section  was  that  he  had  "something  to  do 
with  the  provision  that  women  might  vote  at  elections  for 
school  officers  and  be  eligible  for  election  to  school  offices." 

In  his  campaign  as  a  delegate  to  the  constitutional  con- 
vention, Lindsey  advocated  a  direct  primary  and  many  elec- 
tive rather  than  appointive  state  offices.  In  most  of  these 
issues,  again,  he  was  at  odds  with  his  party  leadership  at  the 
convention,  but  he  worked  for  them  when  the  opportunity 
presented  itself.  Among  other  activities,  he  introduced  File 
No.  58,  which  provided  for  a  primary  election  law,  an  Aus- 
tralian ballot,  and  a  corrupt  practice  act.  These  measures 
were  not  all  incorporated  into  organic  law;  but  to  some 
extent,  Lindsey's  influence  helped  to  incorporate  a  part  of 
them.  In  his  previously  mentioned  open  letter  concerning  his 
efforts  in  the  convention,  Lindsey  wrote  that  "the  reaction- 
aries" or  stand  patters  desired  appointive  supreme  and 
district  courts,  an  appointive  attorney  general,  an  appointive 
superintendent  of  public  instruction,  and  an  appointive 


corporation  commission  or  rather  no  such  commission,  in 
fact  that  practically  all  the  officers  of  the  state  be  appointed 
save  only  the  governor."  He  concluded  his  account  on  this 
issue  by  saying,  "You're  now  engaged  in  the  election  of  all 
state  officers  and  a  corporation  commission." 

Again  cast  in  a  minority  role  on  the  matter  of  prohibi- 
tion, Lindsey  worked  unsuccessfully  for  its  adoption  in  some 
form  at  the  constitutional  convention.  He  introduced  File 
No.  116  for  statewide  prohibition;  it  was  referred  to  the 
committee  on  education  which  took  no  action  concerning  it. 
Later  a  proposition  was  offered  by  Delegate  Frank  W. 
Parker  providing  that  upon  a  petition  of  one  third  of  the 
voters  of  a  county,  the  question  would  be  submitted  to  a 
vote.  The  convention  voted  down  the  Parker  proposition  by 
a  vote  of  forty-eight  to  forty-two. 

Although  not  considered  one  of  the  leading  delegates, 
compared  to  the  average  of  the  one  hundred  members 
present,  Lindsey  contributed  more  than  his  share  to  the 
creation  of  the  organic  charter.  His  devotion,  his  sincerity, 
and  his  untiring  efforts  at  the  convention  were  apparent 
in  helping  to  frame  a  suitable  constitution  for  the  state  of 
New  Mexico. 

(To  be  continued) 


WHEN  Don  Juan  de  Onate  set  out  in  1598  on  his  expedi- 
tion to  New  Mexico,  he  took  along  his  only  son  Cristo- 
bal, then  a  "nino  de  tierna  edad."  Don  Juan  gave  him  the  rank 
of  lieutenant  and  put  him  under  the  tutelage  of  the  sargento 
mayor,  Vicente  de  Zaldivar,  according  to  Villagra.1  Cristobal 
accompanied  his  father  on  the  northern  expedition  in  1601, 
but  no  mention  is  made  of  his  activities.2  The  name  of  Onate's 
son  rarely  appears  in  the  voluminous  documents  dealing 
with  the  founding  of  New  Mexico,  an  indication  that  he  was 
not  of  much  assistance  to  his  father  in  his  enterprise. 

In  1607  both  Onate  and  his  soldiers  were  impoverished 
and  unable  to  carry  on  without  aid  from  the  crown,  and 
at  the  suggestion  of  his  men  Don  Juan  resigned  his  office 
as  governor  of  New  Mexico.  His  letter  of  resignation  reached 
Mexico  in  August  of  1607,  and  the  Viceroy  began  at  once  to 
look  for  some  one  properly  qualified  to  replace  him.  As  a 
stopgap  the  Viceroy  appointed  as  governor  a  Juan  Martinez 
de  Montoya,  who  was  already  in  New  Mexico.  But  when  he 
presented  his  patent  before  the  Cabildo  (city  council)  he  was 
rejected  because  he  was  not  a  soldier,  and  for  other  reasons 
they  did  not  care  to  make  public.  Then  the  Cabildo  re-elected 
Don  Juan  de  Onate  to  the  post  he  had  relinquished,  and  when 
he  declined  the  appointment,  the  Cabildo  in  open  session, 
at  the  recommendation  of  the  commissary  of  the  Francis- 
cans, Father  Escobar,  elected  Don  Cristobal  de  Onate  to  the 
post  vacated  by  his  father  as  governor  of  New  Mexico.3 

*  Professor  of  History,  Indiana  University. 

1.  Historia  de  la  Nueva  Mexico,  Canto  VI.  In  Canto  XXIV,  Villagra  says  that 
on  first  reaching  San  Gabriel,  Onate  sent  his  son  Cris6bal  as  a  messenger  to  bear  the 
good  tidings  to  Vicente  de  Zaldivar  who  was  bringing  up  the  rest  of  the  army,  and 
that  captains  Quesada  and  Villagra  accompanied  the  youth.  See  G.  Espinosa's  transla- 
tion, The  Quivira  Society  Publications,  IV,  75,  205. 

2.  In    the   true   report   of   this    expedition    (December    14,    1601),    we   read    that 
Cristobal  de  Onate  was  one  of  the  men  in  the  party,  and  with  others  he  signed  attest- 
ing the  accuracy  of  the  report.  His  presence  in  the  expedition  is  not  otherwise  noted. 
This   document  and   all   others   mentioned   in    this   article  are  included    in    George   P. 
Hammond  and  Agapito  Rey,  The  Founding  of  New  Mexico,  Coronado  Historical  Pub- 
lications, vols.  V  and  VI,  now  in  press. 

3.  Letter  of   Don   Luis   de  Velasco   to   the   king,    February    13,    1609    (A.    G.   I., 



This  election  by  the  Cabildo  was  communicated  to  the 
Viceroy,  with  the  request  that  it  be  confirmed  or  the  appoint- 
ment be  made  anew.  Requested  also  was  a  salary  for  the 
governor,  and  immediate  aid  for  the  new  colony  if  it  were  to 
survive.  The  Viceroy  did  not  like  the  arrangement,  and  as  he 
hoped  to  find  a  man  of  means  and  experience  to  fill  the  post, 
he  asked  the  fiscal  of  the  Audiencia  for  an  opinion.  Fiscal 
Leoz  recommended  in  strong  terms  the  rejection  of  Crist6- 
bal's  election  for  the  same  reasons  already  advanced  by  the 

Unable  to  find  a  wealthy  man  eager  for  a  governorship, 
the  Viceroy  appointed  Don  Pedro  de  Peralta,  who  reached 
New  Mexico  in  1609  with  instructions  to  relieve  Don  Juan 
de  Onate,  and  to  build  at  once  the  city  of  Santa  Fe. 

Who  governed  New  Mexico  during  the  year  and  a  half 
that  elapsed  between  the  resignation  of  Don  Juan  de  Onate 
and  the  arrival  of  Peralta?  The  documents  seem  to  indicate 
that  Don  Juan  continued  to  hold  his  office  until  Peralta 
arrived  to  replace  him,  and  there  is  no  indication  that  either 
his  son  or  Montoya  actually  held  office  despite  their  appoint- 
ments. However,  in  a  petition  presented  years  later  by  Saez 
Maurigade,  a  descendant  of  Montoya,  it  is  clearly  stated  that 
Cristobal  de  Onate  held  office  until  the  arrival  of  Peralta. 
It  says  that  on  August  9,  1608,  Martinez  de  Montoya  ap- 
peared in  Santo  Domingo  before  Cristobal  de  Onate,  then 
holding  the  office  of  governor  and  captain-general  of  New 
Mexico,  and  that  on  the  following  day,  August  10,  Cristobal 
certified  Montoya's  supplementary  statement  of  services.  It 
also  states  that  in  the  period  of  1606-1607  Martinez  de 
Montoya  took  part  in  an  expedition  led  by  Cristobal  de  Onate 
against  the  Apaches  who  had  been  bold  enough  to  attack 
San  Gabriel.  Montoya  may  have  actually  secured  the  signa- 
ture of  young  Onate,  considering  him  as  the  legal  governor 

58-3-16).  The  Cabildo  and  the  soldiers  discussed  the  matter  and   "concluded  that,   to 
save  the  situation,  the  governor  should  resign  his  post"    (August  24,  1607). 

4.  The  fiscal  recommended  that  under  no  circumstances  should  the  governorship 
of  New  Mexico  be  transmitted  to  Onate's  son,  "since  the  said  don  Cris6bal,  his  son, 
is  a  youth  lacking  in  age  and  experience,  of  whom  it  is  said  that  he  hardly  known 
how  to  read  and  write,  he  cannot  have  the  authority  necessary  to  establish  and  guide 
matters  there"  (February  2,  1609). 


when  his  own  appointment  was  rejected  by  the  Cabildo.5  Be 
that  as  it  may,  we  have  no  other  documentary  evidence  to 
prove  that  young  Cristobal  actually  governed  New  Mexico, 
or  that  he  ever  led  any  expedition.  In  his  appointment  and 
instructions,  Peralta  is  sent  to  relieve  Don  Juan  de  Onate ; 
the  name  of  Cristobal  is  not  even  mentioned. 

What  became  of  Cristobal  de  Onate  after  his  father 
Don  Juan  gave  up  the  governorship  of  New  Mexico?  The 
late  L.  B.  Bloom  says  that  he  was  killed  in  1610  when  his 
father's  party  was  attacked  by  the  Indians  as  he  was  return- 
ing to  Mexico.6  He  cites  no  documents  to  support  his  asser- 
tion, nor  have  we  found  any  thus  far.  Cristobal  must  have 
died  shortly  after  his  father  gave  up  his  governorship  and 
returned  to  Mexico,  but  of  natural  causes.  Had  he  been  killed 
in  New  Mexico,  the  documents  could  not  have  failed  to 
state  it.  Don  Juan  when  answering  charges  brought  against 
him  in  his  residencia,  and  in  his  appeal  to  the  crown  for 
compensation  for  his  expenses  and  sacrifices,  never  once 
mentions  the  loss  of  his  son  or  the  latter's  services  to  his 
majesty.  He  recalls  the  services  of  his  forefathers,  his  ex- 
penses and  hardships,  and  the  loss  of  his  nephew  Don  Juan 
de  Zaldivar,  killed  at  Acoma,  but  he  says  not  a  word  about 

5.  His   petition   reads :    "D.   Saez   Maurigade,   vecino  de  esta  corte,   sobre  que  ee 
le  incluya  en  la  descendencia  directa  del  capitan  D.  Juan   Martinez  de  Montoya,  des- 
cubridor,   conquistador  y   poblador  que  fue  en   las   Americas   y  gobernador  del  Nuevo 
Mexico."  It  was  quoted  at  length  by  F.  V.  Scholes  in  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW 
(1944),   XIX,   337-342.   From   this  and  other  documents   cited   above   Scholes   concludes 
that  Cristobal  de  Onate  governed  New  Mexico  for  more  than  a  year  after  the  resig- 
nation   of    his    father,    before    the    arrival    of    Peralta.    Similar    conclusion    had    been 
reached   earlier   by   George   P.   Hammond,    Don  Juan   de    Onate,    172-178.    Fiscal   Leoz 
suggests  that  much  when  he  states :   "His  majesty  cannot  in  conscience  continue  the 
government  in  charge  of  the  said  Don  Cristobal  when  so  many  obstacles  stand  in  the 
way."  Cristobal  is  also  listed  as  governor  of  New  Mexico  by  L.  B.  Bloom,  N.  M.  HIST. 
REV.,  X,  154  ;  and  he  adds  that  Cristobal  acted  as  governor  in   1604  while  his  father, 
Don  Juan,  was  on  his  expedition  to  the  Gulf  of  California.  He  cites  no  documents  to 
support  his  assertion.  However  there  is  a  "Peticion  de  los   pobladores   de  la  villa  de 
San  Gabriel  del  Nuevo  Mexico  a  don  Cristobal  de  Onate,"  December  1,  1604   (A.  G.  N., 
t.   XXVI,   p.   139 ) .   This   petition,  signed   by  nineteen   men,   requests   the   expulsion   of 
Juan  Lopez  de  Olguin  from  San  Gabriel,  "por  causas  bastantes."  It  must  have  been 
the  result  of  some  trivial  disagreement,   as   Olguin  is   allowed  to  move  to   Santo  Do- 
mingo to  be  in  the  escort  of  Fr.  Juan  de  Escalona,  who  suggested  the  petition  in  the 
first  place.   It  is  clearly  stated  that  Olguin   "no  va  desterrado  ni  por  delito  alguno." 
Don  Cristobal  granted  the  petition. 

6.  N.  M.  HIST.  REV.,   XII,   175.  H.  R.  Wagner,   The  Spanish  Southwest,   Quivira 
Society  Publications,  VII,  222,  says  also  that  he  was  killed  in  1609  or  1610.  However, 
he  admits  that  he  has  never  seen  any  document  to  support  his  statement. 


his  son,  which  means  that  he  had  not  much  to  say  about  him 
that  would  help  his  own  cause. 

Upon  his  return  to  Mexico  Don  Juan  had  to  stand  a 
residencia  on  his  conduct  of  the  conquest  and  government 
of  New  Mexico,  as  was  required  of  all  high  officials  at  the 
completion  of  their  tenure  in  office.  Onate  had  been  accused 
of  various  crimes  by  some  disgruntled  soldiers  and,  after 
years  of  legal  maneuvers,  in  1614  he  was  found  guilty  on 
some  counts  and  sentenced  to  pay  a  fine  of  6,000  pesos,  to 
perpetual  banishment  from  New  Mexico  and  from  Mexico 
City  for  five  years,  and  the  loss  of  his  title  as  Adelantado. 
Ofiate  paid  the  fine  and  then  started  on  the  long  tortuous 
road  to  appeal  and  vindication.7 

In  1622  we  find  Don  Juan  in  Spain  trying  to  obtain  the 
removal  of  the  disabilities  imposed  on  him  eight  years 
earlier.  By  now  his  five  year  banishment  from  Mexico  City 
had  expired,  but  the  perpetual  banishment  from  New  Mexico 
and  the  suspension  of  his  titles  were  still  in  force.  On  April 
6  of  this  year,  1622,  the  Council  of  the  Indies  recommended 
the  removal  of  these  disabilities. 

Onate  left  no  stone  unturned  to  obtain  vindication.  As 
part  of  his  campaign  he  promoted  the  compilation  of  a  book 
of  poetry  in  memory  of  his  son  Cristobal.  This  book  entitled 
Canciones  lugubres  was  published  in  1622.8  It  was  assembled 
by  Francisco  Murcia  de  la  Liana,  who  relieved  his  father  of 
the  commission  he  had  been  appointed  to  do.  He  says  that  he 
accepts  his  task  in  order  to  repay  in  a  small  measure  the 
many  favors  his  father  owed  the  illustrious  families  of  the 
Onates  and  the  Zaldivars.  Furthermore  it  was  proper  that  a 
young  poet  should  sing  the  glories  of  a  young  dead  hero.9 

The  poets  must  have  been  briefed  as  to  what  they  were 
to  say  in  their  compositions,  since  they  all  repeat  the  same 

7.  The  document  containing;  the  sentences  imposed  on  Onate  and  his  captains  is 
found  in  the  volumes  mentioned  in  note  2. 

8.  For  the  description  of  this  rare  bibliographical  item  see  H.  R.  Wagner,   The 
Spanish  Southwest,  VII,  222-223.  The  only  known  copy  is  now  in  the  Jones  collection 
in   Brown   University   Library ;  the  Bancroft  Library   has   a  photostat  copy,   which   I 
utilized  for  this  article. 

9.  Murcia  includes  also  a  poem   in  memory  of  Villagra,   who  had   died  in    1620 
while  on  his  way  to  Guatemala  to  assume  his  post  as  alcalde  mayor  of  Zapotitlan.  It 
was  perhaps  Villagra  who  helped  Onate  to  contact  the  literary  world.  Villagra'B  rimed 


uninspired  platitudes.  One  of  Murcia's  poems  is  a  "Discurso 
figurative,"  in  which  the  gods  assemble  to  crown  the  illus- 
trious youth.  In  another  poem,  an  Alabanza  imitated  from 
Ovid's  fable  of  Phoebus  and  Phaeton,  he  compares  the 
Onates  with  these  mythological  characters,  but  in  this  case, 
Cristobal  is  able  to  control  the  reins  of  the  chariot  of  state 
(sun).  Murcia  speaks  in  glowing  but  vague  terms  of  the 
heroic  deeds  of  young  Onate.  He  fell,  not  because  of  his  lack 
of  ability,  like  Phaeton,  but  because  of  Death's  envy.  While 
Don  Juan  lost  his  only  son,  he  still  finds  solace  in  a  daughter, 
Dona  Maria,  married  to  her  cousin,  Vicente  de  Zaldivar,  who 
served  his  uncle  as  sargento  mayor  and  maese  de  campo  in 
the  conquest  of  New  Mexico. 

The  Murcias  had  been  official  correctors  of  books  for  the 
Council  in  Madrid  so  long  that  some  wits  asked  whether 
they  would  ever  come  to  an  end.  In  their  official  capacity 
they  were  well  acquainted  with  the  writers  at  the  Spanish 
court  and  it  was  not  hard  for  young  Murcia  to  find  poets  to 
sing  the  praises  of  young  Cristobal  de  Onate. 

There  are  ten  other  contributors  to  Canciones  lugubres, 
recruited  among  those  whose  books  the  Murcias  had  seen 
through  the  press.10  The  best  known  among  them  is  Alonso 
de  Salas  Barbadillo,  a  writer  of  clever  picaresque  novels 
interspersed  with  poems.  He  contributed  a  silva  in  whose 
title  he  says  that  Cristobal  died  at  the  age  of  twenty-two  in 

chronicle  of  the  expedition  was  published  in  1610  in  Alcala,  and  it  contained  laudatory 
poems  by  some  of  the  same  men  who  collaborate  in  Canciones  lugubres.  Among  others 
there  is  a  poem  in  Pindaric  verse  by  Tribaldos  de  Toledo,  in  which  he  sings  the  praise 
of  O fiate's  son  : 

Of  Don  Cristobal,  worthy  son. 

He  who  through  many  combats  won 

For  Spain,  Galicia  the  new. 

Adding  a  kingdom  by  his  hand 

To  the  noble  Mexic  land, 

All  honor  to  him  is  due. 

But  Tribaldos  seems  to  confuse  young  Cristobal  with  his  forebear  of  the  same  name, 
one-time  governor  of  New  Galicia  and  supporter  of  Coronado.  See  Villagra,  Historia. 
de  la  Nueva  Mexico,  translated  by  G.  Espinosa,  Quivira  Society  Publications,  IV,  33,  37 ; 
G.  P.  Hammond  and  A.  Key,  Narratives  of  the  Coronado  Expedition,  p.  35. 

10.  Other  poets  included  are :  Francisco  Cascales,  Sebastian  de  Lirio,  Luis  Tri- 
baldos de  Toledo,  Licentiate  Nicolas  Davilana,  Dr.  Francisco  Yanez,  Alonso  de  la  Mota, 
Alonso  de  Salas  Barbadillo,  Fr.  Ambrosio  de  Herrera,  Diego  Manuel  and  Licentiate 
Francisco  de  Herrera  Maldonado.  Bibliographical  data  on  these  men  is  found  in  Perez 
Pastor,  Bibliografia  Madrilena,  and  in  standard  histories  of  Spanish  literature.  In  this 
article  we  are  not  discussing  the  literary  aspect  of  Canciones  lugubres. 


the  conquest  of  New  Mexico.  His  age  is  given  variously  as 
twenty-two  to  twenty-four.11 

In  this  volume  are  found  two  well  known  Spanish  human- 
ists: Francisco  Cascales  and  Luis  Tribaldos  de  Toledo.  The 
first  was  from  the  city  of  Murcia,  the  same  as  the  collector 
of  this  volume,  who  was  named  after  this  city.  Cascales' 
poetic  device  consists  in  being  transported  to  New  Mexico 
by  Melpomene,  who  shows  him  what  Don  Juan  has  con- 
quered for  Spain,  and  the  ancestors  of  Cristobal,  who  are 
bemoaning  his  demise. 

The  erudite  Tribaldos  speaks  of  the  rise  to  Heaven  of 
the  innocent  soul  of  young  Onate.  "His  death  left  Spain, 
and  particularly  Cantabria,  in  mourning."  It  is  all  generali- 
ties, valueless  as  poetry  or  history.  Tribaldos  is  the  most 
famous  humanist  of  the  group,  and  the  one  most  closely 
identified  with  American  matters.  He  was  named  Chronicler 
of  the  Indies  after  the  death  of  Antonio  Herrera  in  1625. 
He  wrote  a  Vista  general  de  las  continuas  guerras;  dificil 
conquista  del  Gran  Reyno  y  provincias  de  Chile  (1625).  We 
find  laudatory  poems  by  him  in  several  books  of  his  day.  He 
contributed  a  sonnet  for  the  Milicia  y  description  de  las 
Indias  (1599)  by  Bernardo  Vargas  Machuca.  He  edited  the 
poems  of  Francisco  de  Figueroa,  and  gave  the  approval  for 
the  publication  of  the  translation  of  Virgil's  Eclogues  and 
Georgics  by  Cristobal  de  Mesa  in  1614.  He  defended  Lope  de 
Vega  in  the  latter's  literary  disputes.12 

The  apparent  purpose  of  this  volume  is  to  honor  the 
memory  of  Cristobal  de  Onate  who  died  so  young,  but  the 
real  object  is  to  glorify  the  families  from  which  he  descended 
and  thus  enhance  the  prestige  of  his  father,  Don  Juan  de 
Onate,  who  is  seeking  the  restoration  of  his  titles  and  honors. 

11.  Salas  Barbadillo  gives  no  details  in  the  poem  itself.  An  epitaph  at  the  end  of 
the  volume  reads :   "Hie  iacet  D.  Christophorus  de  Onnate  Indorum  terror  .  .  .  obyit 
anno  aetatis  suae  vigesimo  secundo."  However  Diego  Manuel  prolongs  Don  Cristobal's 
life  two  more  years,  saying  he  died  "en  anos  vienticuatro."  Such  is  also  the  age  given 
by  Herrera  Maldonado: 

Y  en  veintiquatro  Apolinares  vueltas, 

tus  vitorias  resueltas, 

vida  de  un  capaz  siglo  te  atribuyen. 

12.  More  details  about  them  can   be  found  in   J.   Garcia  Soriano,   El  humanists 
Francisco  Cascales,  Madrid,  1924  ;  M.  Menendez  y  Pelay,  Historia  de  las  ideas  esttticas, 
Madrid,  1946,  II,  331-333. 


The  poets  all  repeat  with  monotonous  accord  that  he  was  a 
descendant  of  Montezuma,  Cortes,  Juan  de  Tolosa  and  Cris- 
tobal de  Zaldivar. 

The  Onates  had  intermarried  with  the  Zaldivars  and 
Tolosas,  all  powerful  families  in  Mexico  and  Spain.  They 
had  become  wealthy  exploiting  silver  mines  in  Zacatecas, 
and  are  praised  as  founders  of  this  city.13  Vicente  de  Zal- 
divar, nephew  and  son-in-law  of  Onate,  is  eulogized  as  the 
patron  of  the  new  Jesuit  foundations  in  Zacatecas. 

Wealth  and  influential  family  ties  smoothed  Don  Juan's 
path.  His  Biscayan  relatives  and  friends  were  rooting  for 
him.  Much  of  this  was  brought  out  in  the  Canciones,  which 
seem  to  be  cut  from  the  same  pattern,  showing  indications 
of  having  been  written  to  order,  based  on  information  sup- 
plied by  Onate  himself  or  his  agents.  This  information  must 
have  been  very  sketchy,  limited  to  the  bare  facts  that  Cris- 
tobal accompanied  his  father  Don  Juan  de  Onate  to  New 
Mexico  and  that  he  had  died  young,  but  without  telling 
when,  where,  or  how.  The  poets  did  not  know  Cristobal 
personally,  and  they  had  to  belabor  their  imaginations  to 
make  it  appear  that  they  were  bemoaning  the  loss  of  a 
bosom  friend. 

Onate's  campaign  for  exoneration  proved  successful.  In 
1623  the  Council  of  the  Indies  recommended  that  his  dis- 
abilities be  removed.  He  was  appointed  inspector  of  mines, 
and  by  1628  both  he  and  his  nephew  and  son-in-law,  Vicente 
de  Zaldivar,  were  members  of  the  order  of  Santiago.14 

13.  In  a  petition  addressed  to  the  king  in  1623,  Onate  lists  the  many  services  his 
family  and  himself  have  rendered  the  crown.  He  points  out  particularly  the  large  sums 
that  have  accrued  to  the  royal  treasury  from  the  silver  mines  exploited  by  the  Zaldivars. 
An  English  translation  by  L.  B.  Bloom  was  published  in  N.  M.  HIST.  REV.,  XII,  180. 

14.  Captain  Cristobal  de  Zaldivar  in  his  petition  states  that  "he  is  a  nephew  of 
Don  Juan  Onate,  knight  of  the  Order  of  Santiago,  conqueror  of  the  provinces  of  New 
Mexico,  and  brother  of  Vicente  de  Zaldivar  of  the  same  habit  of  Santiago,   who  Was 
maese  de  campo  in  the  said  conquest  where  he  rendered  special  services."  Published  by 
L.  B.  Bloom,  N.  M.  HIST.  REV.,  XII,  191. 

IN  SOUTHERN  ARIZONA,  1870's  AND  80's 

By  J.  J.  WAGONER  * 

STOCK  ranching  has  always  been  a  frontier  industry  and 
has  served  a  place  of  primary  importance  in  the  ad- 
vancement of  western  civilization.  In  the  Southwest,  two 
phases  of  development  seem  to  predominate:  (1)  the  merg- 
ing of  the  northward  expansion  of  the  Spanish  settlements 
with  the  westward  movement  from  the  Atlantic  Coast;  and 
(2)  the  adaptability  of  the  industry  to  the  arid  country 
which  for  the  first  time  gave  the  cattleman  an  opportunity 
for  land  utilization  that  the  agriculturist  could  not  easily 
supplant.  Both  phases  permeate  the  entire  history  of  the 
cattle  industry  in  southern  Arizona,  but  the  second  became 
more  important  with  the  rapid  influx  of  population  after 

Success  in  ranching  after  this  date  was  dependent  upon 
the  possession  of  water  and  an  abundance  of  native  forage. 
The  men  who  located  along  the  rivers  and  streams  controlled 
the  unfenced  range  and,  though  they  did  not  own  the  land 
or  grass,  it  was  understood  among  neighbors  that  the  appro- 
priation of  water  entailed  the  possession  of  certain  range 

As  background  to  subsequent  development,  it  should  be 
mentioned  that  most  of  the  herds  in  Arizona  during  the 
early  1870's  were  driven  in  from  Texas  and  California  to 
supply  troops  and  Indians  with  beef.  Advertisements  in  the 
Arizona  Citizen  calling  for  bids  indicate  that  the  business 
was  lucrative.  On  January  27,  1872,  for  example,  bids  were 
asked  for  the  delivery  of  all  the  beef  and  mutton  needed  by 
soldiers  in  Arizona  for  the  year  commencing  July  1,  1872. 
It  was  estimated  that  2,000  beeves  and  1,000  wethers  would 
be  required.  A  clue  as  to  the  importance  of  the  drives  is 
shown  in  the  fact  that  Lieutenant  Colonel  M.  D.  F.  Simpson 

*  Mr.  Wagoner  is  a  member  of  the  faculty  of  the  Phoenix  Union  High  School. 
Phoenix,  Arizona.  He  is  the  author  of  "The  Gadsden  Purchase  Lands,"  NEW  MEXICO 
HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  26:18-43  (January,  1951). 

1.     Walter  P.  Webb,  The  Great  Plain*,  p.  228. 



stipulated  that  a  $5,000  bond  should  be  posted  to  assure 
faithful  execution  of  the  contract.2  In  May  of  the  same  year 
appeared  the  request  of  the  Superintendent  of  Indian  Af- 
fairs that  bids  be  sent  for  supplying  approximately  75,000 
pounds  of  beef  cattle  for  immediate  slaughter.3 

Under  fair  circumstances,  these  contracts  would  have 
resulted  in  profitable  operations.  However,  the  returns  from 
the  occupation  were  not  so  great  as  one  might  expect.  Indian 
and  Sonora  thieves  wreaked  such  depredations  on  the  herds 
of  the  contracting  firm  of  Hinds  and  Hooker  that  there  was 
a  deficit  for  the  fiscal  year  ending  June  30,  1871.  Further- 
more, several  of  the  herders  were  killed.4 

Another  difficulty  arose  over  the  failure  of  Congress  to 
appropriate  enough  money  to  pay  for  the  beef  furnished 
the  Indians.  It  is  certain  that  the  government  peace  policy 
would  have  been  jeopardized  if  enterprising  men  such  as 
H.  E.  Hooker  had  not  managed  to  supply  the  needs  of  the 
reservations  as  well  as  the  public  demand.5 

Meanwhile  the  fame  of  Arizona's  unequaled  grazing  fa- 
cilities had  been  widely  spread.  Hundreds  of  emigrants  were 
coming  into  the  new  cow  country  to  begin  an  experimental 
exploitation  of  the  luxuriant  grasslands,  which  would  even- 
tually culminate  in  the  deterioration  of  the  range. 

Though  very  little  livestock  found  a  market  outside  the 
territory  in  the  1870's,  there  is  evidence  of  there  having 
been  much  activity.  The  Citizen  frequently  reported  ship- 
ments of  hides  by  wagon  trains  to  the  railroad  terminal  at 
Yuma.  The  July  17,  1875,  issue  listed  a  shipment  by  Tully, 
Ochoa  and  Company  of  two  hundred  hides,  and  it  was  esti- 
mated that  5,000  hides  had  been  shipped  from  Tucson  alone 
during  the  first  half  of  the  year.6 

In  1877,  Governor  A.  P.  K.  Saff ord  stated  that  stock  rais- 
ing had  become  one  of  the  leading  industries,  with  thousands 
of  cattle  having  been  imported  from  neighboring  states  and 

2.  Arizona.  Citizen,  January  27,  1872. 

8.  Ibid.,  May  11,  1872. 

4.  Ibid.,  January  27.  1872. 

6.  Ibid.,  July  5.  1873. 

6.  Ibid.,  July  17,  1876. 


territories.7  Drouth  conditions  in  California  had  caused  the 
shipment  of  cattle  from  that  state.  The  reduction  of  rail- 
road rates  to  Yuma  for  suffering  stock,  not  fat  cattle,  expe- 
dited the  movement.  From  Yuma  the  animals,  many  of  good 
American  breed,  were  brought  up  the  Gila  and  spread  over 
the  valleys  of  southern  Arizona.8 

Thus,  from  about  1876  to  1880  the  cattle  business  ex- 
tended rapidly.  Although  the  largest  individual  herd  was 
Hooker's  Texas  cattle,  the  majority  of  the  cattle  were  of  the 
Mexican  breeds,  handled  in  small  herds  by  Mexican 

The  pioneers  soon  learned  that  the  tablelands,  foothills, 
and  valleys  would  never  be  used  extensively  for  any  purpose 
other  than  grazing,  and  that  agriculture  would  be  confined 
to  valleys  bordering  the  streams.  In  a  paper  of  this  nature, 
it  would  not  be  feasible  to  expand  fully  on  a  technical  de- 
scription of  the  vegetation  which  attracted  settlers  in  the 
1870's.  However,  some  knowledge  of  the  botanical  conditions 
is  necessary  for  a  thorough  understanding  of  the  range  cat- 
tle industry. 

Prior  to  the  introduction  of  large  herds,  there  was  an 
abundant  plant  growth  everywhere.10  On  the  high  plateaus 
pine,  brome,  and  western  wheat  grasses  formed  a  continuous 
covering  on  the  ground.  In  the  canyons  and  over  the  foothills 
which  surround  the  numerous  mountain  ranges  were  copious 
vegetation  consisting  mainly  of  the  renowned  grama  (white 
grama,  boutelona  oligostachya,  predominated  in  valleys  and 
on  the  high  tablelands)  and  mesquite  grasses.  Shrubs  and 
bushes,  filled  with  tangled  growths  of  black  grama  (boute- 
lona erispoda) ,  were  found  everywhere. 

Below  altitudes  of  four  thousand  feet,  Indian  wheat  and 
other  winter  annuals  thrived,  and  the  so-called  "six  weeks" 

7.  Message  of  Governor  A.  P.  K.  Safford  to  the  Eighth  Legislative  Assembly  of 
the  Eighth  Territorial  Legislature  of  Arizona,  January  6,  1875 ;  and  to  the  Ninth  Leg- 
islative Assembly,  January  1,  1877. 

8.  Arizona  Citizen,  April  28,  1877. 

9.  Clarence  W.  Gordon  et  aL,  "Report  on  Cattle,  Sheep  and  Swine,  Supplementary 
to  Enumeration  of  Livestock  on  Farms  in  1880,"  Tenth  Census  of  the  United  States, 
1880,  p.  93. 

10.  J.  J.  Thornber,  The  Grazing  Ranges  of  Arizona,  University  of  Arizona  Agri- 
cultural Station  Bulletin  No.  65   (September  21,  1910),  p.  335. 


grasses  furnished  summer  and  fall  plants.  In  the  moist  val- 
leys, tall  sacaton  grasses  (muhlenbergia  distichophylla)  pre- 
dominated and  provided  a  protective  soil  covering  which 
prevented  erosion  by  obstructing  the  run-off  of  water.  Many 
of  the  older  settlers  can  remember  when  these  flood  plains 
were  intact  and  were  characterized  by  rich  grasses  instead 
of  the  scattered  sage,  greasewood,  or  mesquite  so  common 

The  deterioration  of  Arizona's  ranges  seems  to  have  been 
contemporaneous  with  the  development  of  ranching.  Cattle 
invariably  cause  erosion  by  destroying  vegetation  and  by 
forming  channels  for  the  passage  of  water.11  The  primary 
objective  of  cattlemen  up  to  1885  was  numbers;  overstock- 
ing was  the  inevitable  result  of  unrestricted  use  of  the  fed- 
eral range  for  grazing  purposes. 

The  formation  of  the  arroyos  in  southern  Arizona  valleys 
is  spread  over  considerable  time,  and  details  of  the  process 
have  seldom  been  recorded.  But  the  change  from  aggrada- 
tion and  the  building  of  flood  plains  to  channel-trenching 
can  be  placed  in  the  1880's  in  most  of  the  important  valleys, 
though  many  tributaries  were  not  affected  until  the  1890's. 
Since  the  changes  were  initiated  at  slightly  different  times 
in  the  various  localities,  it  seems  imperative  to  trace  the 
early  development  of  the  cattle  industry  in  each  of  the  main 
areas  of  settlement. 

The  Santa  Cruz  Valley  was  the  center  of  the  first  Ameri- 
can occupation.  In  1869,  at  the  time  Hooker  had  left  cattle 
with  the  Papagos  on  the  Baboquivari  range,  the  firm  of 
Marsh  and  Driscoll  brought  four  hundred  Mexican  cattle 
from  Sonora  to  a  point  on  the  Santa  Cruz  below  Tucson, 
where  Indian  and  Mexican  thieves  took  a  heavy  toll.  By 
1870  more  than  a  dozen  Mexicans  were  each  running  from 
twenty  to  seventy-five  head  of  cattle  in  the  valley.  Three 
years  later  Don  Sanf  ord  took  up  a  water  claim  near  Pantano 
and  stocked  it  with  several  hundred  head  from  Texas.12 

In  that  year  it  was  estimated  that  there  were  at  least 

11.  James  T.  Duce,   "The  Effect  of  Cattle  on  the  Erosion  of  Canyon   Bottoms," 
Science,  XLVII.  No.  1219   (May  10,  1918),  p.  451. 

12.  Gordon,  op.  tit.,  p.  93. 


two  thousand  head  of  horned  cattle  from  Tucson  to  Sa- 
huarita,  a  distance  of  about  twenty  miles.13  In  the  former 
town,  plans  were  maturing  for  the  growing  of  stock  in  the 
surrounding  territory  on  a  large  and  permanent  scale.  E.  N. 
Fish  and  D.  A.  Bennett,  for  example,  made  claim  to  a  valu- 
able stock  site  forty  miles  south  and  a  little  east  of  Tucson.14 
By  1880  most  of  the  old  Mexican  sites  had  been  re-estab- 
lished, and  nearly  every  water  claim  adaptable  to  the  busi- 
ness had  livestock.  The  largest  ranches  were  American, 
running  on  the  average  from  500  to  800  cattle  each.  How- 
ever, the  majority  of  cattle  owners  were  Mexican.15 

The  grasslands  occupied  during  the  1870's  in  the  Santa 
Cruz  Valley  had  a  thick  growth  of  sacaton  and  other  vege- 
tation which  prevented  the  cutting  of  channels  as  the  water 
spread  out  during  times  of  flood  in  a  thin  sheet  over  the 
whole  valley,  doing  no  damage.  Tules  (bulrushes)  grew  in 
boggy  places,  and  large  mesquite  trees  helped  to  protect 
the  soil.16  But  as  cattle  were  brought  in,  the  range  was  over- 
stocked and  unable  to  stop  either  the  floods  or  the  resultant 
process  of  erosion  after  the  mid-1880's. 

Brief  mention  should  be  made  also  of  settlements  in 
regions  near  the  Santa  Cruz.  To  the  west  were  isolated 
ranches  along  the  Arivaca  Creek,  the  adjacent  mesa  lands 
and  foothills  having  been  almost  untouched  before  1880.  In 
the  early  1870's  a  Doctor  Wilbur  had  about  two  hundred 
cattle  there,  and  Pedro  Aguirre  had  a  small  herd.  In  1877, 
N.  W.  Bernard  began  dividing  his  time  between  a  small 
ranch  and  a  country  store  at  Arivaca.  A  year  later  John  W. 
Bogen  arrived  and  formed  a  partnership  with  Bernard 
which  eventually  evolved  into  the  Arivaca  Land  and  Cattle 
company.17  In  the  nearby  Sopori  area,  Juan  and  Tomas  Elias 

13.  Arizona  Citizen,  October  4,  1873. 

14.  Ibid.,  October  18,  1873. 

15.  Gordon,  op.  cit.,  p.  95. 

16.  See  Kirk  Bryan,  Erosion  and  Sedimentation  in  the  Papago  Country,  Arizona, 
U.  S.  Geological  Survey,  Bulletin  No.  730,  1922,  p.  177;  Volney  M.  Spauldingr,  Diatri- 
button  and  Movements  of  Desert  Plants,  Carnegie  Institution  of  Washington  Publica- 
tion No.  113,  1909,  p.  9 ;  and  Sen.  Doc.  No.  973,  62  Cong.,  3d  Sess.,  pp.  8-32.  For  a 
description   of  the  Santa  Cruz  flood  plain   about  1700  see  Herbert  E.   Bolton,   Kino't 
Historical  Memoirs  of  Pimeria  Alta  (ed.  1919),  I,  pp.  122,  178,  205-206,  236. 

17.  Gordon,  op.  cit.,  p.  95  ;  Richard  H.  Williams,  "History  of  the  Cattle  Industry 
in  Pima  County,"  Proceedings  of  the  Thirteenth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Arizona  Cattle 


had  between  six  and  seven  hundred  cattle  in  the  1870's,  and 
Bustamente  had  fifty  or  sixty.18  Farther  up  the  Santa  Cruz 
Valley,  the  outfit  of  Pusch  and  Zellweger  began  operation 
about  1874  in  the  west  foothills  of  the  Catalinas  at  Steam 
Pump,  north  of  Tucson.19 

Other  development  occured  east  of  the  Santa  Cruz  where 
several  Mexicans  were  located.  In  the  Rincon  district  Emilio 
Carrillo  had  over  four  hundred  cattle  on  the  Tanque  Verde, 
and  Joaquin  Tellez  grazed  a  herd  in  the  Rincon  Mountains. 
Manuel  Amado  was  also  a  prominent  cattleman  in  the  dis- 
trict, the  town  of  Amado  being  named  after  him. 

The  Rillito  Valley  (a  tributary  of  the  Santa  Cruz)  is 
another  region  which  was  once  covered  with  a  good  growth 
of  grass.  The  river  course  was  indefinite  and  lined  by  an 
almost  continuous  growth  of  cottonwood,  ash,  walnut,  and 
willow  trees.  These  conditions  prevailed  until  after  1872 
at  which  time  the  United  States  Army  post  was  moved  from 
Tucson  to  Ft.  Lowell,  near  which  natural  grass  could  be  cut 
for  hay.  A  few  years  of  such  cropping,  as  well  as  over- 
grazing by  cattle  that  were  brought  in  during  the  1870's, 
resulted  in  the  destruction  of  root  grasses.  The  general  effect 
of  settlement  was  to  increase  the  rapidity  of  run-off  and  thus 
the  length  of  dry  seasons.  The  stage  was  set  for  the  drastic 
erosion  of  the  1890's.20 

East  of  the  Santa  Rita  Mountains  is  a  broad,  rolling 
tract  bounded  by  the  Sierra  Colorado  on  the  north,  the 
Whetstone  Mountains  in  the  east,  and  the  Patagonia  and 
Huachuca  chain  on  the  south.  This  was  the  second  general 
area  of  occupation.  The  region  has  few  streams  of  conse- 
quence, but  is  fortunate  in  having  permanent  water  at  the 
base  of  the  Santa  Ritas.  There  are  also  many  scattered 
natural  reservoirs  which  temporarily  hold  rain  water. 

Grower*'  Association,  1920,  p.  xi.  For  change  in  the  flood  plain  of  Arivaca  Valley, 
contrast  reports  of  Lt.  Michler  (Wm.  H.  Emory,  Report  on  United  States  and  Mexican 
Boundary  Survey,  1857,  I,  p.  119)  and  Major  David  Ferguson  (Sen.  Exec.  Doc.  No.  1, 
pp.  1-22,  1863)  with  that  of  Bryan,  op.  tit.,  p.  342. 

18.  Ibid.  p.  Xi. 

19.  Ibid. 

20.  George  E.  P.  Smith,  Groundwater  Supply  and  Irrigation  in  the  Rillito  Valley, 
University   of   Arizona   Agricultural   Experiment   Station    Bulletin    No.    64    (May    12, 
1910),  pp.  97-98. 


Never-failing  springs  insure  a  supply  during  periods  of 
drouth.  So  in  spite  of  the  harsh  winter  winds  and  the  power- 
ful summer  heat,  several  of  the  largest  cattle  ranches  of  the 
territory  were  located  on  these  cienega  lands.  Among  them 
were  the  Empire  Ranch  which  in  1880  grazed  over  five 
thousand  cattle,  and  the  Cienega  Ranch  where  about  a  thou- 
sand cattle  were  kept  along  with  twenty-three  thousand 

The  Empire  was  started  in  1876  when  Walter  L.  Vail 
and  H.  R.  Bishop  bought  the  small  Fish  Ranch  near  Ft. 
Crittenden.22  The  ranch  consisted  of  only  160  acres  at  the 
time,  with  a  four-room  adobe  house  and  a  large  corral  which 
was  built  with  adobe  walls  eighteen  inches  thick.  A  young 
English  investor  named  John  N.  Harvey  soon  joined  the 
firm,  which  was  then  called  Vail,  Hislop,  and  Harvey.  The 
neighboring  stockmen  gave  it  the  sobriquet  "English  Boys" 
since  Hislop  was  also  from  England. 

One  of  their  first  land  purchases  arose  from  an  inherent 
dislike  for  sheepmen.  Some  sheep  were  located  two  miles 
east  of  the  ranch  in  the  Cienega  Valley,  and  the  new  firm 
bought  both  the  land  and  stock  in  order  to  be  rid  of  the 
neighbor.  The  sheep  were  traded  to  one  "Yankee  Miller"  as 
part  payment  on  eight  hundred  Texas  cows  which  the  trader 
had  driven  from  the  Pecos  Valley  in  New  Mexico.23 

Edward  L.  Vail,  Walter's  brother,  described  the  Cienega 
region  around  Pantano  as  being  a  succession  of  meadows 
thickly  covered  with  sacaton  and  salt  grass  in  1880.  The 
mesquite  had  not  yet  taken  over  the  country,  but  grew  in  the 
gulches  and  checked  erosion.24 

The  valley  of  the  Sonoita  (a  tributary  of  the  Santa  Cruz) 
and  the  Babocomari  (a  tributary  of  the  San  Pedro)  were 
also  favored  with  natural  reservoirs.  The  former  had  sev- 
eral partially  irrigated  farms  which  furnished  neighboring 
mines  with  grain  and  hay.25  The  Babocomari  Valley  proved 

21.  Gordon,  op.  rit.,  p.  95. 

22.  Arizona,  Citizen,  August  26,  1876. 

28.     See  the  Vail  file  in  the  Arizona  Pioneers'  Historical  Society. 

24.  See  Reminiscences  of  Edward  L.  Vail,  in  ms.  form  at  the  Arizona  Pioneers' 
Historical  Society. 

25.  Gordon,  op.  cit.,  p.  95. 


very  suitable  for  stock  because  of  its  excellent  grass  and 
plentiful  water  supply. 

By  1880  the  San  Pedro  Valley,  extending  north  from  the 
Sonora  line  to  the  Gila  River,  was  occupied  by  scattered 
herds  belonging  mainly  to  Mexicans,  Mormons,  and  cattle- 
men from  Texas  and  California.  The  Mexicans  brought  a 
number  of  small  herds  about  1873-1874,  and  the  Mormons 
with  a  few  dairy  animals  established  a  colony  below  the 
Tombstone  crossing  in  1876.26  About  three  years  later  Dan 
Murphey,  one  of  the  biggest  California  cattle  owners, 
reached  the  lower  San  Pedro  with  a  fine  herd  consisting 
mainly  of  Durhams  and  Devons.  These  animals,  which  num- 
bered about  three  hundred  in  1880,  were  shipped  to  Yuma 
and  thence  driven  overland  to  the  ranch  near  Mammoth. 
Murphey  intended  to  use  them  for  improving  the  Mexican 
longhorns  on  a  large  land  grant  which  he  had  recently  pur- 
chased in  the  State  of  Durango,  Mexico,  but  the  Pesquero 
trouble  in  that  country  changed  his  original  plan.  Walter 
L.  Vail  paid  $100  (a  considerable  amount  then)  for  one 
of  the  bulls,27  and  the  entire  herd  was  sold  shortly  afterward. 
In  1880  the  holdings  in  the  San  Pedro  were  mostly  of  from 
fifty  to  250  head  each,  the  notable  exceptions  being  two 
Texan  herds,  one  of  2,500  in  the  Mule  Pass  and  the  other 
of  3,600  on  the  Babocomari  Ranch  located  on  the  tributary 
of  the  same  name.28  The  first  was  owned  by  John  H.  Slaugh- 
ter, who  later  moved  to  San  Bernardino  Springs. 

Erosion  came  later  in  the  San  Pedro  Valley  than  in  most 
of  the  others.  Progressive  deterioration  began  in  the  1880's, 
and  by  1892  the  head  water  fall  of  the  river  had  cut  the 
boundaries  of  the  San  Juan  de  las  Boquillas  y  Nogales  grant. 
The  valley,  originally  covered  by  sacaton  grass  and  groves 
of  trees,  was  changed  into  a  forest  of  mesquite  by  the  arroyo- 
cutting  process.29 

In  the  southeastern  part  of  the  territory  west  of  the 
Dos  Cabezas  and  Chiricahua  Mountains  was  another  center 

26.  Ibid. 

27.  See  Reminiscences  of  Mr.  E.   O.   Stratton,  ms.  Arizona   Pioneers'   Historical 
Society ;  also  Reminiscences  of  Edward  L.  Vail,  op.  cit. 

28.  Gordon,  op.  cit.,  p.  95. 

29.  Bryan,  op.  cit.,  p.  341. 


of  settlement.  The  Sulphur  Springs  Valley,  about  twenty 
miles  wide  and  fifty  to  sixty  miles  long,  was  known  as 
"Playas  de  los  Pimas"  in  Spanish  records.  In  1880  the  valley 
was  described  as  being  particularly  adapted  to  the  grazing 
of  range  cattle  because  of  its  location,  climate,  abundance 
of  forage,  and  freedom  from  the  damaging  brushy  chap- 
arral. The  only  drawback  was  the  deficiency  of  water,  but 
by  the  above  date  the  natural  springs  and  cienegas  were 
furnishing  sufficient  water  for  over  eighteen  thousand  cat- 
tle. The  ranch  sites  were  usually  ten  to  fifteen  miles  apart 
and  located  in  the  foothills  of  the  mountain  chains  surround- 
ing the  valley ;  the  extent  of  the  ranges  was  determined  by 
the  possession  of  water  that  controlled  all  nearby  grazing. 

Among  the  early  settlers  who  took  up  water  claims  and 
commenced  operations  between  1873  and  1878  were  Bran- 
nick  Riggs  and  the  firm  of  Steele  and  MacKenzie,  each  hav- 
ing several  hundred  cattle  of  the  Texas  breed.30  Though 
Mexican  cattle  were  more  numerous,  the  largest  single  herd 
in  1880  was  that  of  Colonel  Hooker  on  the  Sierra  Bonita ;  it 
consisted  of  some  5,500  head,  mainly  Texans.  Hooker  was 
undoubtedly  the  cattle  king  of  his  day,  having  gotten  his 
start  through  government  contracts.  His  ranch,  established 
in  1872  north  of  the  Chiricahua  Indian  Reservation  some 
ten  miles  from  Camp  Grant,  comprised  approximately 
twenty-five  square  miles  of  rolling  valley  and  mesa  lands.31 

Hooker  early  saw  the  value  of  improving  his  breeding 
stock  and  of  raising  supplemental  feed.  By  1874  he  had  sown 
considerable  blue  grass  and  clover  seed,  and  stacked  two 
hundred  tons  of  fine  clover  hay.32  The  construction  of  strong 
corrals  and  windmill  in  1876  furnish  further  examples  of  the 
initiative  of  this  enterprising  cattleman.83 

Perhaps  the  least  desirable  area  of  settlement  was  that 
which  extended  westward  from  Agua  Caliente  for  some 
thirty  miles  along  the  lower  Gila.  In  1880  not  more  than 
eight  hundred  meat  cattle  grazed  on  the  impoverished 

80.  Gordon,  op.  cit.,  p.  96. 

81.  Arizona  Miner,  December  7,  1877 ;  Arizona  Citizen,  December  19,  1874. 

82.  Arizona  Citizen,  December  19,  1874. 
88.  Ibid.,  August  12,  1876. 


ranges  there.  These  animals  belonged  to  some  half  dozen 
settlers  located  at  the  most  favored  spots  near  the  river 
banks  where  the  only  permanent  water  was  available.  The 
majority  of  animals  which  fed  on  the  "six  weeks"  gietta  and 
salt  grasses  interspersed  between  frequent  mesas  of  sand 
and  gravel  were  full  of  half-breed  Mexican  cattle,  though 
one  California  herd  was  imported  in  1877.  Really  only  the 
small,  hardy  Mexican  cattle  could  thrive  on  the  desert  bor- 
der. The  stock  were  often  reduced  in  numbers  by  alkali 
present  in  the  water  or  salt  grasses,  and  by  Indian  thefts. 
One  rancher  who  transferred  his  350  cattle  from  the  Gila 
to  southeastern  Arizona  reported  the  Indians  had  stolen 
many  of  his  animals. 

Before  about  1880  the  Gila  channel  from  the  Santa  Cruz 
junction  to  Yuma  was  narrow,  with  firm  banks  bordered  by 
cottonwoods  and  willows,  but  by  the  early  1900's  it  occupied 
a  sandy  waste  from  a  quarter  to  a  half-mile  wide.34  Mr.  John 
Montgomery,  an  Arlington  rancher,  attributed  the  change  to 
the  practice  of  cattlemen  of  burning  the  heavy  brush  that 
once  covered  the  banks  in  order  to  drive  out  wild  cattle. 
Thus  the  unprotected  surface  was  exposed  to  rapid  erosion. 

In  summarizing  the  evidence  presented  for  the  different 
valleys,  no  conclusion  can  be  reached  except  that  the  range 
country  was  misused.  David  Griffiths,  the  botanist  of  the 
Arizona  Agricultural  Experiment  Station,  sent  a  circular 
letter  to  cattlemen  of  the  Territory  in  1901  corroborating 
the  contention  that  the  public  ranges  of  southern  Arizona 
were  once  comparatively  productive,  and  that  deterioration 
accompanied  overstocking.35  It  is  unfortunate  that  little  was 
known  about  conservation  in  the  early  days. 

It  was  during  the  early  1880's  that  most  of  the  better 
grazing  lands  were  apportioned  and  the  Arizona  ranges  be- 
came fully  stocked.  The  completion  of  the  Southern  Pacific 
Railroad  through  Arizona  in  1881  opened  up  the  country  to 

34.  Clyde  P.  Ross,  The  Lower  Gila  Region,  Arizona — A  Geographical  and  Hydro- 
logic  Reconnaissance  with  a  Guide  to  Desert  Watering  Places,  United  States  Geological 
Survey  Water  Supply  Paper  No.  498,  pp.  64-67,  94-95,  1923. 

35.  David   Griffiths,   Range  Improvement  in  Arizona,  United  States   Department 
of  Agriculture,  Bureau  of  Plant  Industry  Bulletin  No.  4,  1901,  p.  9. 


capitalists  at  home  and  abroad.36  Thousands  of  cattle  were 
subsequently  imported  from  Mexico,  Utah,  and  Texas. 

Shipments  from  the  latter  state  were  especially  nu- 
merous because  of  the  enactment  of  the  Texas  land  laws  of 
1879  and  1883,  which  initiated  a  mandatory  leasing  system 
providing  for  the  payment  of  nominal  fees ;  the  new  system 
was  criticized  adversely  by  stock  raisers  who  preferred  free 
and  unrestricted  grazing  farther  west.  The  only  check  on 
the  Texas  movement  resulted  from  apprehension  over  the 
prevalence  of  Texas  cattle  fever  in  the  summer  of  1884.37 
It  was  feared  that  the  disease  might  be  communicated  to 
the  cattle  of  the  territory.  The  acting  governor  of  the  Ari- 
zona territory  therefore  forbade  the  admission  of  Texas 
cattle  for  a  limited  period. 

Statistics  given  in  the  annual  reports  of  the  territorial 
governors  show  that  the  number  of  cattle  increased  greatly 
in  the  southern  counties  of  the  territory.38  But  several  years 
elapsed  before  a  surplus  was  available  for  export.  Not  until 
after  the  boom  collapsed  in  1885  was  the  railroad  utilized 
for  marketing  beef  outside  the  territory.  Before  that  time, 
railroad  construction  companies,  government  posts,  miners 
and  local  butchers  furnished  the  principal  markets  for  ani- 
mals which  were  sold.39  In  1881,  for  example,  three-year-old 
cattle  were  worth,  on  the  average,  $15  per  head;  two-year 
olds,  $10  per  head;  and  yearlings  about  $6.40  By  1883  the 
average  price  had  advanced  to  $30. 

As  indicated  above,  the  time  of  reckoning  arrived  in 
1885.  Overstocking  the  range  had  destroyed  the  grass  to 
the  point  that  the  severe  summer  drouth  of  that  year  re- 
sulted in  a  heavy  mortality  among  cattle.  With  drastic  losses 
facing  them,  a  group  of  cattlemen,  headed  by  Dan  Ming,  met 
at  Willcox  to  pray  for  rain  as  a  general  air  of  discourage- 
ment fell  upon  the  territory.41 

36.  Report  of  the  Governor  of  Arizona  to  the  Secretary  of  Interior,  1898.  p.  21. 
Other  reports  of  the  governor  cited  in  this  paper  were  likewise  made  to  the  Secretary 
of  Interior. 

37.  Ibid.,  1884.  p.  624. 

38.  Ibid.,  1881.  et.  teq. 

89.  J.  Wayne  Stark,  Marketing  Arizona  Beef  Cattle,  p.  2.  University  of  Arizona 
thesis.  Also  see  Clifton  Clarion,  November  25,  1885. 

40.  Report  of  the  Governor  of  Arizona,  1881,  p.  927. 

41.  Will    C.    Barnes,    "Cowpunching    Forty    Years    Ago"     (Address    before    the 


A  drop  in  prices  added  to  disastrous  conditions.  Cattle 
that  had  been  valued  at  from  $30  to  $35  sold  for  $10  or  less 
in  1885.  On  November  25,  1885,  the  Cameron  brothers 
shipped  six  hundred  three-  and  four-year-old  graded  steers, 
averaging  1,100  pounds,  from  the  Huachuca  Station.42  The 
average  price  of  $27.50  was  low,  considering  that  most  of 
the  animals  were  high  grade  shorthorns;  but  the  dry  and 
depleted  ranges  necessitated  a  sweeping  reduction  of  stock. 
F.  H.  Watts  and  many  others  were  forced  to  follow  the  same 
policy  of  selling  their  steers  as  feeders  at  greatly  reduced 
prices  to  California,  Kansas,  and  Montana  purchasers.  The 
long  drouth  was  general  and  affected  all.  Cattlemen  would 
often  pool  their  stock  for  sales  volume.  Such  was  the  case 
with  Atchley,  Crowley,  Meliz,  and  Acton  who  in  December, 
1887,  drove  500  head  of  cattle  to  Tucson  from  the  San  Pedro 
Valley  for  shipment  to  Los  Angeles.43 

The  result  of  this  heavy  marketing  was  the  removal  of 
all  fat  cattle  from  the  range  by  June,  1886.  Since  that  time 
the  ranches  of  southern  Arizona  have  been  devoted  to  breed- 
ing purposes.  An  agreement  recorded  with  the  county  re- 
corder on  May  23,  1887,  illustrates  the  changed  range  policy. 
D.  A.  MacNeil  and  F.  L.  Moore  transferred  their  stock  and 
the  S.  U.  brand  to  Jacob  Scheerer  for  five  years  on  the 
condition  that  when  practicable  the  male  cattle  should  be 
sold  and  the  proceeds  used  in  the  acquisition  of  female  stock. 

Until  1892  the  generally  accepted  policy  was  to  retain 
all  she  stock  and  sell  range-grown  three-year-old  steers.  At 
that  time,  however,  northern  buyers  refused  to  accept  the 
three's  unless  the  two's  could  also  be  purchased.44  In  1890 
the  average  age  of  marketed  range  cattle  was  2.18  years. 
Ten  years  later  it  had  been  decreased  to  1.63  years.45  The 

Twenty-fifth  Annual  Convention  of  the  Arizona  Cattle  Growers'  Association),   Weekly 
Market  Report  and  News  Letter,  X,  No.  6   (February  10,  1931). 

42.  Arizona  Daily  Star,  November  25,  1885. 

43.  Tombstone  Prospector,  December  17,  1887. 

44.  Colin  Cameron,  "Report  on  Cattle,"  Report  of  the  Governor  of  Arizona,  1896, 
p.  22. 

45.  Address  of  Richard  H.  Williams,  "Quality  versus  Numbers  in  Range  Cattle," 
Proceedings  of  the  Ninth  Annual  Meeting  of  the  Arizona  Cattle  Growers'  Association, 
1916,  p.  38. 


age  has  been  lowered  until  now  the  raising  of  calves  or 
yearlings  is  followed  almost  altogether. 

With  the  dependence  of  cattlemen  on  the  railroads  for 
transportation,  a  number  of  difficulties  arose.  Not  the  least 
important  were  the  high  freight  rates  and  the  inadequate 
cattle  cars.  In  1886  the  Atchison,  Topeka  and  Santa  Fe 
offered  some  help  by  promising  a  $10  per  car  reduction  to 
points  east  of  Kansas  City.  Yet  rates  from  various  stations 
in  southern  Arizona  to  Kansas  City,  St.  Louis,  and  Chicago 
continued  to  be  relatively  high.46 

By  1890  the  Southern  Pacific  Company  had  decided  that 
the  cattlemen  of  southern  Arizona  could  stand  a  raise  in 
shipping  rates.  Tariff  schedules  to  certain  California  des- 
tinations were  increased  twenty-five  per  cent.  Since  cattle 
were  selling  at  low  prices,  the  ranchmen  protested  vigor- 
ously on  the  grounds  that  the  animals  being  shipped  were 
not  beef,  but  yearling  steers  that  required  fattening  in 
California  before  their  owners  could  realize  any  sizeable 
return.47  However,  the  San  Francisco  office  refused  to  com- 
promise, undoubtedly  thinking  that  Arizona  ranchers  were 
compelled  to  transport  their  animals  by  rail.  But  such  was 
not  the  case. 

In  January,  1890,  Walter  L.  Vail  and  his  new  partner 
from  California,  C.  W.  Gates,  were  advised  by  their  fore- 
man, Tom  Turner  (who  had  trailed  herds  from  south  Texas 
to  Dodge  City) ,  to  drive  their  cattle  overland  to  California. 
Accordingly  on  January  29,  1890,  the  drive  began  with  a 
herd  comprising  some  nine  hundred  steers ;  the  venture  was 
precarious,  considering  the  nature  of  the  cattle  and  the  ter- 
rain crossed.  Near  Casa  Grande  occurred  the  worst  stam- 
pede of  the  journey,  some  150  of  the  herd  running  away  to 

46.  Clifton  Clarion,  December  16,  1886.  The  following  table  shows  the  rates  from 
various  shipping  points  to  the  marketing  centers :  fo 

From  Kansas  City  St.  Louis  Chicago 

Willcox  $145.00  $175.00  $190.00 

Benson  149.50  175.00  194.50 

Pantano  151.50  181.50  196.50 

Tucson  154.50  184.50  199.50 

Huachuca  155.05  185.00  200.00 

47.  Tombstone  Prospector,  March  24,  1888.  Large  numbers  of  such  animals  were 
shipped;  in   1887  alone  the  Southern   Pacific  carried  twenty  thousand  worth  $600,000 
from  the  territory. 


the  Pima  Indian  Reservation  where  their  recovery  met  some 
opposition.  Some  twenty-five  or  thirty  were  lost  for  lack  of 
forage  before  the  Warner  Ranch  was  reached.  Yet  an  aver- 
age of  $4  per  animal  was  saved.48 

Other  resourceful  Arizona  cattlemen  joined  the  cattle- 
driving  movement  in  defiance  of  railroad  extortion.  In  De- 
cember, 1890,  George  W.  Lang  started  a  herd  of  one  thou- 
sand on  the  journey  which  he  expected  would  take  seventy 
days  in  all.  With  total  expenses  running  between  $1  and 
$1.50  per  animal,  Lang  expected  to  add  over  $4,000  to  his 
profit,  since  the  railroad  rates  were  $90  per  car  with  fifty 
to  sixty  cars  being  required  to  move  the  cattle.49  Colonel 
W.  C.  Land,  cattle  king  of  Benson,  drove  three  thousand 
feeders  and  stockers  the  same  year.  He  estimated  that  it 
was  $3  per  head  cheaper  to  drive  the  cattle  than  to  ship 
them  by  rail.60 

However,  the  railroads  proved  more  co-operative  in 
other  matters.  By  the  early  1890's,  for  example,  they  were 
beginning  to  introduce  improved  cars  in  which  cattle  could 
be  fed  and  watered,  and  the  new  cars  were  separated  into 
compartments.  An  experiment  with  the  new  Burton  car  in 
1886  showed  an  average  saving  of  two  days'  traveling  time 
from  Arizona  to  Kansas  City  as  well  as  135  pounds  per 
head,  which  at  the  time  represented  over  $4.  To  this  amount 
could  be  added  twenty  to  thirty-five  cents  per  hundred- 
weight because  of  the  better  preserved  condition  of  the 
animals.51  Unfortunately,  however,  the  companies  were  slow 
to  make  general  use  of  the  Burton,  Newell,  and  other  im- 
proved cars. 

Even  with  adequate  railroad  transportation  at  fair  rates, 
the  plight  of  the  Arizona  stockmen  would  have  been  serious 
in  the  late  1880's.  The  cattle  of  Texas,  New  Mexico,  Colo- 
rado, and  western  Kansas  were  glutting  the  eastern  mar- 
kets; since  a  quarantine  existed  in  the  northern  states 

48.  Edward   L.   Vail,    "The   Diary   of   a   Desert   Trail,"    Texasland— The   Pioneer 
Magazine.  VI,  No.  7   (May,  1926),  p.  5. 

49.  Arizona  Daily  Star,  December  3,  1890. 

50.  Ibid.,  December  6,  1890. 

51.  Letter  from  Erskine  R.  Merrill,  General  Agent  of  Burton  Stock  Car  Company 
to   Colonel  M.    M.    Taylor,    Chairman,    Committee   of   Transportation,    Cattle   Growers' 
Convention,  Kansas  City,  Mo. ;  House  Misc.  Doc.  No.  139,  50  Cong.,  2  Sess.,  p.  334. 


against  animals  from  the  "Lone  Star  State,"  the  competition 
was  mainly  in  the  East.  For  that  reason  the  Stock  Growers' 
Association  of  Southern  Arizona  in  1887  appointed  a  com- 
mittee consisting  of  John  Slaughter,  Brewster  Cameron,  and 
C.  M.  Bruce  to  investigate  the  possibility  of  putting  a  trail 
through  from  southern  Arizona  to  Wyoming  and  Montana.52 
Already  in  1886,  Carson  and  Company  of  Apache  County 
had  demonstrated  the  practicability  of  such  a  route  by  driv- 
ing 1,800  head  of  steers  to  Montana;  no  difficulty  was 
encountered  at  any  time  in  securing  water  and  grass  for 
feeding  purposes.63 

Although  the  committee  of  three  made  a  favorable  re- 
port, no  large  number  of  cattle  was  ever  sent  northward  on 
the  hoof.  However,  there  were  occasional  rail  shipments.  In 
1893,  for  example,  J.  M.  Holt,  a  Montana  buyer,  purchased 
$60,000  worth  of  cattle  in  the  vicinity  of  Tucson ;  shipment 
of  the  five  thousand  head  was  spread  over  ten  days,  a  train- 
load  of  twenty  cars  leaving  each  day.54  Four  years  later 
Brady  and  Levin  contracted  to  supply  Frank  Benton  of 
Cheyenne,  Wyoming,  with  seven  thousand  range  cattle  from 
the  San  Pedro  Valley.55  Thus  the  desperation  of  cattlemen 
for  markets  in  the  late  1880's  resulted  in  the  acquisition  of 
a  permanent  market  for  large  numbers  of  livestock. 

Two  general  trends  can  be  noted  in  the  cattle  industry 
during  the  late  1880's  as  the  result  of  the  depression.  First 
was  the  tendency  toward  the  consolidation  of  small  holdings 
into  companies;  and  secondly,  the  development  of  artificial 
water.  The  Sierra  Bonita  Land  and  Cattle  Company  was 
formed  by  H.  C.  Hooker,  M.  W.  Stewart,  and  Fred  Chamber- 
lain in  the  Sulphur  Springs  Valley  in  1887.56  Another  similar 
organization  was  the  Tombstone  Land  and  Cattle  Company 
which  began  operations  in  the  same  year.  According  to  the 
articles  of  incorporation,  the  company  was  formed  to  pur- 
chase and  sell  land  for  cattle  ranges  and  water  rights,  as 
well  as  to  raise  and  market  cattle.  A  third  of  the  $100,000 

52.  Tombstone  Prospector,  April  5,  1887. 

63.  Ibid.,  May  19,  1887. 

64.  Oasis,  June  8,  1893. 
66.  Ibid.,  January  9,  1897. 

66.     Tombstone  Prospector,  April  6,  1887. 


capitalization  was  subscribed  by  John  Volz,  Peter  Volz, 
Joseph  Pascholy,  Ernst  Stom,  F.  A.  Abbott  and  Adam  Bing 
on  May  18  when  the  articles  were  signed.  Many  of  the 
smaller  stock  growers  in  the  foothills  of  the  Dos  Cabezas 
and  Chiricahua  Mountains  took  shares  in  the  Washington 
Cattle  Company  of  West  Virginia.57  The  Arivaca  Land  and 
Cattle  Company  was  also  an  example  of  the  consolidations. 

With  all  natural  water  supplies  claimed,  cattlemen  were 
compelled  to  develop  artificial  sources.  By  1888  the  Chirica- 
hua Cattle  Company  had  a  number  of  wells  from  which  all 
the  water  needed  was  obtained.  The  steam  pump  on  their 
west  well  drew  fifteen  thousand  gallons  an  hour;  the  north 
well,  125  feet  deep,  had  a  twenty-foot  windmill ;  other  wind- 
mills twenty,  sixteen,  and  fourteen  feet  in  height  were  being 
erected  on  other  parts  of  the  range.58  As  early  as  1880, 
ranches  in  the  Sulphur  Springs  Valley  had  become  destitute 
of  water  and  various  measures  were  instituted  to  meet  the 
needs  of  cattle;  wells  were  dug,  natural  tanks  scraped  out, 
and  piping  constructed  from  foothill  springs.59  Much  private 
capital  was  expended  throughout  the  territory  to  bring  the 
water  into  close  proximity  to  grasses,  and  yet  as  late  as  1893 
the  territorial  governor  reported  a  great  mortality  among 
the  weaker  classes  of  cattle  because  of  the  great  distances 
between  food  and  water.60 

A  new  phase  of  the  industry  was  enhanced  in  the  1880's, 
namely,  the  fattening  of  cattle  within  the  state.  Although 
the  Salt  River  Valley  north  of  the  Gila  had  been  utilized  for 
the  purpose  as  early  as  1877,  it  was  not  until  cottonseed 
products  were  available  that  feeding  was  conducted  on  a 
large  scale.  Some  advances  were  made  in  the  late  1880's. 

Since  there  was  no  home  market  and  freight  rates  were 
prohibitively  high  about  1887,  alfalfa  hay  rotted  in  the 

57.  Ibid.,  March  24,  1888.  Large  cattle  companies  which  were  in  existence  during 
the  early  part  of  the  decade  were  the  San  Simon  Cattle  Company ;  Tevis,  Perrin,  Land 
and   Company    (Cochise  and   Pima  Counties)  ;   Whitbeck   Cattle   Company    (Cochise)  ; 
Santa  Rita  Cattle  Company    (Pima)  ;  Calabasas  Land  and  Mining  Company    (Pima)  ; 
Whetstone  and  San  Pedro  Land  and  Cattle  Company    (Cochise)  ;  and  the  Chiricahua 
Cattle  Company   (Cochise  and  Graham). 

58.  Ibid.,  December  28,  1888. 

59.  Gordon,  op.  tit.,  p.  97. 

60.  Report  of  the  Governor,  1893,  p.  20. 


fields.  The  recently-completed  branch  line  of  the  Southern 
Pacific  from  Maricopa  to  Phoenix  had  brought  in  a  few 
cattle,  but  the  winter  was  exceptionally  wet  and  the  steers 
improved  very  little.  A  year  later,  however,  a  number  of 
the  more  enterprising  ranchers  sent  larger  numbers,  be- 
lieving that  the  alfalfa  country  could  be  adapted  to  the 
fattening  of  cattle. 

Colonel  H.  C.  Hooker  drove  twelve  thousand  young  steers 
to  the  Hatch  Ranch  in  the  fall  of  1888  to  prepare  them  for 
the  San  Francisco  market;  he  purchased  approximately  a 
thousand  tons  of  hay  to  feed  the  animals  should  occasion 
arise.  The  expense  incurred  in  driving  the  herd  from 
Graham  County  was  relatively  low — $395  for  barley,  hay, 
and  twelve  days'  labor.  Thus  it  is  seen  that  the  more  remote 
sections  of  the  country  were  accessible  to  the  rich  valleys.61 

In  December  of  that  same  year,  Colin  Cameron  drove 
an  equal  number  of  cattle  to  the  Maricopa  County  fields  to 
be  fattened.12  A  few  days  later  Walter  L.  Vail  sent  seventeen 
cars  of  cattle  to  pasture  on  lands  of  the  Stinton,  Pritt,  Lewis, 
and  adjoining  ranches  near  Tempe.63  Records  of  cattle  ship- 
ments from  the  central  Arizona  valleys  indicate  a  rapid  in- 
crease in  numbers  being  fed  there. 

One  of  the  most  encouraging  features  of  the  livestock 
industry  in  the  early  days  was  the  co-operation  of  those 
engaged  in  beef  production.  On  August  17,  1878,  the  Terri- 
torial Stock  Raisers'  Association  under  the  leadership  of 
J.  J.  Gosper  was  organized  so  that  mutual  aid  and  informa- 
tion on  strayed  stock  could  be  rendered  to  all  concerned, 
ideas  exchanged,  and  a  compilation  of  brand  descriptions 

Another  noteworthy  feature  was  the  introduction  of 
blooded  animals  and  the  grading  of  cattle.  The  first  cattle 
brought  in  were  of  inferior  stock  and  could  perhaps  be 
categorized  into  three  distinct  types,  exclusive  of  the  mid- 
nineteenth  century  "wild  cattle."65  The  so-called  "Texans" 

61.  Arizona  Weekly  Enterprise,  November  17,  1888. 

62.  Tombstone  Prospector,  December  26.  1888. 

63.  Ibid.,  December  28,  1888. 

64.  Weekly  Arizona  Miner,  August  23,  1878. 

65.  Williams,  op.  cit.,  p.  87. 


of  Spanish  origin  were  of  mixed  colors,  though  patches  of 
white  were  quite  common ;  their  horns  were  thin  and  twisted 
backward ;  they  were  tall,  gaunt  and  long-legged  with  large 
hoofs  and  a  thick,  coarse  head ;  little  use  of  them  for  breed- 
ing purposes  could  be  made,  since  crossing  with  better  ani- 
mals resulted  in  wild  and  not  very  prolific  hybrids. 

The  strictly  Mexican  animals  were  smaller  than  the 
"Texans,"  more  bony,  and  also  not  very  easily  improved  by 
purebreds;  the  predominant  color  was  black  and  white, 
though  brindles  as  well  as  buckskin  and  calico  colors  were 
not  uncommon.  The  best  cattle  available  were  the  "Chino" 
or  "Curly-haired  Texans"  which  were  fleshier  and  better 
formed,  with  a  smooth  conformation  and  horns  of  medium 
size;  as  breeding  animals  they  were  excellent;  the  Chino's 
color  resembled  the  brownish  hue  of  the  buffalo,  though  the 
undercoat  had  a  bluish  tinge  after  the  spring  shedding  of 
the  long,  curly  hair. 

Even  with  their  desirable  range  qualities,  these  hardy 
Mexican  cattle  were  inferior  to  the  standards  set  by  indus- 
trious cattlemen.  The  range  system  of  grazing,  where  all 
the  stock  of  all  owners  grazed  in  common  on  the  public 
domain,  prevented  early  and  rapid  herd  improvement  since 
no  cattleman  wanted  to  buy  bulls  to  improve  his  own  and 
his  neighbor's  herds.  But  there  were  scattered  and  steady 
importations  of  better  breeds.  In  1873  J.  W.  Roberts  of  Fort 
Worth,  Texas,  brought  seven  Durhams  to  Arizona  from 
Lincoln  County,  New  Mexico,  along  with  two  thousand  other 

Mention  has  been  made  of  Hooker's  imported  herds  of 
purebred  stock.  It  is  contended  by  some  that  he  brought  the 
first  improved  herd  into  Arizona.  Regardless  of  the  truth 
of  the  matter,  however,  it  is  certain  that  the  Sierra  Bonita 
proprietor  was  very  much  interested  in  better  breeds  of  all 
kinds.  In  1874  and  1876,  high-graded  bulls  of  the  shorthorn 
and  Devon  breeds  were  brought  to  the  ranch  from  New 
Mexico,  coming  originally  from  Illinois.67  For  the  most  part, 

66.  Arizona  Citizen,  October  4,  1873. 

67.  Gordon,  op.  cit.,  p.  97. 


Hooker  considered  a  good  half-breed  animal  most  profitable, 
since  losses  in  the  acclimatization  of  purebreds  were  heavy. 

In  August,  1875,  the  Saxe  Brothers  sold  two  Kentucky 
shorthorn  heifers  to  G.  D.  Roberts  for  $1,800,  one  heifer 
to  F.  P.  F.  Temple  of  Los  Angeles  for  $650,  and  one  bull 
to  M.  P.  Manning  for  $700.  Mr.  Mart  Maloney  also  pur- 
chased a  blooded  shorthorn  bull  from  them.68  Another 
example  of  the  introduction  of  purebreds  is  the  acquisition 
by  Marsh  and  Driscoll  of  fourteen  head  of  Devon  cows  aver- 
aging $62.50  per  head  in  November,  1878.69 

The  owners  of  improved  stock  mentioned  here  represent 
but  a  fractional  part  of  all  the  Arizona  ranchers  who 
realized  the  advantages  of  better  breeds.  Stockmen  were 
learning  that  it  cost  no  more  to  feed  and  market  a  good 
twelve  hundred  pound  steer  than  to  condition  a  "scrub" 
which  would  not  weigh  half  as  much.  The  greatest  and  most 
noticeable  improvement,  of  course,  came  in  the  1880's  with 
the  introduction  of  Heref ords.  The  "white  faces"  were  found 
to  be  most  suitable  for  the  arid  climate.  They  are  essentially 
grass-fattening  animals  which  proved  to  have  all  the  vigor 
and  endurance  of  native  cattle.  They  sold  as  well  in  the  beef 
market  and  better  as  feeders  than  did  the  other  breeds.70 

Among  the  early  Hereford  breeders  were  Colin  Cameron 
of  the  San  Rafael  Ranch  and  H.  C.  Hooker.  In  the  early 
1880's  Cameron  imported  some  of  the  purebreds  to  his  ranch 
east  of  Nogales71  In  November,  1887,  the  Sierra  Bonita 
rancher  unloaded  two  carloads  consisting  of  forty-three 
bulls,  all  entered  in  the  American  Hereford  Record ;  the  ship- 
ment was  from  the  T.  C.  Miller  Company  of  Beecher,  Illinois, 
the  oldest  Hereford  breeders  in  the  United  States.72  About 
the  same  time,  the  Thoroughbred  Cattle  Company  was  im- 
porting well-bred  animals  to  Benson  and  other  southern 
Arizona  localities.73  Some  of  their  customers  were  the  Rich 

68.  Arizona  Citizen,  August  28  and  September  11,  1875. 

69.  Arizona  Star,  November  14,  1878. 

70.  Report  of  the  Governor,  1893,  pp.  23-24. 

71.  Matt  Culley,  "Good  Range  Cattle,"  Arizona  Cattle-log,  I,  No.  10   (June,  1946), 
pp.  3-6. 

72.  Tombstone  Epitaph,  November  6,  1887. 

73.  Tombstone  Prospector,  April  9,  1887  and  February  19,  1888. 


Brothers  and  the  Stein's  Peak  Cattle  Company  of  the  San 
Simon  Valley,  Proctor  Brothers  of  the  Munson  Cienega,  and 
S.  E.  Heaton  of  Teviston.  By  the  1890's  such  breeders  as 
Cameron  had  graded  animals  for  sale.  In  December,  1897, 
the  San  Rafael  owner  sold  his  cull  calves  for  $100  each.  Ekey 
and  Beckwith,  upper  Santa  Cruz  ranchmen,  were  able  to 
purchase  seven  registered  Hereford  bulls  from  him.74 

Another  method  of  breed  improvement,  namely,  spaying, 
was  occasionally  used.  In  1887  the  Erie  Cattle  Company,  to 
give  one  example,  hired  J.  S.  Shipman  of  Cottonwood  Falls, 
Kansas,  to  spay  a  thousand  off -colored  and  Mexican  heifers. 
The  cows  then  fattened  quickly,  and  the  herds  were  effec- 
tually culled.75 

The  quality  of  cattle  continued  to  improve  until  by  1889 
the  territorial  governor  was  able  to  report  that  few  herds 
could  be  found,  except  along  the  international  border,  that 
did  not  show  a  high  degree  of  improvement.  Arizona  cattle 
continued  to  improve  rapidly  after  1890,  with  the  exception 
of  a  brief  period  during  the  second  Cleveland  administration 
when  Mexican  cattle  were  admitted  duty  free.76  These  cattle, 
however,  produced  an  inferior  carcass  which  brought  at 
least  a  cent  a  pound  less  than  most  Arizona  beeves.77 

The  narrative  of  the  early  ranching  in  southern  Arizona 
would  be  incomplete  without  mention  of  the  Indian  depreda- 
tions which  continued,  until  1886,  to  be  an  important  retard- 
ing factor  in  the  expansion  of  the  cattle  industry.  Sup- 
posedly the  subjugation  of  the  Apaches  and  the  death  of 
Cochise  in  1874  culminated  in  amicable  relations  for  all  time, 
and  control  over  the  Indian  reservations  was  accordingly 
transferred  from  the  War  to  the  Interior  Department.  The 
expected  peace  apparently  prevailed  throughout  the  terri- 
tory until  June,  1876,  at  which  time  the  Apaches  of  the 
Chiricahua  Reservation  were  transferred  to  the  White 
Mountain  Reservation.78  Many  rebelled  and  left  the  reserva- 
tion to  raid  the  settlements. 

74.  Oasis,  December  11,  1897  and  January  1,  1898. 

75.  Tombstone  Epitaph,  December  24,  1887. 

76.  Williams,  op.  cit.,  p.  38. 

77.  Report  of  the  Governor,  1893,  p.  38. 

78.  Arizona  Citizen,  September  25,  1875. 


Among  many  complaints  from  cattlemen  because  of  the 
outrages  was  one  from  Sam  Hughes  who  reported  in  Sep- 
tember that  the  Sonoita,  Santa  Cruz,  and  San  Rafael  dis- 
tricts were  losing  large  numbers  of  cattle.  The  Apaches 
would  kill  a  beef  when  in  need,  he  said,  and  leave  the  balance 
to  spoil.79  During  1877  the  roving  bands  increased  in  size, 
and  conducted  raids  under  the  leadership  of  Victorio  and 
Geronimo  until  the  former  was  finally  killed  in  1880.  A  short 
period  of  inactivity  ensued,  but  in  April,  1882,  a  group  of 
one  hundred  warriors  and  four  hundred  other  Indians  de- 
parted from  the  San  Carlos  reservation  for  the  Sierra 
Madre  Mountains  in  Mexico,  from  which  they  conducted 
forays  into  southeastern  Arizona  after  March  of  the  fol- 
lowing year.  At  the  time  of  the  outbreak  the  citizens  of  Pima 
County  raised  $11,000  to  put  fifty  men  into  the  field.80  This 
force,  however,  had  no  permanent  effect,  and  the  task  of 
subduing  the  Indians  once  again  fell  upon  the  Federal 

Legal  prosecution  of  the  Indians  was  facilitated  by  a 
Congressional  act  of  March  1,  1885,  which  conferred  juris- 
diction upon  territorial  courts.81  Yet  provision  for  covering 
the  expenses  of  the  courts  was  not  made  until  March  2, 

Federal  troops  were  sent  against  the  natives  in  1885,  and 
soon  forced  Geronimo  to  surrender.  But  even  then,  sixteen 
more  months  of  intensified  depredations  had  to  be  endured ; 
and  not  until  August,  1886,  was  General  Nelson  A.  Miles 
successful  in  bringing  about  Geronimo's  second  surrender 
and  the  removal  of  the  Chiricahua  and  Hot  Springs  Apaches 
to  Florida  by  an  order  of  the  Department  of  Interior  dated 
December  5,  1885.  Pima,  Cochise  and  Graham  Counties  had 
suffered  materially  from  Indian  hostilities  and,  in  spite  of 
the  drouth,  the  assessed  valuations  of  1886  exceeded  those 
of  the  previous  year  as  a  direct  result  of  the  restoration  of 


79.  Ibid.,  September  23,  1876. 

80.  Report  of  the  Governor,  1883,  p.  11. 

81.  23  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  385. 

82.  25  Statutes  at  Large,  p.  1004. 

83.  Report  of  the  Governor,  1886,  p.  3. 


*  Proclamations 


Jan.  5 — Carlos  Bent.  Gobernador  del  Territorio  de  Nuevo  Mejico, 
a  sus  habitantes.  Santa  Fe. 

(a  proclamation  which  attempts  to  allay  suspicions  toward 
the  government  recently  established  in  N.  M.  by  U.  S.  forces) 

Feb.  22 — Donaciano  Vigil,  Governador  Interino  del  Territorio  de 
Nuevo  Mejico,  a  los  Habitantes  del  Mismo. 
(a  proclamation  authorizing  the  capture  of  the  effects  of 
hostile   Navajos  and  regulating  the  distribution  of  such 
booty  as  may  be  seized  by  citizen  forces) 

Apr.  23 — Proclamation.  Given  under  my  hand  at  the  Government 
House,  in  the  city  of  Santa  Fe,  this  23rd  day  of  April,  A.D. 
1850.  John  Munroe.  Military  &  Civil  Governor  Territory 
N.  M. 

A  proclamation  authorizing  the  election  of  delegates  to  a 
constitutional  convention. 

May  28 — Proclamacion.  Por  cuanto  que  el  Pueblo  de  Nuevo-Mejico 
por  sus  Delegados  en  Combencion  reunida  hi-cieron  una 
Constitucion  de  Estado  por  Territorio  de  Nuevo  Mejico  .  .  . 
Dado  Bajo  de  me  (m  inverted)  firma  en  la  casa  de  Govierno, 
Ciudad  de  Santa  Fe  el  dia  28,  de  Mayo  A.D.  1850.  John  Mun- 
roe, Governador  Civil  &  Militar  del  Territorio  de  N.  M. 

May  28 — Proclamation.  Given  under  my  hand  at  the  Government 
House,  City  Santa  Fe,  this  28th  day  of  May  A.D.,  1850.  John 
Munroe,  Civil  and  Military  Governor  Territory  of  N.  M. 
An  election  is  proclaimed,  to  take  place  on  June  1850,  when 
N.  M.  may  register  its  approval  or  disapproval  of  the  pro- 
posed constitution. 

Proclamation.  (Munroe)  Broadside  12  9/16  x  8  5/16  in. 

Mar.  12 — Proclamation.  Given  under  my  hand  at  the  Government 
House,  City  Santa  Fe,  this  12th  day  of  March,  A.D.,  1851. 
James  S.  Calhoun  By  the  Governor,  H.  N.  Smith,  Secretary 
of  the  Territory. 

*  Only  the  first  proclamation  for  each  of  several  different  legal  holidays  has  been 
listed ;  for  instance,  the  first  proclamation  for  Arbor  day  is  listed  and  not  the  subse- 
quent ones. 



(Santa  Fe,  1851)  Broadside  13%  x  6%  in.  in  two  columns 


Text  in  Spanish  and  English  separated  by  upright  rule.  A 

census  is  authorized. 

Mar.  18 — Proclamation.  James  S.  Calhoun,  Governor  of  the  Terri- 
tory of  New  Mexico,  To  the  People  of  Said  Territory.  Given 
under  my  hand  at  the  city  of  Santa  Fe,  this  18th  day  of 
March  A.D.  1851  James  S.  Calhoun,  Governor. 
Text  in  English  and  Spanish  in  parallel  columns  separated 
by  upright  rule. 

For  protection  against  hostile  Indians,  military  organiza- 
tions are  recommended. 

Mar.  19 — Proclamation  of  Governor  Calhoun  to  Pueblo  Indians, 
authorizing  them  to  attack  any  tribe  of  Navajos  that  may 
approach  their  towns.  (E&S) 

Apr.  23 — Election  proclamation  of  Governor  Calhoun,  instructions 
on  same,  etc.  (E&S) 

Aug.  2 — James  S.  Calhoun  proclaims  and  ordained  terms  of  courts. 

Aug.  8 — Proclamation  of  Governor  Calhoun  for  election  of  a  dele- 
gate to  congress  of  U.  S.  (E&S) 

Aug.  9 — Proclamation  of  James  S.  Calhoun  for  election  of  two 
members  of  the  House  of  Representatives  to  fill  vacancies 
occasioned  by  resignation  of  Ortiz  and  John  R.  Fullis. 

Oct.  6 — Proclamation  of  James  S.  Calhoun  for  election  to  fill  va- 
cancy in  office  of  Representative  of  Rio  Arriba  Co.  by  resig- 
nation of  J.  A.  Mansanares  and  C.  Skinner  in  Valencia 
County.  (E&S) 

Oct.  24 — (James  S.  Calhoun) 
Organizing  militia. 

Oct.  28 — (James  S.  Calhoun) 

Election  in  Rio  Arriba  co.  to  fill  vacancy  occasioned  by  resig- 
nation of  Ramon  Vigil  and  Antonio  Manzanares. 

June  29 — Proclamation  ordering  elections  for  one  sheriff  and  three 
justices  of  peace  for  towns  of  Dona  Ana,  Las  Cruces,  and 
Fillmore  to  take  place  July  25,  1852  issued  by  (E.  V.  Sum- 
ner  Brvt.  Col.  U.S.A.  in  charge  of  executive  office). 

July  19— (E.  V.  Sumner) 

Proclamation  saying  all  offensive  hostilities  will  cease  on 
the  part  of  the  whites  against  Apache  Indians  issued  by 
E.  V.  Sumner  Brvt.  Col.  U.S.A.  in  charge  of  executive  office. 

Sept.  21 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Meriwether,  declaring  Jose  Man- 
uel Gallegos  elected  as  delegate  to  Congress. 



Jan.  27 — Election  in  Dona  Ana  to  elect  one  probate  judge  for 
county  issued  by  David  Meriwether. 

Apr.  10 — Proclamation.  Executive  Office,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M.  April 
10,  1854.  Whereas  the  tribe  of  Indians,  known  as  the  Jica- 
rilla  Apaches,  have  made  war  upon,  and  commenced  hostili- 
ties against,  the  government  of  the  United  States;  .  .  . 
William  S.  Messervy,  Acting  Governor  and  Super,  of  Indian 

English  and  Spanish  text  separated  by  upright  rule.  Inter- 
course with  hostile  Indians  is  forbidden. 

Dec.  4 — Vacancy  in  Legislative  council  caused  by  death  of  Thomas 
Ortiz  election  on  Dec.  16  to  fill  vacancy  issued  by  D.  Meri- 

Jan.  24 — Proclamacion.  For  autoridad  a  me  conferida  por  la  ley 
.  .  .  Dada  bajo  mi  firma  y  el  sello  del  Territorio,  en  la  ciu- 
dad  de  Santa  Fe,  hoy  dia  24  de  Enero,  A.D.  1855.  D.  Meri- 
wether. Por  el  Governador,  W.  W.  H.  Davis,  Secretario  del 
Territorio  De  Nuevo  Mejico.  (Santa  Fe,  1855). 
A  proclamation  calling  for  four  companies  of  mounted  vol- 
unteers of  from  50  to  100  men,  each  to  serve  for  six  months 
in  a  campaign  against  hostile  Indians.  After  the  appoint- 
ment of  W.  W.  H.  Davis  as  secretary  of  the  Territory,  his 
name  ceases  to  appear  as  an  active  partner  in  the  publish- 
ing of  the  Santa  Fe  Gazette. 

Nov.  8— (W.  W.  H.  Davis) 

Election  in  Bernalillo  co.  to  elect  probate  judge  to  fill  un- 
expired  term  of  Julian  Perea. 

Feb.  11— (W.  W.  H.  Davis) 

Order  an  election  in  said  co.  and  vote  on  Mar.  31  for  ap- 
proval of  common  school  law  by  Taos,  Rio  Arriba,  Santa 
Ana  and  Socorro  by  vote  of  said  counties. 

Oct.  9— (W.  W.  H.  Davis) 

election  to  fill  vacancy  by  death  of  Francisco  Martinez  y 
Romero  of  Rio  Arriba. 

Oct.  10— (W.  W.  H.  Davis) 

election  to  fill  vacancy  caused  by  resignation  of  Jose  Manuel 

Dec.  8 — (Abraham  Rencher) 

election  in  Taos  caused  by  resignation  of  Vincente  Romero. 

Proclamacion.  Sepan  todos  que  esta  proclama  vieren  que  yo 
por  virtud  de  la  autoridad  que  me  es  con  ferida  por  la  ley, 
ordeno  que  sera  tenida  una  eleccion  en  los  varies  precintos 


del  condado  de  Santa  Fe  .  .  .  Dado  bajo  mi  mano  y  sello 
del  Condado  en  la  prefectura  de  Santa  Fe.  Nuevo  Mexico, 
hoy  dia  22  de  Agosto  de  1859.  Antonio  Matias  Ortiz,  Juez 
de  Pruebas. 

(Abraham  Rencher) 

Election  caused  by  resignation  of  Andre  Anaya  of  Berna- 
lillo  co. 

Proclamacion.  Del  presidente  de  la  Convencion  general,  al 

pueblo  de  Nuevo  Mejico.  Caros  conciudadanos.  Jose  L.  Perea, 

presidente  de  la  convencion  genrl.  Santa  Fe,  Agosto  28, 1860. 

Printed  in  double  column. 

Volunteers  are  requested  for  a  campaign  against  the  Nava- 


Feb.  18 — (Abraham  Rencher) 

Mar.  31 — (Abraham  Rencher) 

Election  in  Dona  Ana  caused  by  resignation  of  Anastacio 

Aug.  5 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Rencher,  calling  upon  all  citizens 
to  organize  themselves  into  military  companies  for  defense. 

Sept.  9 — Proclamation  by  the  Governor.  Done  at  Santa  Fe  this  9th 
day  of  September  in  the  year  eighteen  hundred  and  sixty 
one.  By  the  Governor,  Henry  Connelly.  M.  A.  Otero,  Secre- 
tary of  N.  M. 

A  proclamation  calling  out  the  militia  against  invaders  from 
the  Confederate  State  of  Texas. 

Aug.  15 — Proclama  al  pueblo  de  Nuebo  Mejico.  Enrique  Connelly. 

Sept.  4 — Enrique  Connelly.  Proclama  al  pueblo  de  Nuevo  Mejico. 

Sept.  14 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Connelly,  on  reorganization  of 

militia  with  view  to  campaign  against  Navajos. 

Mar.  26 — Proclamation  of  W.  F.  M.  Arny,  on  counties  of  Arizona 
and  Dona  Ana. 

Aug.  20 — Proclamacion.  Al  pueblo  del  Nuevo  Mejico.  A  proclama- 
tion issued  in  anticipation  of  the  admission  of  N.  M.  to  the 

Sept.  21 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Connelly,  calling  for  volunteers 
for  regiment. 

Oct.  28 — Election  to  fill  vacancy  occasioned  by  resignation  of  Jesus 
Maria  Baca  of  Santa  Ana. 

Nov.  27 — Henry  Connelly,  Governor  and  Commander-in-chief  of 
the  militia  ordered  an  immediate  organization  of  the  militia 
for  the  purpose  of  repelling  invasion  from  abroad  and  for 


purpose  of  punishment  and  subjugating  the  savage  enemies 
within  our  limits. 

Mar.  23 — Proclamation  of  Gov.  Connelly,  setting  aside  Apr.  7  as 

day  of  Thanksgiving  for  close  of  Indian  war,  etc. 

Feb.  2 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Connelly,  calling  election  of  dele- 
gates to  convention  to  form  state  constitution. 

Feb.  2 — Proclamation  asking  probate  judges  call  an  election  in 
each  precinct  on  5th  of  March,  1866  for  delegates  to  a  con- 
vention to  frame  a  constitution. 

Nov.  2 — Proclamation  by  Acting  Governor  W.  F.  M.  Arny  on  In- 
dian dangers  and  military  matters.  (E&S) 

Nov.  20 — Proclamation  by  W.  F.  M.  Arny  authorizing  the  loan  of 

public  arms.  Acting  governor. 

Apr.  14 — Proclamation  of  Gov.  Mitchell,  stating  that  peonage  is 

Sept.  12 — Proclamation  of  Gov.  Mitchell  requesting  all  persons  re- 
frain from  illegal  trading  with  Indians. 

June  10 — Proclamation  of  Acting  Governor  Heath  requesting  all 

civil  officers  aid  in  destroying  peonage. 

Aug.  2 — Proclamation.  Whereas  R.  B.  Mitchell,  Governor  of  the 
Territory  of  New  Mexico,  did  on  the  2nd  day  of  August 
eighteen  hundred  and  sixty  nine  issue  his  proclamation  de- 
claring the  Navajo  tribe  of  Indians  outlaws  .  .  .  (Santa  Fe, 

Sept.  8 — Dated  and  signed  at  end:  8th  day  of  September  A.D. 
1869.  Wm.  A.  Pile,  Governor. 

Governor  Mitchell's  proclamation  (no.  213)  is  modified.  Only 
marauding  bands  of  Navajos  are  declared  hostile,  and  peace- 
able Indians  upon  their  reservations  are  declared  to  be  en- 
titled to  all  possible  protection. 

Nov.  18 — Thanksgiving  day  proclamation  by  H.  H.  Heath  dated 


Jan.  10 — Asking  arrest  of  persons  engaged  in  riot  at  New  Placer 

Mines.  Wm.  A.  Pile,  governor. 

Apr.  19 — Proclamation  requesting  miners  to  return  all  arms  and 
other  property  belonging  to  Maxwell  Land  Grant  and  Rail- 
way Company.  Wm.  A.  Pile,  governor. 

Oct.  23 — Proclamation  by  H.  Wetter,  offering  a  reward  of  $1,500 
for  capture  of  three  desperadoes. 



Apr.  2 — Proclamation  calling  for  general  election  first  Monday  in 
June,  1872  for  the  purpose  of  determining  whether  the 
people  in  the  territory  are  in  favor  of  the  constitution. 

Feb.  28 — Proclamation  by  Governor  Giddings,  apportioning  coun- 
cil and  House  of  representatives. 

Jan.  7 — Proclamation  by  Governor  Giddings,  offering  a  reward  of 
$500  for  apprehension  of  Zachariah  Crempton,  E.  Scott  and 
three  Harold  brothers. 

Aug.  11 — Proclamation  of  W.  G.  Ritch  on  the  death  of  Donaciano 
Vigil,  governor  of  New  Mexico  from  Jan.  17,  1847  to  Oct. 
11,  1848. 
Biographical  account  in  The  New  Mexican  Aug.  28,  1877. 

Aug.  16 — Writ  of  election  by  W.  G.  Ritch  to  fill  vacancy  caused  by 
decease  of  Paul  Dowlin. 

Sept.  28 — Proclamation  by  W.  C.  Ritch  offering  $500  reward  for 
apprehension  of  murderers  of  Benito  Cruz  and  Martinet. 

Nov.  15 — Proclamation  of  amnesty  for  Lincoln  county  disorders. 


Mar.  15 — Proclamation  offering  reward  for  Hyman  G.  Neills  for 

grand  larceny. 

Jan.  24 — Proclamation  offering  $500  reward  for  arrest  of  mur- 
derer of  Albart  Brocksmit. 

July  11 — Proclamation  of  thanksgiving  on  the  occasion  of  the  at- 
tempted assassination  of  President  Garfield  and  praise  for 
the  President's  deliverance.  (Ritch) 

Sept.  26 — James  A.  Garfield  memorial  day  (L.  A.  Sheldon)  dated 


Feb.  23 — Reward  for  murderer  of  Bersate  Lujan  (Sheldon). 

Feb.  25 — Reward  of  $500  for  the  murderer  of  Prudencio  Griego. 

Mar.  23 — Reapportionment  of  the  territory  into  council  and  repre- 
sentative districts  (Sheldon). 

Mar.    24 — Proclamation    appointing    Perfecto   Armijo    territorial 

agent  to  convey  prisoners  to  the  penitentiary  dated  3/24. 

Mar.  3 — Reward  of  $500  for  murderer  of  Tom  Bar. 

Mar.  8 — Reward  for  capture  of  Chester  W.  Consius,  murderer. 

Apr.  2 — Reward  of  $500  for  Salvador  Garcia  for  murder. 

Apr.  17 — Reward  of  $500  for  the  murderers  of  Dan  Swany. 



Aug.  7 — Proclamation  enforcing  the  law  to  prevent  diseased  cattle 

being  introduced  in  New  Mexico. 

Oct.  20 — Proclamation  revoking  proclamation  of  Aug.  7. 

Mar.  2 — Proclamation  establishing  quarantine  (Sheldon) 

Apr.  28 — Proclamation  establishing  quarantine  (Sheldon) 

May  4 — Compilation  of  general  laws  (Sheldon) 

May  30 — Memorial  Day  (L.  A.  Sheldon)  dated  5/11. 

July  23— Death  of  Gen.  U.  S.  Grant  (E.  G.  Ross)  dated  7/23. 

Aug.  21 — Declaring  the  penitentiary  open  and  ready  for  reception 

of  convicts  (E.  G.  Ross) 

May  21 — Cattle  quarantine  proclaimed  (E.  G.  Ross) 
Aug.  12 — Cattle  quarantine  proclaimed  (E.  G.  Ross) 
Aug.  16 — Cattle  quarantine  proclaimed  (E.  G.  Ross) 
Oct.  27 — Proclamation  modifying  cattle  quarantine  proclamation 

(E.  G.  Ross) 

Mar.  16 — Quarantine  proclamation  G.  W.  Lane,  Sec.   acting  as 

June  15 — Modification  of  Cattle  quarantine  proclamation  (E.  G. 


Apr.   30 — Centennial  anniversary  proclamation  by  Gov.   Prince 

dated  4/20/89. 
June   24 — Proclamation   calling  for  a   constitutional   convention 

Sept.  3, 1889  (L.  B.  Prince  dated  6/24) 

Aug.  6 — Election  for  choice  of  delegates  to  constitutional  conven- 
tions (L.  B.  Prince)  dated  8/3/89. 

Aug.  26 — Proclamation  that  the  proposed  constitution  will  be  sub- 
mitted to  the  qualified  electors  for  adoption  or  rejection  on 

Oct.  7,  1890  and  the  manner  of  elections   (Prince)   dated 


Jan.  8 — Quarantine  proclamation. 

Mar.  1,  Apr.  1 — Arbor  day  dated  2/12. 

Aug.  1 — Outrages  in  San  Miguel  county  by  companies  of  masked 

men  dated  8/1. 
Oct.  7 — Proclamation  announcing  a  special  election  Oct.  7,  1890  on 

the  proposed  constitution. 

Oct.  21 — 400  anniversary  of  the  discovery  of  America  proclaimed 

as  Columbus  day.  dated  8/15. 
Nov.  9 — Proclamation  rescinding  previous  proclamation  relative 

to  Pleuro  pneumonia  and  quarantine  heretofore  established. 

dated  11/9. 



Aug.  24 — Urging  participation  in  mass  meeting  Sept.  20,  1893  at 
Albuquerque  for  urging  early  action  on  admission  of  terri- 
tory as  a  state,  dated  8/24. 

Sept.  1 — Declaring  Sept.  16, 1893  as  New  Mexico  day  at  the  Colum- 
bian exposition,  dated  9/1. 

Feb.  18 — Quarantine  of  cattle,  dated  4/18. 

Apr.   18-Nov.   15 — Special   order   modifying  quarantine   line  for 

states  of  Texas  and  Oklahoma,  dated  4/18. 

Jan.  25 — Quarantine  proclamation,  dated  1/25. 

Jan.  29 — Proclamation  declaring  Raton  as  entitled  to  be  incorpo- 
rated as  a  city,  dated  1/29. 

Feb.  13 — Modified  quarantine  proclamation. 

Feb.  23 — Raised  quarantine  on  Arizona. 

Apr.  22 — Compilation,  publication  and  distribution  of  laws  of  New 
Mexico,  dated  4/22. 

May  24 — Modifying  quarantine  against  cattle  from  California, 
dated  5/24. 

Oct.  19 — General  LaFayette  day.  dated  10/4. 

June  24 — Public  holiday  as  anniversary  of  1st  engagement  on  land 
of  U.  S.  troops  with  those  of  Spain  in  which  New  Mexicans 
were  members  of  1st  U.  S.  volunteer  cavalry  known  as  the 
Rough  Riders,  dated  6/7. 

Dec.  14 — Centennial  anniversary  of  death  of  George  Washington. 

Sept.  3 — Labor  day.  dated  8/30. 

Oct.  30 — Cattle  quarantine,  dated  10/30. 

June  14 — Flag  day.  dated  5/22. 

Sept.  14 — Proclamation  calling  for  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer 
for  President  Wm.  McKinley.  dated  9/14. 

Nov.  1,  1901-Mar.  5,  1902— Quarantine  of  cattle,  dated  10/30. 

Jan.  29 — McKinley  day.  dated  1/11. 

Sept.  6 — Asking  for  assistance  for  flood  sufferers  along  Mimbres 
river  in  Grant  county  on  Aug.  29. 

Nov.  1,  1902-Mar.  5,  1903.  dated  10/23. 

Jan.  13 — Special  election  in  Union  co.  dated  12/8/1902. 

Mar.  5-Nov.  1 — Cattle  quarantine,  dated  3/11. 

Sept.  25 — Town  of  Roswell  entitled  to  become  a  city,  dated  9/25. 


Oct.  13 — Irrigation  convention,  dated  9/28. 

Nov.  1,  1903  until  rescinded — Cattle  quarantine,  dated  10/28. 

Oct.  17 — New  Mexico  day  at  World's  Fair  at  St.  Louis,  Mo.  dated 

Nov.  18 — New  Mexico  day  at  World's  Fair  at  St.  Louis,  Mo.  dated 
10/18.  (It  was  necessary  to  postpone  date  originally  se- 

Dec.  24 — Special  election  in  Valencia  and  Torrence  counties,  dated 


Sept.  26-27 — Good  roads  convention,  dated  6/29. 

Feb.  6 — Proclamation  declaring  the  solution  known  as  arsenate  of 
lead  be  exempt  from  restrictions  of  Sec.  no.  1260  of  Com- 
piled laws  of  1897.  dated  2/6. 

July  14 — Enabling  act.  dated  8/14. 

Sept.  4 — Appointment  of  representation  among  counties  in  the 
Council  and  House,  dated  9/4. 

Sept.  18 — Proclamation  calling  a  meeting  of  sheep  and  wool  grow- 
ers of  New  Mexico  for  the  purpose  of  forming  a  Sheep  and 
Wool  Growers  association,  dated  6/19. 

Oct.   6 — Proclamation  ordering  an  election  for  the  purpose   of 

electing  members  of  the  legislative  assembly,  dated  10/6. 

Feb.  18 — Good  Roads  proclamation,  dated  2/13. 

Oct.  9 — Coronado  commemorative  convention,  dated  8/28. 

June  25 — Death  of  Grover  Cleveland,  dated  6/24. 

Aug.  5 — Tucumcari  made  a  city. 

Oct.  5 — Good  Roads  convention,  dated  9/11. 

Mar.  2 — Clovis  becomes  a  city,  dated  3/2. 

May  15 — Mother's  day.  dated  5/2. 

Sept.  6 — Ordering  election  in  order  to  choose  delegates  to  a  con- 
stitutional convention,  dated  6/29. 

Jan.  21 — Ordering  an  election  to  be  held  in  order  to  ratify  or  re- 
ject proposed  constitution,  dated  12/21/10. 

Oct.  9 — Fire  prevention  day.  dated  9/21. 

Nov.  7 — State  Election  day.  dated  8/30. 

Dec.  30 — Results  of  election  to  amendment  to  constitution,  dated 



Jan.  17 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  McDonald  convening  the  First  state 
legislature  of  New  Mexico  on  March  11,  1912.  dated  1/17. 

Feb.  17— Child  labor  day.  2p.  dated  2/2. 

Oct.  26 — Proclamation  in  connection  with  elections,  dated  10/26. 

Nov.  5 — Election  of  presidential  electors  and  one  representative 
in  Congress  for  1912.  2p.  dated  9/16. 

Dec.  14 — On  adoption  of  highway  bond,  dated  12/14. 

Dec.  14 — On  adoption  of  Suffrage  amendment  to  the  Constitution 

of  New  Mexico,  dated  12/14. 

Dec.  4 — Cattle  quarantine,  dated  12/3. 

Feb.  9 — Special  election  in  Sierra  co.  dated  1/22. 

Feb.  11 — Rescinding  quarantine  issued  Jan.  13.  dated  2/11. 

Mar.  12 — Quarantine  proclamation,  dated  3/12. 

Apr.  15 — Amending  and  modifying  quarantine  proclamation,  dated 

June  1 — Amending  and  modifying  further  quarantine.  2p.  dated 


Mar.  31,  Apr.  14 — Arbor  and  bird  days,  dated  3/10. 

Oct.  24 — Requesting  prevention  of  corrupt  practices  at  elections. 

dated  10/24. 

Feb.  19 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Lindsey  announcing  death  of  E.  C. 
DeBaca,  a  candidate  for  governor  of  N.  M.  dated  2/19. 

Apr.  23 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Lindsey  declaring  need  for  agri- 
cultural aid  to  enhance  war  effort.  3p.  dated  4/23. 

May  1 — Call  for  3rd  state  legislature  for  enacting  legislation 
caused  by  the  emergencies  of  war.  dated  4/26. 

May  3 — Appointment  of  County  school  superintendents  of  the  dif- 
ferent counties  as  organizers  of  the  "United  States  boys 
working  reserve." 

May  30 — Decoration  and  Memorial  day.  dated  5/17. 

Aug.  16 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Lindsey  asking  parents  and  guar- 
dians of  the  youth  of  the  state  to  persuade  children  to  con- 
tinue their  education,  dated  8/16. 

Oct.  13 — Food  conservation  pledge  card  day. 

Oct.  24— Liberty  day.  dated  10/17. 

Nov.  4 — International  Go-to-Sunday-school  day. 

Nov.  11— Y.M.C.A.  War  Work  Sunday,  dated  11/9. 

Dec.  17 — Request  for  increase  of  membership  in  American  Red 

Cross,  dated  12/15. 

Feb.  7 — Insurance  day.  dated  2/6. 

Feb.  8-14 — Boy  Scout  week,  dated  2/9. 


Apr.  6 — Public  holiday,  dated  3-28. 

Apr.  26 — Liberty  day  for  purpose  of  lending  to  the  success  of  the 

3rd  Liberty  Loan,  dated  4/23. 
May  20-27 — Red  Cross  week,  dated  5-21. 
May  24 — Italy  day.  dated  5/21. 
June  3-8 — Coal  order  week,  dated  5/29. 
June  28 — War  savings  day.  dated  6/4. 
July  10 — Proclamation  asking  the  people  to  subscribe  and  pay  the 

Salvation  Army  the  amount  requested  for  war  work,  dated 

Nov.  5 — An  appeal  to  sheriffs  and  peace  officers  to  enforce  voting 

laws,  dated  11/4. 

Nov.  9 — Gas  mask  day.  dated  11/7. 
Nov.  24 — Peace  day.  dated  11/13. 
Dec.  27 — Proclamation  by  Acting  Gov.  Antonio  Lucero  asking  the 

people  to  go  to  New  Museum  building  on  Dec.  27  to  meet 

the  official  mission  of  scholars  from  the  French  government. 

dated  12/24. 
Dec.   24 — Proclamation  by   Acting  Gov.   Antonio   Lucero   asking 

every  American  to  enroll  in  the  American  Red  Cross  during 

the  Christmas  roll  call.  2p.  dated  12/24. 

Jan.  4 — Request  for  N.  M.  quota  for  Armenian  and  Syrian  relief. 

dated  1/4. 
Jan.  8 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Larrazolo  in  respect  to  the  memory 

of  Ex-president  Roosevelt,  dated  1/8. 
Jan.  26 — Polish  day.  dated  1/22. 
Feb.  9 — Roosevelt  memorial  day.  dated  2/1. 
Apr.  16 — Proclamation  by  Acting  Gov.  B.  F.  Pankey  calling  upon 

the  people  of  the  state  to  enlist  in  the  Victory  liberty  loan 

drive,  dated  4/16. 
June   16-23 — Proclamation   by   Gov.   Larrazolo   calling   upon   the 

people  of  the  state  to  aid  the  Salvation  Army,  dated  6/4. 
June  29- Jl.  6 — Thrift  message  week,  dated  6/18. 
Aug.   12 — Proclamation  by  Acting  Gov.   Pankey  relative  to  the 

Junior  Red  Cross,  dated  8/12.  |JorJ*nf 

Sept.  17— Constitution  day.  dated  9/16. 
Sept.  11-13 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Larrazolo  dedicating  Sept.  11- 

13  to  commemorate  the  achievements  of  our  fathers.  2p. 

dated  9/6. 
Oct.  16-18 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Larrazolo  inviting  veterans  to 

participate  in  American  Legion  ceremonies,  dated  10/7. 
Oct.  18 — Ceremonies  in  honor  of  King  and  Queen  of  Belgium,  dated 


Oct.  24 — Americanization  day.  dated  10/24. 

Oct.  24 — Proclamation  relating  to  the  coal  strikers.  4p.  dated  10/24. 
Nov.  2 — Proclamation  regarding  the  restlessness  in  Colfax  and 


McKinley  counties  on  account  of  coal  strikers.  2p.  dated 


Nov.  11 — Armistice  day.  dated  11/1. 
Dec.  9 — Proclamation  calling  for  special  election  to  fill  vacancy  in 

legislature.  2p.  dated  12/9. 
Dec.  15 — Proclamation  removing  martial  law  from  Colfax  county. 

dated  12/15. 
Dec.    30 — Proclamation   removing   martial    law    from    McKinley 

county.  2p.  dated  12/30. 

Feb.  16 — Calling  for  a  special  session  of  the  legislature.  4p.  dated 

Feb.  17 — Requesting  young  men  to  fill  vacancies  in  the  navy,  dated 


Feb.  20 — Washington's  birthday,  dated  2/20. 
May  1 — American  day.  dated  4/10. 
May  17-22 — American  legion  week,  dated  5/15. 
June  12 — Neighbor's  day.  dated  6/7. 
June  13 — Community  Sunday,  dated  6/7. 
Nov.  14 — Red  Cross  Sunday,  dated  10/28. 
Dec.  12-18 — New  Mexico  health  week,  dated  12/4. 

May  22-28 — Forest  protection  week,  dated  5/5. 

Aug.  19 — Proclamation  urging  the  public  to  assist  the  Veterans 

Bureau  in  establishing  a  personal  contact  with  all  ex-service 

men  in  the  state,  dated  8/19. 

Mar.  20 — American  Legion  employment  day.  dated  3/11. 

Apr.  27 — General  Grant's  centenary,  dated  4/4. 

Oct.  2-9 — Fire  prevention  week,  dated  9/13. 

Nov.  11-29 — 6th  Annual  roll  call  of  American  Red  Cross,  dated 


Dec.  3-9 — Education  week  in  New  Mexico,  dated  11/25. 

Oct.  27— Navy  day.  dated  10/20. 
Nov.  18-24 — American  education  week,  dated  11/13. 
Dec.  9-16 — Harding  memorial  week,  dated  12/1. 

Apr.  21-29 — Forest  protection  week,  dated  4/11. 
Nov.  17-24 — American  education  week,  dated  11/10. 

Apr.  16-May  2 — Boys'  week,  dated  4/16. 

Apr.  27-May  3 — American  Forest  week,  dated  4/15. 

May  1— Child  health  day.  dated  4/15. 

June  1-6 — American  legion  endowment  week,  dated  1/6. 

Nov.  16-22 — American  education  week,  dated  11/12. 



May  2-8 — Music  week,  dated  4/30. 

Nov.  11-Nov.  25 — 10th  annual  Red  Cross  Roll  call,  dated  10/25. 


Last  week  of  Feb. — Anti-narcotic  education  week,  dated  2/11/27. 

Apr.  24-30 — American  forest  week,  dated  4/16. 

May  1-7 — Music  week,  dated  4/9. 

May  1— Child  health  day.  dated  4/20. 

May  1-7 — Boys'  week,  dated  4/29. 

May  12 — National  hospital  day.  dated  5/9. 

Oct.  9-15 — Fire  prevention  week,  dated  10/3. 

Nov.  11-Nov.  24 — Annual  roll  membership  in  the  American  Red 

Cross,  dated  11/1. 
Nov.  7-13 — American  education  week,  dated  11/4. 


Apr.  22-28 — American  forest  week,  dated  3/27. 

Apr.  28-May  5 — Boys'  week,  dated  4/9. 

May  1 — Army  day.  dated  4/18. 

May  1— Child  health  day.  dated  4/18. 

May  1-7 — Music  week.  2p.  dated  5/4. 

Oct.  7-14 — Fire  prevention  week.  2p.  dated  9/25. 

Nov.  11 — Twelfth  annual  roll  call  of  the  American  Red  Cross. 

dated  10/23. 
Nov.  12-18 — Highway  safety  week.  2p.  dated  11/3. 


Apr.  1 — Child  health  day.  dated  4/8. 

May  5-11 — Music  week,  dated  4/30. 

Aug.  17 — Flood  sufferers  in  Socorro  county,  dated  8/17. 

Sept.  18 — Proclamation  by  Gov.  Dillon  regarding  markers  for  aid 

of  airports  in  cities,  towns,  and  villages.  2p.  dated  9/18. 
Oct.  6-12 — Fire  prevention  week,  dated  9/24. 
Nov.  11-28 — Annual  roll  call  of  the  American  Red  Cross.  2p.  dated 


May  1— Child  health  day.  dated  4/12. 

May  4-10 — Music  week,  dated  4/29. 

May  12-19 — Clean-up  and  paint  week,  dated  5/5. 

Oct.  5-11 — Fire  prevention  week,  dated  9/24. 

Oct.  19-26 — Business  Confidence  week,  dated  10/9. 

Oct.  27 — Proclamation  of  Gov.  Dillon  honoring  the  memory  of 

Theodore  Roosevelt,  dated  10/6. 
Nov.  11-27 — Annual  roll  call  of  the  American  Red  Cross,  dated 


May  1— Child  health  day.  4/10. 
May  3-9 — Music  week.  4/23. 


Oct.  4-10 — Fire  prevention  week.  9/19. 

Jan.  17-23— Thrift  week.  1/18. 

Mar.  5 — Calling  for  united  action  for  unemployment.  3/5. 

Mar.  6-12 — National  business  women's  week.  3/2. 

Apr.  8 — Bird  day  in  New  Mexico.  3/16. 

May  1— Child  health  day.  4/15. 

May  1-7 — National  Music  week.  4/16. 

August — State  highway  safety  month.  2p.  dated  20  July  '32. 

Oct.  9-15 — Fire  prevention  week.  9/17. 

Nov.  7-13 — American  education  week.  10/19. 

Nov.  11-24 — Annual  roll  call,  American  Red  Cross. 


Mar.  3-7 — Bank  holiday.  3/2. 

Mar.  4-7 — Bank  holiday.  3/3.  (supersedes  and  rescinds  proclama- 
tion issued  3/2.) 

Mar.  5-11 — National  business  women's  week.  2/23. 

Apr.  30— President's  day.  4/24. 

May  1— Child  health  day.  4/8. 

May  3 — Proclamation  by  Arthur  Seligman  declaring  quarantine 
against  Colorado.  2p. 

May  12 — Hospital  day.  5/4. 

Aug.  30 — Declaring  martial  law  in  McKinley  co.  9/30. 

Sept.  28 — Announcing  death  of  Gov.  Seligman.  Signed  by  A.  W. 
Hockenhull.  9/27. 

Oct.  8-14 — Fire  prevention  week.  9/19. 

Oct.  9-Dec.  31 — "Now  is  the  time  to  buy"  campaign.  10/9. 

Oct.  11-13 — Appointment  of  delegates  to  U.  S.  Good  Roads  asso- 
ciation. 10/3. 

Oct.  16-20 — Appointment  of  delegates  to  National  Tax  Association. 

Oct.  16-21 — Appointment  of  delegates  to  American  library  asso- 
ciation. 9/20. 

Oct.  30 — Stock  of  banks  issuance  of  nonassessable  preferred  stock. 

Nov.  2 — Stock  of  banks  issuance  of  nonassessable  preferred  stock. 

Nov.  2 — Proclamation  of  Gov.  Seligman  calling  convention  for 
ratifying  or  rejecting  twenty-first  amendment  to  Constitu- 
tion of  U.  S.  7p. 

Dec.  18-23 — State  holiday  jubilee.  12/8. 


Feb.  15 — Repayment  of  interest  by  fiscal  agent. 

Mar.  8 — Waiving  law  to  extent  that  2500  may  be  deposited  without 

security.  3/8. 
Mar.  11-17 — National  business  women's  week.  2/14. 


Apr.  9 — Call  for  special  session.  4p. 

May  1— Child  health  day.  4/26. 

May  1-June  30 — Payment  of  interest  on  deposits  of  public  moneys. 

May  1-June  30 — Reducing  interest  rate  on  daily  balances  on  de- 
posits from  l1/^  to  1%  from  May  1-June  30.  5/22. 

May  1,  '33- Jan.  31,  '34 — Reducing  rate  of  interest  on  daily  balances 
of  public  deposits.  2/15. 

Aug.  14 — N.  M.  day  Century  of  Progress.  8/4. 

Sept. — Street  and  highway  safety  month.  8/30. 

Oct.  6 — Loyalty  day.  10/1. 

Oct.  7 — Loyalty  Sunday.  10/1. 

Oct.  7-13 — Fire  prevention  week.  9/19. 

Oct.  21-27— Better  housing  week.  9/26. 

Nov.  5-11 — American  education  week  and  Parent  teacher  week. 

Nov.  11-29 — Annual  roll  call  of  American  Red  Cross.  10/29. 

Nov.  21 — Special  election  in  Eddy  and  Lea  counties  to  elect  State 
senator  in  place  of  Hon.  J.  H.  Jackson.  2p.  11/21. 

Dec.  18 — State  holiday  jubilee. 


Mar.  17-23 — Business  women's  week.  2/21. 

Apr.  30 — Quarantine  of  cattle.  2p.  4/30. 

May  5-11 — National  music  week.  4/30. 

June  15 — National  Better  housing  day.  6/5. 

June  10-15 — Western  states  railway  week.  6/1. 

Sept. — Go  to  the  theatres  month.  8/28. 

Oct.  6-12 — Fire  prevention  week.  9/26. 

Oct.  20-26 — Parent  teacher  week.  9/26. 

Oct.  28— Navy  day.  10/22. 

Nov.  3-9 — National  art  week.  9-28. 

Nov.  11-17 — American  education  week.  10/28. 


Feb.  7-13 — Boy  Scout  week.  2/7. 

Feb.  23-29 — Save  your  vision  week.  2/11. 

Mar.  15-21 — National  business  women's  week.  3/2. 

Apr.  1. — A.L.A.  conference. 

Apr.  10 — Good  Friday.  4/4. 

Apr.  20-7 — Highway  safety  week.  3/16. 

May  12 — Hospital  day.  4/27. 

July  13-18 — Railway  week.  6/19. 

Oct.  4-10 — Fire  prevention  week.  9/16. 

Nov.  3 — Martial  law  for  San  Miguel  co.  11/3. 

Nov.  9-15 — American  education  week.  10/10. 

Dec.  14 — Call  for  special  session  of  the  12th  legislature.  12/5. 



Feb.  7-13— Boy  Scout  week.  2/2. 

Mar.  14-20 — National  business  women's  week.  3/8. 

Mar.  21-28 — Fight  cancer  week.  3/10. 

Mar.  26— Good  Friday.  3/20. 

Apr.  16— Safety  day.  3/31. 

Eunice  proclaimed  a  city.  3p.  4/23. 
May  2-8 — National  music  week.  4/15. 
May  12 — Hospital  day.  5/6. 
May  24-30 — Air  mail  week.  4/27. 
June  8 — Hobbs  designated  as  a  city.  3p. 
June  20 — Fathers'  day.  6/5. 
Oct.  3-9 — Fire  prevention  week.  9/22. 
Oct.  30 — Parent  teacher  week.  10/14. 
Nov.  7-13 — American  education  week.  10/14. 
Nov.  12 — 1937  unemployment  census. 
Week  of  Nov.  15 — N.  M.  products  week.  10/19. 


Jan.  29 — Proclamation  designating  Jan.  29,  the  president's  birth- 
day, as  a  holiday.  1/27. 

Mar.  20 — National  wild  life  week.  3/7. 

Mar.  23 — Eat  more  meat  period.  3/5. 

April  1-30 — Cancer  control  month.  3/14. 

Apr.  15 — Good  Friday.  4/9. 

May  1— Child  health  day.  4/27. 

May  12 — Hospital  day. 

May  15-21 — Air  mail  week.  4/22. 

June  19 — Fathers'  day.  6/3. 

Aug.  14-21 — Social  security  week.  8/12. 

Aug.  22 — Call  for  special  session.  8/11. 

Sept.  5-10 — Veterans  employment  week.  9/3. 

Oct.  9-15 — Fire  prevention  week.  9/22. 

Nov.  8 — Call  for  special  election  for  state  senator  of  Quay  county. 


1939 — Fiesta  year  of  the  West,  dated  2/6. 

Feb.  1 — Third  Social  hygiene  day.  dated  1/28. 

Feb.  2-8 — Eat  more  beans  week,  dated  1/31. 

Feb.  11 — Edison  day. 

Feb.  12-22 — National  Americanism  week  and  I  am  an  American 
"Panegyric."  dated  2/7. 

Mar.  19 — National  wild  life  week,  dated  2/27. 

Apr.  1-30 — Cancer  control  month,  dated  3/31. 

Apr.  7 — Good  Friday,  dated  3/31. 

Apr.  16-22 — Parent  teacher  week,  dated  4/1. 

Apr.  17-23 — Kindness  to  animals  week,  dated  4-10. 


Apr.  24 — Grasshopper  control  program,  J.  M.  Murry,  ST.,  acting 

gov.  dated  4/24. 

Apr.  30 — Employment  day.  dated  4/11. 
May  1— Child  health  day.  dated  4/26. 
May  7-15 — National  music  week,  dated  4/26. 
May  12 — Hospital  day.  dated  5/8. 
May  18 — World  good  will  day,  J.  M.  Murry,  Sr.,  acting  gov.  dated 


May  22-27 — National  cotton  week,  dated  5/16. 
June  1 — New  citizen  day.  5/11. 
June  8-14 — Flag  week,  dated  5/25. 
June  21 — Fire  prevention,  dated  6/21. 
June  22 — Summer  safety,  dated  6/22. 
Sept.  11-24 — Air  progress,  dated  8/31. 
Sept.  17 — Constitution  Sunday,  dated  8/23. 
Sept.  25 — Printing  industry  week,  dated  9/9. 
Oct.  8-14 — Fire  prevention  week,  dated  10/3. 
Oct.  8-14 — Week  for  the  rediscovery  of  America,  dated  10/3. 
Nov.  5-11 — Veterans  patriotic  week,  dated  10/30. 
(To  be  continued) 

Notes  and  Documents 

*  In  preparing  the  maps  and  writing  Records  and  Maps  of  the  Old 
Santa  Fe  Trail,  one  of  the  difficult  parts  of  the  Old  Trail  together 
with  its  alternate  routes,  necessitating  much  careful  study  and  re- 
search, was  the  Raton  Pass  stretch,  which  extended  from  present 
Trinidad,  Colorado,  to  Raton,  New  Mexico. 

This  was  referred  to  in  the  old  journals  and  diaries  as  "extremely 
arduous  and  severe,"  "here  the  difficulties  commence  .  .  .  just  pass- 
able for  a  wagon,"  "almost  impassable  for  wheeled  vehicles  to  get 
over  the  narrow  rock-ribbed  barrier,"  "Originally  there  was  only  a 
mountain  trail,  considerable  labor  and  expense  were  required  to  fit 
it  for  the  passage  of  heavy  wagons.  Kearny  drew  wagons  up  and  let 
them  down  by  ropes." 

To  many  it  would  seem  unimportant  to  determine  exactly  where 
the  old  pass  was,  any  place  within  a  mile  or  so  would  do.  However, 
the  exact  re-location  for  historical  purposes  was  important  because 
the  shifting  of  position  even  slightly  made  a  great  difference  as  to 
the  consideration  of  study  of  old  records.  It  was  absolutely  essential 
from  the  standpoint  of  historical  accuracy  that  the  true  location  be 

Many  of  the  old  maps  were  on  too  small  a  scale  or  not  sufficiently 
accurate  to  determine  the  lines  within  a  half-mile  or  so,  and  existing 
historical  markers  were  not  properly  placed. 

Knowing  that  the  Old  Trail  followed  Raton  Creek  on  the  north 
side  and  Old  Willow  Creek  on  the  south  side,  the  uncertain  and  ques- 
tionable part  was  the  passage  over  the  top  or  "saddle,"  being  a  width 
of  about  three  miles  east  and  west.  Located  within  this  distance  during 
the  space  of  time  from  1821  to  the  present  day  were  the  Old  Santa 
Fe  Trail  (1821),  the  Wootton  Road  (1866),  the  Santa  Fe  Railroad 
switch-back  (1879),  and  later  the  Railroad  tunnels,  Old  Federal  High- 
way 85  and  87,  and  the  new  or  present  highway  85  and  87. 

There  were  numerous  "scars"  over  the  ridge  or  pass  consisting 
of  logging  roads,  roads  for  the  tunnel  construction,  railroad  water 
diversion  ditches,  the  old  railroad  switch-back  used  during  tunnel  con- 
struction, old  and  new  roads  from  the  top  to  the  tunnel  portals,  and 
finally  among  the  "scars"  were  the  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  and  the 
Wootton  Road.  The  problem  was  to  pick  out  the  two  latter  roads  and 
to  determine  whether  or  not  they  occupied  the  same  right  of  way. 

The  records  of  Colorado  and  New  Mexico  were  searched  to  see 
whether  there  was  a  reference  in  Wootton's  franchise  as  to  a  definite 
description,  but  there  was  none.  Deeds  and  leases  were  then  examined 

*  Kcnyon  Riddle,  Records  and  Maps  of  the  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail.  Raton,  New 
Mexico,  1949.  The  author  of  the  above  notes  allows  the  reader  an  inside  glimpse  into 
his  procedure  in  locating:  the  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail 



but  no  data  were  found.  There  had  been  a  serious  controversy  in 
the  early  sixties  as  to  the  east  and  west  boundary  line  of  Colorado 
and  New  Mexico,  and  in  1868  the  federal  court  ordered  a  survey  to  be 
made,  known  as  the  Darling  State  Line  Survey.  An  examination  of 
the  original  field  notes  gave  a  "tie"  to  an  astronomical  station  set  by 
Kearny's  engineers  in  1846  as  well  as  a  tie  to  the  Santa  Fe  Trail.  By 
setting  a  transit  on  the  same  points  and  by  chaining  the  distances  the 
trail  was  accurately  located  and  the  old  ruts  were  clearly  shown. 

To  further  substantiate  the  location,  a  map  was  obtained  from 
the  Santa  Fe  Railway  Co.  made  in  1876  which  referenced  their  line 
to  the  same  monuments  as  used  in  the  Darling  survey  and  which 
showed  the  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail  in  its  correct  location,  and  as  a  final 
check  aerial  surveys  were  used  and  from  the  field  work  on  the  re- 
survey  the  maps  were  completed. 

The  original  trail  was  located  as  the  railroad  is  now,  but  within 
a  few  years  of  its  beginning  the  wheeled  traffic  abandoned  the  south 
slope  and  followed  a  valley  one-fourth  mile  west,  which  valley  joined 
the  original  trail  as  present  Lynn,  near  the  south  portal  of  the  rail- 
road tunnels. 

The  ruts  of  the  Old  Trail  and  Wootton's  Stage  Road  are  conspicu- 
ous from  the  highway  at  a  roadside  parking  area  2  miles  south  of 
the  top  of  the  pass  on  highway  85  and  87,  and  by  looking  up  the  valley, 
now  occupied  by  the  railroad,  one  can  see  the  arroyos  resulting  from 
the  trail  ruts.  In  trail  days  this  was  a  grassy  vale,  but  arroyos  de- 
veloped because  of  the  ruts  worn  by  travel,  erosion  by  wind  and  water, 
and  over-grazing. 

From  the  same  roadside  parking  area  one  can  view  the  streams 
and  washes  to  the  west  which  intercepted  the  old  trail  and  road, 
causing  much  inconvenience  to  the  early  traveler,  until  Wootton 
built  bridges  over  them,  as  noted  in  Inman's  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail: 
"Wootton's  work  included  great  hillsides  to  be  cut,  immense  ledges 
of  rock  to  blast,  bridges  by  the  dozen,  clearing  and  grubbing."  These 
bridges  are  still  in  evidence. 

The  D.  A.  R.  monument  on  the  top  of  the  pass  at  the  side  of 
Highway  85  and  87  is  one-fourth  of  a  mile  east  of  the  Old  Trail  Pass, 
and  the  large  monument  north  of  and  near  the  state  line  is  nearly  one- 
half  mile  east  of  the  Old  Trail.  Since  this  portion  of  the  Old  Trail  is 
not  accessible  to  a  public  road  the  markers,  in  order  to  be  available 
to  highway  travel,  can  only  be  in  the  vicinity  of  the  actual  location, 
but  there  should  be  an  appropriate  directional  sign  at  each  marker. 
At  the  D.  A.  R.  marker  there  should  be  a  sign  reading,  "one-quarter  of 
a  mile  west  of  here  is  the  location  of  Raton  Pass  of  the  Old  Santa  Fe 
Trail  and  the  Old  Wootton  Road,"  and  at  the  Colorado  State  monu- 
ment near  the  Colorado-New  Mexico  state  line  a  sign  should  read, 
"In  the  valley  one-half  mile  west  of  here  is  the  location  of  the  Old 
Santa  Fe  Trail  and  the  Old  Wootton  Road." 


To  stop  at  these  monuments  and  look  to  the  west  one  can  see  the 
correct  location  and  visualize  how  the  heavily  loaded  wagons,  military 
equipment  and  stage  coaches  came  up  the  valley  and  struggled  over 
the  top. 

With  accurate  maps  and  properly  placed  markers  one  can  find 
the  actual  locations  of  points  of  interest  and  view  in  detail  the 
grounds  along  the  Old  Santa  Fe  Trail.  This  is  particularly  true  in  the 
unbroken  lands  where  the  ruts  were  worn  by  the  heavy  wheels  of  the 
freight  and  settler's  wagons,  military  equipment  and  great  herds  of 
domestic  animals.  Persons,  both  old  and  young,  are  inspired  with 
patriotism  and  pride  and  their  interests  are  multiplied  when  given  the 
opportunity  to  see  and  study  all  that  was  done  to  develop  the  vast 
west,  all  within  the  past  one  hundred  years. 


Collection  of  Tithes 

Instructions  Which  Should  Serve  as  a  Guide  to  the  Collectors 
of  Tithes  in  This  Province 

It  is  most  difficult  for  thoughtful  men  to  believe  that  they  should 
find  faithful  Christians  who  have  forgotten  the  obligations  that  this 
most  distinguished  state  imposes  upon  them,  who  should  be  capable  of 
neglecting  to  render  to  God,  among  other  attributes,  that  of  the  tithes, 
exact  and  complete  as  the  Divine  Majesty  desires,  knowing  positively 
and  clearly  that  this  pension  is  designed  to  support  the  divine  cult 
with  the  decency  which  it  deserves,  and  equally,  that  with  it  is 
maintained  the  Holy  Church,  and  that  we  are  all  obligated  for  this 
contribution  by  natural  divine,  and  human  law;  but  if  there  should  be, 
disgracefully,  such  men,  in  order  that  they  may  arrive  at  a  more  clear 
and  distinct  understanding  of  their  obligations,  and  become  persuaded 
through  their  own  rationality,  they  shall  be  informed  of  the  following 
Chapters,  applicable  to  this  intent  [consernientes  al  efecto]. 

The  legislator  and  scholar  Solarzano  in  his  Politica  Indiana,  Book 
2  Chapter  22,  says  the  following:  All  the  men  of  the  world,  including 

1.  Translated  by  Dr.  Lynn  I.  Perrigo,  Head  of  the  Department  of  History  and 
Social  Sciences  at  New  Mexico  Highlands  University,  in  consultation  with  Dr.  Luis 
E.  Aviles,  Head  of  the  Department  of  Modern  Foreign  Languages,  also  at  Highlands 
University.  In  addition,  this  translation  has  been  compared  with  one  prepared  by  Ed- 
ward Torres,  and  in  the  case  of  the  one  document  on  Collection  of  Tithes  comparison 
has  been  made  with  an  additional  translation  prepared  by  Fred  G.  Martinez  as  part 
of  his  graduate  work  at  Highlands  University. 

[See  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,  Vol.  26,  No.  2,  for  a  discussion  of  these 
documents.  The  second  part  of  the  first  series  will  appear  in  a  later  issue. 

The  above  documents  represent  the  first  part  of  the  second  series  of  the  Torres 
papers. — Editor] 


the  sovereigns,  without  exception,  are  obligated  by  natural,  divine,  and 
pontifical  law  to  pay  to  God  tithes  of  as  much  as  their  land  produces 
for  them,  including  likewise  the  Indians  and  others  faithful  [sectaries] , 
if  they  cultivate  land  which  belongs  to  Christians,  and  a  law  of  the 
District  [partidos]  says  the  same,  adding  even  more,  that  Christians 
have  a  greater  obligation  because  they  enjoy  the  benefits  of  the  true 
law2  and  for  this  reason  are  closer  to  God  than  are  the  other  people; 
which  Holy,  Christian,  and  well-founded  opinion  is  supported  and  sus- 
tained by  the  Saints,  St.  John  Chrysostom,  St.  Thomas,  St.  Augustine, 
St.  Jerome,  the  Apostle  St.  Paul,  and  others,  and  likewise  by  the  La- 
teran,  Mexican  Trent,  Liman,  and  other  councils,  and  finally  by  many 
scholars,  theologians  and  jurists,  among  them  being  Suarez,  Belar- 
mino,  Cobarrubias,  Renan,  Copin,  Simion  Mayolo,  Simacho,  Rebrifo, 
and  Juan  Andres. 

Informed  of  all  of  the  aforesaid,  and  for  other  reasons  which  our 
Venerable  Catholic  Monarch  and  the  Supreme  Pontiff  may  have,  the 
latter  resolved  to  tax  and  to  indicate  what  should  be  paid  and  from 
what  sources  [cosas]  to  our  Lord,  God,  ordering  the  publication  of  the 
intent  of  his  Pastoral  Letters,  even  those  pertaining  to  the  punishment 
upon  whoever  might  incur  fraud,  and  the  former  ordered  printed  in 
Book  I,  title  16,  folio  83  of  the  Royal  Compilation  of  the  Laws  of  the 
Indies,3  among  other  things,  the  following:  All  men  who  are  not  ex- 
empt by  special  privilege  from  paying  tithes  should  pay  them  in  the 
ensuing  manner,  from  each  ten  measures,  one,  and  from  whatever  does 
not  admit  measurement  from  each  ten  whole  parts  [enteros],  one,  and 
if  it  does  not  amount  to  a  whole  part,  from  ten  parts  of  it  they  should 
pay  one,  and  in  order  that  the  payment  may  be  of  great  purity,  those 
who  pay  the  tithe  may  not,  first,  deduct  the  cost  of  the  seed,  rent,  or 
any  other  expense,  nor  pay  any  debt  even  though  it  be  owed  to  the 
Royal  Treasury,  and  also  that  from  the  same  Treasury  should  be  made 
payment  in  the  aforesaid  form,  putting  first  above  all  things,  God, 
our  Lord,  Creator  of  all:  Likewise  this  law  indicates  with  complete 
clarity  what  quantities  and  kinds  should  be  paid,  and  with  arrange- 
ment as  to  how  it  should  be  collected. 

For  the  surety  of  all  the  aforesaid,  if  any  person  should  resist 
paying  the  tithe  in  the  form  indicated,  then  without  loss  of  time  he 
shall  be  accused  before  the  Royal  Justice  of  original  jurisdiction,4  or 
military,  according  to  which  it  belongs,  in  order  that,  as  instructed,  he 
may  be  urged  to  make  payment,  in  a  just  manner,  requesting  likewise 
that  the  delay  may  not  exceed  six  days,  that  the  costs  and  damages 
which  shall  arise  may  be  charged  to  the  accused,  and  for  the  sake  of 
justice,  that  a  suitable  punishment  may  be  inflicted  upon  him,  so  that 

2.  This  may  be  luz  instead  of  ley. 

3.  Thirty-one  laws,  of  which  this  document  is  a  local  interpretation,  appear  in 
Recopilacion  de  loa  Leyea  de  loa  Reynoa  de  las  Indies  (Madrid:  Paredes,  1681)   I,  83-8. 

4.  Justicia  Real  ordinaria. 


he  may  be  warned  and  serve  as  a  warning  to  those  who  desire  to  behave 
in  a  similar  manner. 

They  shall  exercise  continuous  and  particular  care  to  know  always 
on  what  lands  the  small  flocks  are  grazing,  which  come  under  their 
collectorship,  in  order  that  the  collecting  of  wool  will  be  immediate,  at 
whatever  time  it  is  sheared,  be  it  all  or  part  of  a  large  [flock]  or  all 
or  part  of  a  small  [flock] ,  then  such  wool  at  whatever  time  it  is  cut,  is 
a  product  which  is  subject  to  payment. 

An  account  shall  be  kept  of  such  flocks,  with  indication  of  the 
owners,  and  if  it  is  feasible,  a  list  shall  be  prepared  of  the  number  of 
their  heads,  as  much  to  collect  the  wool  with  certainty  as  to  know,  a 
little  more  or  less,  the  number  of  heads  which  must  be  collected,  and 
in  order  that,  with  such  an  account,  in  case  a  flock  shall  pass  to  another 
collectorship,  he  could  transmit  the  corresponding  list,  in  order  that 
he  may  collect  it  at  that  place  and  with  a  corresponding  receipt,  with 
which  alone  he  shall  remain  satisfied  that  this  has  been  paid,  and  like- 
wise he  shall  serve  notice  of  whatever  animal  may  be  removed. 

Among  those  who  plant  crops,  it  is  customary  to  have  much  for 
verification,  and  as  the  harvest  is  transferred  to  another,  it  is  necessary 
that  those  who  plant  the  fields  give  the  levy,  to  be  designated  for  col- 
lection where  the  same  is  raised,  reporting  to  the  collector  where  this 
appertains  .  .  .  .5 

He  shall  exercise  care  that  the  flocks  of  sheep  which  move  outside 
of  the  province,  if  the  appropriate  tithe  has  not  been  rendered  pre- 
viously, it  shall  be  paid  before  leaving,  and  if  among  it  are  some 
females,  they  shall  not  be  permitted  to  leave,  being  of  value  in  the  cor- 
responding manner,  and  he  could  only  give  consent  if  there  is  a  definite 
permit  from  the  government,  showing  the  number  for  my  information. 

Moreover,  he  must  have  knowledge  of  all  production  and  grain 
fields,  in  order  that  with  some  certainty  this  can  contribute  to  his 
making  an  exception  of  not  a  thing  among  those  which  are  accounted 
for,  therefore  so  that  this  order  may  have  some  force  I  confirm  that 
it  is  not  customary  [to  make  any  exception]  and  it  is  necessary  that 
this  be  remembered  [immemorable]. 

Immediately  upon  commencing  to  gather  the  tithes,  he  shall  keep 
for  everything  an  exact  list,  with  measurement  of  that  which  admits 
it,  then  from  it  he  must  prepare  two  results,  the  first  to  know  what  he 
has  summed  up,  and  the  other  officially  to  render  sworn  account  to 
the  Steward  Judges.6 

He  shall  collect  the  tithe  with  such  efficacy  that  he  will  exact  it 
down  to  the  smallest  part  which  can  be  divided  into  ten,  taking  it  from 
all  seeds,  adopting  measures  which  may  be  immediate,  and  at  the  in- 
stant that  they  fence  .  .  .  ,7  that  is  what  may  be  first,  and  with  just 
promptness  those  persons  whom  they  find  give  cause  for  mistrust, 

6.     The  concluding:  part  of  this  paragraph  is  faded  beyond  legibility. 

6.  Senorea  Jueces  Azcdores. 

7.  One  word  blotted  and  illegible. 


leaving  until  last  that  which  is  certain,  and  if  some  may  have  resisted 
previously  or  should  now  resist,  or  may  knowingly  pay  inadequately, 
then  he  shall  adopt  measures  to  take  from  them,  with  all  of  the  neces- 
sary distrust,  and  if  he  finds  it  necessary,  he  may  do  this  with  the 
intervention  of  the  Magistrate,  inasmuch  as  he  must  resort  to  such 
procedure  against  persons  who  have  betrayed  such  motives,  because 
they  certainly  are  of  most  wicked  conscience. 

He  shall  collect  in  the  same  manner  from  all  products  even  to  that 
which  they  consume  without  awaiting  harvest-time,8  and  from  these 
green  products  in  that  condition  he  shall  collect  what  corresponds  .  .  .9 
in  its  equivalent. 

He  shall  collect  the  tithe  for  all  animals  including  all  burros  and 
pigs,  including  also  the  chickens  and  turkeys,  and  from  all  else  which 
is  customary,  applying  for  this  collection  the  following  evaluations: 
Colt  or  filly,  thirty  reals;  calf  or  heifer,  twenty  reals;  .  .  .10  sheep, 
one  peso;  lamb,  six  reals;  kid  or  goat,  six  reals;  pig,  according  to  size 
depending  upon  whether  it  is  already  weened. 

To  avoid  doubt,  the  following  may  serve  as  the  rule  :n  If  the  person 
who  pays  the  tithe  wishes  to  keep  the  animal,  he  may  pay  the  corre- 
sponding amount,  and  if  not,  then  he  should  receive  what  remains, 
crediting  the  animal  to  whoever  pays  for  it,  following  this  order  from 
one  [fraction]  up  to  nine  but  not  reaching  ten,  which  is  where  it  corre- 
sponds to  one  unit  [entero]. 

Santa  Fe,  January  1, 1820 
Pedro  Armendaris12 

8.  sin  llegar  d  cosechar. 

9.  Two  words  faded  out. 

10.  One  half  of  a  line  here  is  blurred  and  illegible. 

11.  sirva  de  govierno  lo  gue  sigue: 

12.  Alcalde  and  prominent  citizen.  R.  E.  Twitchell,  The  Spanish  Archives  of  New 
Mexico  (Cedar  Rapids:  Torch  Press,  1914)   I,  354,  and  I-II  passim. 

Book  Reviews 

Some  Sex  Beliefs  and  Practices  in  a  Navaho  Community. 
Flora  L.  Bailey.  Cambridge :  Papers  of  the  Peabody  Mu- 
seum of  American  Archaeology  and  Ethnology,  Howard 
University,  Vol.  XL.  No.  2,  1950.  Pp.  108,  $3.00. 

This  monograph,  the  third  in  a  series  planned  to  cover  the 
long-time  study  of  the  Ramah  Navahos,  deals  with  a  specific 
topic  within  the  large  subject  in  the  precise  manner  which 
is  the  major  methodological  aim  of  Clyde  Kluckhohn,  direc- 
tor, and  of  those  who  have  worked  with  him.  The  Ramah 
project,  outlined  in  the  introduction  to  the  present  volume, 
is  unique  in  being  planned  as  a  piece  of  research  covering  a 
long  time  span  and  involving  a  large  number  of  investiga- 
tors— mostly  graduate  students.  The  intention  is  that  the 
number  of  individuals  involved  in  collecting  data  should  ob- 
viate the  possible  biases  of  interest  or  temperament  which 
might  minimize  the  accuracy  of  a  report  by  a  single  ethnolo- 
gist and  that  the  continued  observations,  as  in  a  biological 
study,  should  counteract  temporal  fads  in  anthropological 
theory.  This  technique  may  likewise  lead  to  new  discoveries 
in  culture  dynamics. 

Kluckhohn  had  known  members  of  the  Ramah  group  and 
had  spoken  their  language  for  some  years  before  the  project 
was  begun  in  1940.  Since  that  time  it  has  progressed  under 
his  field  leadership  and  that  of  other  trained  workers.  All 
notes  are  copied,  recorded,  and  cross  referenced  in  the  Pea- 
body  Museum,  so  that  data  picked  up  in  the  field  on  any 
subject  by  any  worker  is  readily  available  to  all,  although 
publication  rights  on  specific  matters  are  recognized  for  the 
collaborating  workers.  Although  the  work,  and  especially 
publication,  were  set  back  by  the  war  period,  we  already  have 
the  life  history  of  Gregorio,  the  Hand-Trembler  and  its  in- 
terpretation by  Alexander  and  Dorothea  Leighton,  psychia- 
trists whose  technique  of  analysis  is  even  more  an  addition 
to  the  field  of  methodological  anthropology  than  their  data 
on  the  single  individual.  Tschopick's  paper  on  Navaho  pot- 
tery likewise  belongs  to  the  Ramah  project,  although  it  was 



published  in  another  of  the  Peabody  series  before  the  present 
Ramah  Project  Reports  were  inaugurated.  Flora  Bailey's 
present  work  on  Navaho  sex  beliefs  and  practices  is  as  spe- 
cialized a  study  as  these  others,  set  against  her  background 
of  a  number  of  seasons  spent  in  the  Navaho  country.  Her 
previous  publications  are  several,  ranging  from  technical 
reports  on  ceremonies  (in  part  done  with  collaboration  of 
Dr.  L.  Wyman)  to  a  children's  book  Between  the  Four  Moun- 
tains, describing  Navaho  daily  life  as  discovered  by  the 
young  son  and  daughter  of  a  fictitious  anthropologist  work- 
ing on  the  reservation. 

Miss  Bailey  did  the  children's  book  so  that  young  people 
might  better  understand  living  American  Indians;  she  has 
done  the  present  esoteric  paper  to  concisely  but  accurately 
picture  Navaho  thought  and  custom  in  relation  to  matters 
of  sex  and  reproduction,  an  intimate  culture-bound  subject 
on  which  ethnologic  data  is  scanty.  Each  chapter  covers  its 
subject  matter  through  general  discussion  and  illustration, 
often  enlivened  by  direct  quotations  from  informants,  fol- 
lowed by  a  summary,  and  concluded  with  a  page  or  two  of 
footnotes  covering  references,  additional  specific  data,  and 
comments.  Her  material  covers  practices,  beliefs,  and  related 
ceremonial  affairs  pertaining  to  puberty,  conception  and  con- 
traception, pregnancy,  birth,  post-natal  care,  care  of  the 
post-parturient  mother,  and  notes  on  unusual  births  and 
aberrant  practices.  Although  work  was  concentrated  on  the 
Ramah  area,  the  author's  considerable  experience  on  other 
parts  of  the  reservation  permitted  the  addition  of  important 
comparative  material. 

The  difficulties  involved  in  collecting  such  data  are  ob- 
vious. Miss  Bailey  explains  that  her  field  technique  involved 
considerable  reliance  on  an  intelligent  interpreter  to  make 
contacts  and  explain  her  scientific  interest,  even  though  she 
herself  understood  quite  a  bit  of  the  spoken  Navaho  lan- 
guage. At  the  advice  of  her  interpreter  she  wore  a  flowing 
Navaho  skirt  of  calico  as  a  conversation  piece  and  an  indi- 
cation of  her  respect  for  the  customs  of  these  people.  Nava- 
hos  are  as  Puritanical  as  whites  in  discussion  of  sex,  and 
many  women  felt  they  must  ask  advice  of  their  husbands 


before  they  could  answer  questions.  But  the  general  feeling 
seemed  to  be  that  as  the  whites  came  to  know  more  about 
these  customs  the  medical  services  offered  might  be  appreci- 
ably improved,  to  the  benefit  of  all. 

Flora  Bailey's  present  publication  may  be  of  limited 
rather  than  wide  interest,  but  as  an  objectively  recorded  and 
carefully  prepared  contribution  in  this  field  it  has  no  parallel, 
either  for  Navaho  studies  or  for  those  covering  any  other 
Southwestern  tribes. 

University  of  New  Mexico 

The  New  Mexican  Alabado.  Juan  B.  Rael.  With  transcription 
of  Music  by  Eleanor  Hague.  Standford  University  Pub- 
lications. University  Series.  Language  and  Literature. 
Vol.  9,  no.  3.  Stanford,  California:  Stanford  University 
Press,  1951.  Pp.  154.  $2.50.  Published  also  by  Oxford 
University  Press. 

This  volume  contains  the  texts  of  89  alabados  (as  the  re- 
ligious folksongs  of  the  Spanish-speaking  folk  of  New  Mex- 
ico are  known)  together  with  a  map  of  the  district  in  which 
the  songs  were  collected,  a  number  of  interesting  photo- 
graphs, an  introductory  discussion  of  the  alabado,  a  tabular 
analysis  of  the  verse  forms  of  the  alabados  included  in  the  col- 
lection and  at  the  end  musical  transcriptions  of  57  of  the  melo- 
dies and  a  very  brief  discussion  of  the  same  by  Miss  Eleanor 
Hague.  In  addition,  there  are  included  metrical  translations 
by  Mrs.  Elsie  Stebbins  of  four  of  the  alabados  and  a  glossary 
of  terms.  The  songs  were  collected  by  the  author  in  the  form 
of  phonographic  recordings  (supplemented  insofar  as  the 
texts  are  concerned  by  twenty-one  notebooks  in  longhand 
furnished  by  the  singers)  during  the  summer  of  1940  in  the 
Rio  Grande  Valley  from  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico,  northward 
to  Alamosa,  Colorado. 

Actually,  the  collection  appears  to  be  limited  largely  to 
the  vocal  music  of  the  sect  known  as  the  Penitentes  to  the 
exclusion  of  other  types  of  religious  music. 

This  study  is  a  valuable  contribution  to  our  knowledge 


of  these  absorbing  songs.  Professor  Rael  has  approached  the 
subject  with  a  scientific  skepticism  which  is  welcome  in  any 
serious  examination  of  a  subject  so  closely  related  to  that 
most  unscientific,  though  utterly  charming,  region  known  as 
folklore,  for  folklore  thrives  on  colorful,  though  inaccurate, 
statements.  His  introduction  and  his  comments  on  the  in- 
dividual songs  are  well  documented  and  seek  truth  rather 
than  color.  There  is  plenty  of  the  latter  in  the  words  and 
melodies  of  the  songs. 

I  had  the  opportunity  to  check  two  of  Miss  Hague's  musi- 
cal transcriptions  against  copies  of  the  original  recordings 
and  found  them  to  be  well  and  carefully  done.  The  problem 
of  transcription  presents  great  difficulties  since  the  melodies 
and  ornamentation  change  from  verse  to  verse  and  there 
are  rhythmic  variations  from  verse  to  verse,  syllabic  alter- 
nating with  florid  articulation.  Furthermore,  it  is  impossible 
to  reproduce  the  mournful  effect  of  the  tone  production  of 
the  singers. 

Professor  Rael  modestly  fails  to  mention  the  fact  that 
he  has  placed  his  recordings  (or  at  least  a  large  part  of 
them)  at  the  disposal  of  the  public  by  depositing  copies  with 
the  Library  of  Congress  in  Washington,  D.  C.  This  is  a  pre- 
cedent which  should  be  followed.  No  musical  transcription 
can  take  the  place  of  such  recordings  and  other  scholars  in 
this  field  should  be  encouraged  to  place  copies  of  their  record- 
ings, and  other  source  materials,  in  depositaries  such  as  those 
at  the  Library  of  the  University  of  New  Mexico  and  the 
Library  of  Congress  where  other  scholars  may  have  access 
to  them. 

The  work  would  have  been  benefited  by  the  inclusion  of 
metric  translations  of  more  than  four  of  the  alabados.  A 
work  published  in  English  should  attempt  to  carry  over  to 
the  English  reader  the  dignity  and  beauty  of  the  texts  which 
throw  a  flood  of  light  upon  the  character  and  thought  and 
passion  of  those  who  employ  them. 

It  was  a  disappointment  to  find  that  the  comments  on 
the  music  were  limited  to  three  paragraphs  occupying  about 
one-half  of  one  page  in  a  work  of  322  pages.  A  study  of 
folksong,  in  order  to  avoid  errors  of  emphasis  and  even  out- 


right  errors  of  fact,  must  be  a  collaborative  effort  of  persons 
competent  in  the  fields  of  language,  literature,  music,  and 
possibly  in  other  fields  such  as  ethnology,  or  at  least  should 
be  read  critically  from  these  points  of  view.  Admittedly  this 
is  a  publication  of  Stanford's  Language  and  Literature  series 
and  as  such  stresses  the  textual  aspect  of  the  songs.  Yet  it 
would  have  been  a  better  rounded  study  if  more  attention 
had  been  given  to  the  musical  elements  of  the  alabados.  I 
hasten  to  add  that  I  have  been  guilty  of  this  sin  of  omission, 
if  sin  it  be. 

I  am  inclined  to  take  issue  with  Professor  Rael  when  he 
says  that  "The  alabado  is  a  hymn."  Only  in  the  most  general 
definition  of  a  hymn  as  a  religious  song  can  this  be  said  to  be 
true.  The  alabados  bear  virtually  no  resemblance  to  the 
hymns  of  the  ancient  church,  nor  to  the  German  version,  the 
chorale,  nor  to  the  English  hymn.  The  hymn  had  its  origin 
as  a  part  of  the  plainsong  of  the  early  Christian  church  and 
as  such  was  distinguished  from  the  great  body  of  plainsong 
by  one  characteristic,  its  metrical  and  symmetrical  form. 
The  alabados  resemble  far  more  closely  other  parts  of  the 
great  body  of  plainsong  than  the  Ambrosian  hymn.  Miss 
Hague  has  recognized  that  many  of  them  fall  into  the  class 
of  unmeasured  music  by  omitting  time  signatures  and  even 
in  some  examples  with  time  signature  the  number  of  beats 
to  the  measure  does  not  always  follow  the  signature.  My 
acquaintance  with  many  alabados  has  convinced  me  that 
with  exceptions  they  are  unmeasured  and  thus  lack  the  most 
characteristic  feature  of  the  hymn.  Furthermore  the  florid 
ornamentation,  so  characteristic  of  the  alabados,  is  more 
often  found  in  other  parts  of  the  plainsong  than  in  the  hymns 
in  which  syllabic  settings  seem  to  be  characteristic. 

Professor  Rael  mentions  the  use  of  the  reed  flute,  or  pito ; 
there  are  no  transcriptions  of  the  beautiful  fioritures  which 
give  such  a  powerful  polytonal  effect  to  the  music  which  they 
accompany.  It  may  be  captious  to  differ  again  with  Professor 
Rael  who  says,  "The  only  musical  instrument  ever  used  is 
the  reed  flute."  Nevertheless,  at  least  two  other  instruments 
are  used  to  accompany  the  alabados :  the  matracas  (or  rattle) 
and  the  palma,  a  wooden  paddle  like  a  ping  pong  paddle  to 


which  are  attached  12  small  pieces  of  wood  by  means  of 
leather  thongs.  The  eerie  pito,  the  raucous  matracas,  and 
the  rain-like  patter  of  the  palma  give  no  small  part  of  the 
coloring  to  this  marvelous  music.  These  are  of  course  percus- 
sion instruments  which  would  be  classified  by  musicians  as 
musical  instruments.  In  addition,  Professor  Rael  includes  a 
photograph  of  a  member  of  the  brotherhood  of  the  Penitentes 
holding  a  drum.  I  have  never  heard  a  drum  used  in  connec- 
tion with  Penitente  ceremonies  but  this  photograph  indicates 
that  possibly  this  additional  percussion  instrument  is  em- 
ployed in  certain  places. 

The  local  New  Mexican  terminology  which  characterizes 
all  religious  folksongs  as  alabados  is  unsatisfactory,  as  it 
ignores  the  great  differences  which  exist  between  different 
types  of  religious  folk  music.  In  Mexico,  according  to  Prof. 
Vicente  T.  Mendoza,  the  term  alabado  is  used  only  to  describe 
those  songs  which  have  to  do  with  the  life  and  passion  of 
Jesus  Christ.  All  other  religious  folksongs  are  known  as 
alabanzas  and  these  are  in  turn  subdivided  into  many  dif- 
ferent types.  Since  many  of  these  types  are  recognizable  in 
New  Mexico,  it  would  lead  to  clearer  understanding  if  the 
appropriate  Mexican  terminology  were  adopted  or  other 
terms  were  adopted  to  describe  and  differentiate  the  types. 
There  are,  for  instance,  true  hymns  (in  the  sense  of  the  his- 
torical definition)  in  use  in  New  Mexico.  But  they  are  very 
different  from,  let  us  say,  the  religious  decima  or  from  the 
unmeasured  alabados  of  the  Penitentes  or  from  the  Peni- 
tente chants  (apparently  derived  musically  from  the  Hebrew 
Psalm  Tone)  used  in  the  churches  during  the  Tenievolas 
ceremony  and  others.  To  lump  all  of  these  together  under 
the  term  alabados  is  to  ignore  their  differences. 

The  texts  used  by  Professor  Rael  are  composite  versions 
based  in  some  cases  on  several  different  versions.  This  proc- 
ess of  synthesis  is  entirely  appropriate  particularly  when 
accompanied  by  adequate  notes  such  as  that  at  pages  22  and 
23  describing  the  process  by  which  he  arrived  at  his  com- 
posite text. 

The  music  which  accompanies  various  texts  in  folk  music 
differs  widely  and  there  are  several  musical  recordings  in 


the  Rael  collection  at  the  Library  of  Congress  which  bear  no 
resemblance  to  these  transcribed  by  Miss  Hague,  although 
bearing  the  same  title.  It  would  eliminate  confusion,  there- 
fore, if  the  particular  melody  transcribed  were  identified  or, 
where  practical,  the  various  melodies  were  all  set  forth  in 
the  study.  In  some  of  the  transcriptions  the  text  of  the  first 
verse  is  set  forth  beneath  the  musical  notes.  In  others  no 
words  are  included.  I  realize  that  it  is  impractical  and  pro- 
hibitively expensive  to  set  forth  musical  transcriptions  of 
all  verses  with  the  words  of  each  verse  but,  particularly 
when  dealing  with  unmeasured  music,  the  method  by  which 
the  words  are  adapted  to  the  music  is  important  from  a  mu- 
sicological  standpoint  at  least,  and  the  generally  adopted  com- 
promise has  been  to  include  the  words  of  the  first  verse.  How- 
ever, there  may  have  been  a  good  reason  for  this  omission. 

As  for  the  comments  on  the  music,  some  tabulation  of 
ranges,  scales  employed,  and  of  the  rhythms,  musical  forms, 
and  other  musical  characteristics,  as  well  as  some  attempt  to 
document  or  at  least  argue  the  opinion  (with  which,  inciden- 
tally, I  agree  in  part)  that  "the  roots  of  this  music  lie  in  the 
Catholic  Church  ritual,"  would  have  been  in  order. 

I  cannot  agree  with  the  conclusion  that  they  do  not  lie 
so  far  back  as  to  be  making  use  of  the  ancient  modes  of  the 
Church.  I  have  collected  some  examples  which  I  should 
classify  as  modal.  I  think  that  there  is  evidence  that  some 
of  the  examples  in  this  volume  are  really  modal.  For  instance, 
the  second  transcription,  Al  Pie  de  Este  Santo  Altar,  appears 
to  me  to  be  in  the  Hypo-aeolian  mode  (incomplete).  If  it 
were  truly  a  minor  melody,  a  G  sharp  would  have  been 
called  for  in  the  second  and  fourth  measures  from  the  end. 
Miss  Hague  would  no  doubt  classify  this  melody  as  in  the 
natural  minor  scale,  which  is  identical  with  the  Aeolian 
mode.  It  seems  more  logical,  in  view  of  the  probability  that 
these  melodies  are  derived  from  plainsong,  to  classify  it  as 
a  modal  melody.  Ill,  For  el  Rastro  de  la  Cruz,  appears  from 
the  transcription  to  be  in  the  Aeolian  mode,  otherwise  an  E 
natural  would  again  have  been  called  for.  In  example  number 
seven,  En  Una  Corporacion,  the  alteration  of  a  natural  to  a 
sharp  follows  one  of  the  rules  of  the  mediaeval  practice  of 


musica  ficta  which  results  in  true  modulation  in  the  modal 
sense  between  the  Ionian  and  Aeolian  modes.  It  must  be  re- 
membered that  our  major  scale  was  known  in  the  sixteenth 
century  as  the  Ionian  mode.  Example  number  eight  appears 
to  be  another  case  of  modulation  between  Ionian  and  Aeolian 

Notwithstanding  these  comments  (which  I  hope  will  be 
taken  in  the  friendly  spirit  in  which  they  are  offered) ,  I  com- 
mend this  work  to  all  students  who  wish  to  know  more  of 
the  New  Mexican  Alabado. 

J.  D.  ROBB 
University  of  New  Mexico 

Lieutenant  Emory  Reports.  A  Reprint  of  Lieutenant  W.  H. 
Emory's  Notes  of  a  Military  Reconnoissance.  Introduc- 
tion by  Ross  Calvin,  Ph.D.  Albuquerque:  The  University 
of  New  Mexico  Press,  1951.  Pp.  iii,  208.  $4.50. 

It  is  nearly  always  a  satisfaction  to  have  an  old  docu- 
ment of  historical  significance  reissued,  even  though  cir- 
cumstances may  require  its  presentation  in  shortened  form. 
Whoever  is  interested  in  southwestern  history  will  probably 
welcome  this  condensed  version  of  Emory's  famous  journal, 
one  of  the  first  reliable  descriptions  of  at  least  a  portion  of 
the  country  between  Santa  Fe  and  southern  California. 
Minus  most  of  the  precise  scientific  data  found  in  the  appen- 
dix of  the  original  edition  of  a  century  ago,  the  present  re- 
print still  has  considerable  value  for  quick,  easy  reference 
purposes  as  well  as  for  its  intrinsic  interest. 

Not  much  need  be  said  of  Emory's  literary  style  or  of 
the  validity  of  his  judgments.  He  was,  after  all,  making  a 
"quickie"  tour  through  the  Southwest  for  military  purposes 
in  1846-1847.  Such  errors  as  he  made  are  quite  excusable,  if 
we  consider  that  he  was,  along  with  Captain  Abraham  R. 
Johnston,  a  first  observer  of  the  region  thru  Anglo-American 
eyes,  and  largely  dependent  upon  hearsay  for  information 
about  any  part  of  it  off  General  Kearny's  route.  As  such  his 
journal  still  seems  full  of  a  freshness  of  style  and  an  almost 
boyish  curiosity  about  the  strange  new  land.  His  account  of 


the  campaigns  in  southern  California  is  also  pleasantly  free 
from  rancor  and  prejudice  against  Mexicans. 

On  the  whole,  the  editing,  notes  and  introduction  by  Dr. 
Calvin  are  well  done.  There  are  few  typographical  errors 
and  those  of  no  importance.  One  is  tempted  to  ask  the  editor, 
however,  why  an  old  and  nearly  self-sufficient,  isolated  fron- 
tier community  like  New  Mexico  should  have  any  other  kind 
of  agriculture  than  "only  subsistence  farming,"  or  why  the 
New  Mexicans  should  be  expected  to  practice  any  industry 
beyond  that  necessary  for  purely  domestic  uses  (Introduc- 
tion, p.  14) .  Subsistence  farming  and  domestic  industry  have 
for  centuries  been  adequate  for  Mexico  and  are  still  to  be 
found  in  parts  of  the  country.  It  might  also  be  pointed  out 
(note  95,  p.  203),  that  the  famous  Casa  Grande  is  not  near 
the  town  of  that  name  in  Arizona,  but  is  rather  in  the  out- 
skirts of  the  town  of  Coolidge. 

One  of  the  more  commendable  features  of  the  book  and 
one  which  could  hardly  have  been  omitted,  is  the  reproduc- 
tion of  pertinent  portions  of  Emory's  well  known  map.  It  is 
regrettable,  to  this  reviewer  at  least,  that  one  or  two  of  the 
inimitable  old-time  sketches  could  not  also  have  been  in- 
cluded, just  for  the  sake  of  flavor — perhaps  that  of  the  Casa 
Grande,  or  the  Gila-Colorado  junction,  or  an  Indian  portrait. 
Possibly  a  short  index  might  likewise  have  added  to  the  con- 
venience value  of  the  work.  But  it  is  still  a  very  desirable 
volume,  and  both  editor  and  publishers  are  to  be  congratu- 
lated upon  it.  A  hope  might  also  be  expressed  for  future  re- 
prints of  other  Emory  writings,  or  those  of  later  boundary 
surveyors.  Some  of  their  accounts  are  fully  as  interesting  as 

Arizona  State  College 

Report  of  Miguel  Ramos  Arizpe  to  the  Spanish  Cortes,  No- 
vember 7,  1811.  By  Miguel  Ramos  Arizpe.  Translation, 
Annotations  and  Introduction  by  Nettie  Lee  Benson  and 
published  by  the  Institute  of  Latin-American  Studies, 


University  of  Texas,  No.  XI.  Austin :  The  University  of 
Texas  Press,  1950.  Pp.  61. 

Miguel  Ramos  Arizpe,  a  priest  and  deputy  for  the  Prov- 
ince of  Coahuila  to  the  Spanish  Cortes,  was  one  of  Mexico's 
great  liberal  leaders,  deserving  to  rank  with  such  men  as  Dr. 
Jose  Maria  Luis  Mora,  Gomez  Farias,  and  Benito  Juarez. 
Since  he  was  the  person  chiefly  responsible  for  the  formula- 
tion of  the  federal  Constitution  of  1824  under  which  Mexico 
lived  for  ten  years  and  which  served  as  the  model  for  the 
later  liberal  Constitutions  of  1857  and  1917,  it  is  of  value  to 
study  this  report,  made  in  the  last  years  of  the  colonial  era, 
to  the  Spanish  Cortes  on  the  natural,  economic  and  civil  con- 
dition of  the  four  Eastern  Interior  Provinces  of  the  Kingdom 
of  Mexico:  Coahuila,  Nuevo  Leon,  Nuevo  Santander  and 
Texas.  The  first  twenty-two  sections  of  the  report  summarize 
economic,  social,  educational,  military  and  governmental 
conditions  and  defects  in  the  Spanish  administrative  system 
in  these  four  Provinces.  Sections  twenty-two  through  thirty- 
one  contain  the  deputy's  forthright  but  respectful  recommen- 
dations for  reform. 

For  his  expressed  liberalism,  Miguel  Ramos  Arizpe  was 
imprisoned  for  six  years.  To  give  some  idea  of  his  liberal 
views,  the  following  statements  from  his  report  are  worthy 
of  note.  Ramos  Arizpe,  born  in  San  Nicolas  on  the  northern 
frontier  in  1775,  had  come  to  love  the  land  and  in  speaking 
of  agriculture  he  said,  "it  is  the  source  of  the  true  wealth  of 
nations,  the  worthy  occupation  of  man,  the  principal  founda- 
tion of  the  most  solid  happiness  of  the  citizen  and  the  most 
secure  wealth  of  the  state."  In  describing  the  people  in  the 
provinces,  he  reported :  "Agriculture  has  in  general  formed 
their  character,  and  as  they  have  been  employed  day  and 
night  in  the  harvest  and  systematic  cultivation  of  the  soil, 
from  which  alone  they  derive  their  sustenance,  they  are 
truly  inflexible  to  intrigue,  virtuously  steadfast,  haters  of 
tyranny  and  disorder,  justly  devoted  to  true  liberty  and  na- 
turally the  most  inclined  toward  all  the  moral  and  political 
virtues."  In  his  report,  Ramos  Arizpe  denounced  all  forms 
of  tyranny,  and  he  favored  local  and  provincial  autonomy 


as  one  of  the  safeguards  against  it.  His  ideas  on  government 
sowed  the  seeds  of  federalism,  and  he  later  penned  the  first 
federal  constitution  for  Mexico. 

Ramos  Arizpe  was  a  man  of  vision,  and  in  his  report  he 
pointed  out  the  latent  economic  possibilities  of  the  area.  He 
encouraged  immigration  into  the  northern  provinces  to  off- 
set the  retarding  influence  of  underpopulation.  At  the  same 
time  and  as  another  reason  for  populating  this  region,  he 
recognized  the  growing  power  of  the  United  States  to  the 
north  and  her  growing  interest  in  the  great  Southwest.  He 
observed  that  taxation  and  transportation  costs  had  made 
it  almost  impossible  for  the  peon  to  live.  For  example,  "of 
what  advantage  can  it  be  to  the  hungry  to  have  flour  if  it 
costs  more  than  the  whole  is  worth  to  make  it  into  bread?" 
To  encourage  commerce  and  industry,  Ramos  Arizpe  sug- 
gested that  special  organizations  be  established  for  that 
specific  purpose. 

Ramos  Arizpe  decried  the  lack  of  educational  facilities 
in  the  provinces  of  Coahuila,  Nuevo  Le6n,  Nuevo  Santander, 
and  Texas.  Students  of  Texas  history  will  recall  that  this 
continued  to  be  reason  for  discontent  and  was  one  of  the 
causes  for  the  Texas  Revolution.  He  pointed  out  that  "pub- 
lic" education  is  one  of  the  first  duties  of  every  wise  govern- 
ment" and  that  "only  despots  and  tyrants  keep  the  populace 
in  ignorance  in  order  the  more  easily  to  violate  their  rights." 
Education,  he  believed,  was  the  fundamental  "basis  of  gen- 
eral happiness  and  prosperity"  of  all  people. 

Referring  to  the  colonial  administrative  system  and  exist- 
ing governmental  conditions,  Ramos  Arizpe  observed :  "And 
as  might  has  prevailed,  the  most  sacred  rights  of  man  have 
been  trodden  under  foot  and  measures  adopted  to  insure  on 
the  throne  and  in  its  surroundings  stupidity,  arbitrary 
power,  despotism,  and  a  thousand  times  vice  itself.  To  this 
end,  the  other  aggregates  of  ignorance  were  utilized.  The 
study  of  natural  law  and  the  rights  of  man  was  prohibited." 
No  wonder,  then,  when  Ferdinand  VII  returned  to  his  throne 
in  1814  and  autocratic  government  was  reinstated,  Ramos 
Arizpe  was  imprisoned  for  these  statements.  While  he  was 
in  prison  for  his  liberal  views,  his  influence  was  felt  through- 


out  Latin  America  through  his  Report.  It  was  translated 
into  English  and  was  widely  circulated  in  both  English  and 

Possibly  the  greatest  importance  of  Ramos  Arizpe's  Re- 
port, says  Miss  Benson,  who  has  done  a  splendid  piece  of 
work  in  translating  and  annotating  it,  "is  the  insight  it  gives 
into  the  character  and  ideas  of  the  father  of  the  Mexican 
Constitution  of  1824,  which  served  as  the  framework  of  the 
present  Mexican  Constitution."  On  the  whole  it  would  also 
seem  that  his  Report  was  a  "conservative  rather  than  an 
exaggerated  picture  of  the  natural  condition  of  the  four 
Eastern  Interior  Provinces  of  North  America"  at  that  time 
and  hence  its  importance  and  interest  today  to  students  of 
Mexican-United  States  relations,  particularly  to  students  of 
the  history  and  development  of  the  Southwestern  United 
States.  Teachers,  as  well  as  students,  of  the  history  of  the 
States  of  our  Southwest  will  certainly  profit  from  reading 
this  interesting  Report  to  the  Spanish  Cortes. 

The  Institute  of  Latin- American  Studies  of  the  University 
of  Texas  is  to  be  congratulated  on  the  selection  and  publi- 
cation of  this  essential  document  as  Volume  XI  in  its  Latin- 
American  Studies  series. 

U.  S.  Office  of  Education 
and  George  Washington  University 

The  Historical  Society  of  New  Mexico 
Organized  December  26,  1859 

1859  —  COL.  JOHN  B.  GRAYSON,  U.  S.  A. 
1861  —  MAJ.  JAMES  L.  DONALDSON,  U.  S.  A. 

adjourned  sine  die,  Sept.  tS,  1863 

re-established  Dec.  27,  1880 

1881  —  HON.  WILLIAM  G.  HITCH 
1883  —  HON.  L.  BRADFORD  PRINCE 
1923  —  HON.  FRANK  W.  CLANCY 

1925  —  COL.  RALPH  E.  TWITCHELL 

1926  —  PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER 

OFFICERS  FOR  1948-1949 

PAUL  A.  F.  WALTER,  President 

PEARCE  C.  RODEY,  Vice-President 

WAYNE  L.  MAUZY,  Corresponding  Secretary 
ALBERT  G.  ELY,  Treasurer 

Miss   HESTER  JONES,  Recording  Secretary 













Historical  Review 

Palace  of  the  Governors,  Santa  Fe 

October,  1951 






VOL.  XXVI  OCTOBER,  1951  No.  4 


The  Rough  Riders 

Royal  A.  Prentice 261 

Fort  Union  Memories 

Genevieve  La  Tourrette 277 

A  Boy's  Eye  View  of  the  Old  Southwest 

James  K.  Hastings 287 

Washington  Ellsworth  Lindsey 

(concluded)  Ira  C.  Ihde  .  302 

Checklist  of  New  Mexico  Publications 

(continued)  Wilma  Loy  Shelton 325 

Notes  and  Documents 332 

Book  Reviews  342 

THE  NEW  MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW  is  published  jointly  by  the  Historical  Society 
of  New  Mexico  and  the  University  of  New  Mexico.  Subscription  to  the  quarterly  is 
$3.00  a  year  in  advance;  single  numbers,  except  those  which  have  become  scarce,  are 
$1.00  each. 

Business  communications  should  be  addressed  to  Mr.  P.  A.  F.  Walter,  State 
Museum,  Santa  Fe,  N.  M. ;  manuscripts  and  editorial  correspondence  should  be 
addresed  to  Prof.  Frank  D.  Reeve,  University  of  New  Mexico,  Albuquerque,  N.  M. 

Entered  as  second-class  matter  at  Santa  Fe,  New  Mexico 

Lieutenant  Royal  A.  Prentice 


VOL.  XXVI  OCTOBER,  1951  No.  4 



A  SHORT  synopsis  of  my  personal  history  will  be  on  an 
average  the  story  of  each  man  in  Troop  E.1  My  parents 
moved  from  New  York  State  and  arrived  in  Las  Vegas,  New 
Mexico,  in  the  early  part  of  the  year  1879,  before  the  rail- 
road had  reached  that  point ;  the  latter  part  of  the  trip  was 
made  by  buckboard  drawn  by  a  pair  of  mules.  Our  home 
remained  in  Las  Vegas,  but  my  father  bought  a  ranch  near 
the  junction  of  the  Tecolote  and  Pecos  Rivers  and  some  of 
my  earliest  recollections  are  of  my  mother  riding  "Side 
Saddle"  with  long  flowing  skirts  as  she  accompanied  my 
father  on  various  horseback  journeys  throughout  the  dis- 
trict. Mother  was  an  expert  horsewoman,  but  it  is  still  a 
mystery  to  me  how  anyone  could  keep  a  seat  upon  a  pitching 
horse,  riding  side  saddle.  During  the  winters  I  attended 
school  in  Las  Vegas,  but  late  spring,  summer  and  early  fall 
was  spent  upon  the  ranch. 

In  those  days,  as  now,  cattle  raising  was  the  principal 
industry  of  the  Territory,  seconded  by  many  residents  of 
the  settlements  who  busied  themselves  in  the  art  of  relieving 
the  cowmen  of  their  surplus  cash  by  means  of  games  of 
chance  of  every  description.  Everyone  kept  horses  and  they 
were  used  in  the  same  manner  that  autos  are  kept  today  for 

1.  The  narrative  pertains  strictly  to  happenings  in  Troop  E,  Captain  Fritz 
Muller,  commanding.  We  were  kept  so  busy  with  troop  duties  that  we  had  no  oppor- 
tunity to  visit,  or  become  acquainted  with  members  of  the  other  Troops  of  the  Regi- 
ment, much  as  we  would  like  to  have  mingled  with  them. 



running  errands  and  in  attending  to  one's  daily  business. 
Everyone  carried,  or  was  supposed  to  have  on  his  person, 
a  six  shooter,  derringer,  pepperbox,  or  with  some  a  bowie 
knife.  When  traveling,  a  saddle  gun,  or  carbine,  was  carried 
under  the  skirts  of  the  saddle.  Life  in  the  communities  was 
a  mixture  of  gay  hilarity  mixed  with  stark  tragedy. 

When  New  Mexico  was  a  part  of  Old  Mexico,  the  Gov- 
ernment of  Mexico  made  grants  of  land  to  many  of  its  citi- 
zens provided  they  would  move  to  New  Mexico  and  establish 
colonies.  Later  these  grants  were  confirmed  by  a  United 
States  Court  of  Claims,  but  at  that  time  eastern  interests 
had  entered  the  Territory,  bought  up  titles  to  these  grants 
and  later  had  them  confirmed  for  an  acreage  many  times 
greater  than  that  intended  by  the  Mexican  Government. 
In  the  early  1890's  the  owners  of  these  grants  began  court 
proceedings  to  dispossess  the  settlers  on  the  grants  with 
resulting  bitterness  and  ill-feeling  followed  by  the  cutting 
of  fences,  stealing  cattle  and  other  depredations  by  groups 
wearing  white  hoods  similar  to  present  day  Ku-Kluxers; 
these  groups  were  so  powerful  that  the  regular  officers  of 
the  law  were  unable  to  cope  with  them,  and  the  "White 
Caps"  gradually  deteriorated  into  gangs  of  outlaws  engaged 
in  thievery  and  murder. 

To  partially  meet  the  situation  a  company  of  the  Na- 
tional Guard  was  organized  in  Las  Vegas  as  Company  I, 
otherwise  known  as  the  "Otero  Guards"  in  honor  of  Miguel 
A.  Otero,  a  Las  Vegas  boy,  then  Governor  of  New  Mexico. 
These  men,  acting  as  guardsmen  and  as  individual  members 
of  posses,  became  active  in  breaking  up  and  exterminating 
the  members  of  the  gangs  and  by  1897  they  were  entirely 
destroyed  so  that  the  gangs  were  no  longer  a  menace  to  the 
community,  but  in  the  process  the  members  of  the  Guard 
unit  became  highly  skilled  in  methods  of  "Indian  Warfare" 
and  were  quite  accustomed  to  hear  rifle  bullets  whistling 
by  them,  luckily  but  few  such  bullets  found  their  mark.  The 
Company  was  made  up  of  men  native  to  New  Mexico  of 
Spanish  descent  together  with  Anglos  who  had  moved  into 
the  Territory  from  the  East,  all  of  whom  were  equally  at 
home  speaking  either  Spanish  or  English ;  they  were  experts 


in  the  use  of  firearms ;  they  firmly  believed  they  could  ride 
anything  that  walked,  and  with  their  slickers  and  saddle 
blankets  in  which  were  rolled  little  bags  of  flour,  bacon  and 
coffee,  with  a  lariat  fastened  to  the  saddle  horn,  they  could 
get  along  anywhere  in  the  open,  provided  they  had  a  horse 
to  ride;  on  foot,  with  their  high-heeled  boots,  they  were 
practically  helpless. 

As  the  Cuban  Revolution  gathered  speed,  culminating 
in  the  blowing  up  of  the  Maine,  popular  demand  throughout 
the  country  for  intervention  increased  and  the  members  of 
Company  I  felt  certain  they  would  be  called  into  service; 
they  put  in  more  time  at  drills  and  in  making  long  marches 
in  preparation  for  such  hoped  for  service,  but  it  soon  became 
apparent  that  it  would  be  a  long  time  before  units  from  New 
Mexico  would  be  called,  as  the  more  populous  eastern  States 
with  their  organizations  with  many  years'  experience  would 
be  first  enlisted. 

The  Organization  of  Troop  E 

One  afternoon  in  the  early  spring  of  1898  one  of  my 
friends  who  afterwards  became  my  bunky,  Sergeant  Hugh 
B.  Wright,  came  to  see  me  with  the  news  that  the  then 
Assistant  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  Theodore  Roosevelt,  was 
organizing  a  regiment  to  be  made  up  of  men  from  the 
Southwest ;  men  who  could  ride,  were  familiar  with  the  use 
of  firearms,  and  who  could  care  for  themselves  with  only 
their  horse,  slicker  and  saddle  blankets,  and  the  press  dis- 
patch which  he  showed  me  contained  a  promise  that  the 
men  who  enlisted  in  this  organization  would  see  fighting, 
and  that  it  would  be  a  regiment  of  cavalry.  Within  two 
hours  after  the  receipt  of  the  message  a  group  left  Las 
Vegas  bound  for  Santa  Fe  which  had  been  designated  as  the 
place  for  assembly. 

At  Santa  Fe  we  were  assigned  quarters  in  one  of  the 
barrack  buildings  of  Old  Fort  Marcy  which  had  long  since 
been  abandoned.  The  room  was  completely  devoid  of  furni- 
ture, but  we  obtained  a  blanket  apiece  from  the  National 
Guard  Company  of  Santa  Fe  and  as  for  meals,  we  got  them 
when  and  where  they  happened  to  be  available.  In  a  few  days 


we  were  joined  by  men  from  Clayton,  Cerrillos,  and  other 
scattered  communities  so  that  the  complement  of  our  Troop 
was  soon  completed.  We  held  a  meeting  of  the  men  and  de- 
cided to  join  the  men  from  Santa  Fe ;  we  then  elected  Fritz 
Muller,  formerly  a  member  of  the  Sixth  Cavalry  and  later 
Captain  of  the  Santa  Fe  Company  of  the  New  Mexico  Na- 
tional Guard,  as  the  Captain  of  Troop  E,  and  we  never  had 
cause  to  regret  our  choice  for  he  was  in  every  way  qualified 
for  leadership,  and  no  better  soldier  or  finer  gentleman 
ever  lived  than  Captain  Muller.  Requiescat  en  Pacem. 

From  some  unknown  source  we  were  issued  the  old  style 
blue  uniforms  worn  by  the  army,  together  with  the  type 
of  caps  worn  by  the  soldiers  of  the  Civil  War,  but  the  uni- 
forms were  trimmed  with  the  white  of  the  Infantry  which 
we  soon  changed  to  the  Cavalry  Yellow  from  some  bolts  of 
cloth  found  upon  the  shelves  of  one  of  the  stores.  Shoes  were 
a  problem  as  nearly  all  of  the  men  wore  high-heeled  cowboy 
boots  which  were  entirely  unsuitable  for  walking  and  nearly 
impossible  for  dismounted  drill.  It  was  ludicrous  to  watch 
some  of  the  troopers,  while  drilling,  attempt  to  change  step ; 
some  of  the  older  men  never  did  learn  the  trick. 

All  of  us  were  busy  during  the  day  and  far  into  the 
night  at  various  tasks  which  we  deemed  to  be  of  importance ; 
Troops  F,  G,  and  H  came  in  and  were  quartered  in  barracks 
adjoining  ours,  causing  immediately  heated  discussions  as 
to  the  relative  capabilities  of  the  various  officers,  their 
Troops,  and  the  individual  members;  the  arguments  many 
times  resulted  in  fist  fights,  to  the  great  enjoyment  of  the 
onlookers,  but  such  skirmishes  only  resulted  in  welding  the 
squadron  into  a  closer  and  better  organization,  tempered 
with  mutual  respect.  One  rule  was  agreed  upon  by  all ;  the 
use  of  a  certain  phrase  indicating  some  relationship  between 
a  trooper  and  a  member  of  the  canine  family  constituted 
fighting  words,  and  to  this  day  when  I  hear  the  phrase  used 
I  immediately  look  for  the  resulting  fight.  All  in  all,  the 
troopers  were  well  behaved;  everyone  was  trying  to  con- 
form to  regulations  and  become  a  good  soldier,  and  the  very 
few  who  failed  to  enter  into  the  spirit  pervading  the  camp 
were  quietly  dropped. 


One  day  word  was  brought  that  Governor  Otero  wished 
to  see  me ;  I  called  upon  the  Governor  and  was  told  that  he 
intended  to  give  me  a  commission,  but  it  would  have  to  be 
in  a  troop  other  than  Troop  E ;  I  begged  off  and  asked  to 
be  permitted  to  go  with  the  other  boys  in  Troop  E  as  a  non- 
com.  Fate  is  peculiar,  had  I  accepted  the  commission  I  would 
have  been  attached  to  one  of  the  Troops  that  were  left  be- 
hind to  take  care  of  the  horses  and  would  never  have  gotten 
to  Cuba. 

Finally  word  came  that  we  were  to  be  sworn  into  the 
service  of  the  Government  of  the  United  States.  It  was  a 
solemn  moment  for  all;  many  attended  at  the  Cathedral, 
others  attempted  to  furbish  up  their  equipment,  others  just 
stood  around  talking  excitedly  until  we  were  formed  in  line 
on  the  Plaza  in  front  of  the  Old  Governor's  Palace,  (A  fitting 
setting  for  the  ceremony)  where  the  oath  was  administered 
and  we  became  the  Second  Squadron  of  the  First  Cavalry, 
United  States  Volunteers,  and  from  that  time  we  attempted 
to  conform  to  Army  Regulations. 

One  of  the  hardest  lessons  we  had  to  learn  was  that  of 
unquestioning  obedience  to  an  order;  it  was  so  easy  to  ask 
"why,"  and  then  enter  into  a  discussion  as  to  the  necessity 
of  carrying  out  the  mandate  of  the  order,  or  to  point  out 
the  benefits  to  be  derived  from  putting  off  its  execution 
until  tomorrow,  the  latter  in  particular  as  we  had  been 
raised  in  the  "Land  of  Mariana,"  but  we  soon  overcame  this 
trait  and  the  phrase  "Its  an  Order,"  settled  all  argument. 
Captain  Muller  early  impressed  upon  us  the  fact  that  when 
he  issued  an  order  he  considered  the  matter  as  settled  and 
the  order  carried  out. 

Assembling  the  Squadrons 

After  being  sworn  into  the  service  we  entrained  for  San 
Antonio,  Texas,  which  had  been  designated  as  the  mobiliza- 
tion point;  the  trip  was  practically  without  incident,  other 
than  being  rather  monotonous.  Most  of  us  were  unfamiliar 
with  the  cotton  industry,  although  we  had  read  and  heard 
of  many  incidents  connected  with  cotton  raising,  so  that 
the  cotton  fields,  cotton  gins,  cotton  compresses,  and  the 


storing  of  baled  cotton  along  the  way  became  a  subject  of 
interest.  I  recall  one  incident  of  the  trip;  upon  arrival  at 
Gainesville,  Texas,  one  morning  we  found  the  station  plat- 
form crowded  with  young  ladies  wearing  sunbonnets  and 
busily  engaged  in  serving  hot  coffee;  never  before  or  since 
have  I  seen  a  group  of  girls  that  could  compare  with  those 
girls  with  their  fresh  beauty  and  laughing  eyes  all  framed 
by  the  becoming  sunbonnets.  We  all  wanted  to  arrange  for 
round  trip  tickets  back  to  Gainesville!  When  our  blue  uni- 
forms were  issued  to  us  at  Santa  Fe  it  was  impressed  upon 
us  that  the  brass  buttons  on  them  were  valued  at  fifty  cents 
each  and  that  we  would  be  held  responsible  for  their  remain- 
ing on  the  coats  until  they  were  turned  in.  In  those  days  the 
girls  used  such  buttons  to  be  made  up  into  hat  pins,  cer- 
tainly they  were  lethal  weapons,  but  when  we  pulled  out  of 
Gainesville  there  wasn't  a  brass  button  in  the  entire 
squadron;  however,  horseshoe  nails  make  fine  substitutes. 

Upon  arrival  at  San  Antonio,  Texas,  we  detrained  at 
Riverside  Park,  a  former  race  track  and  fair  ground  lo- 
cated about  five  miles  from  downtown  San  Antonio,  and 
were  there  given  quarters  upon  the  floor  of  the  Pavilion. 
Since  we  were  tired  from  the  train  trip  we  turned  in  early 
and  soon  everything  was  quiet  and  peaceful,  but  not  for 
long  as  I  was  awakened  with  a  start  to  find  a  shoe  that 
someone  had  thrown  wrapped  around  my  head;  having  no 
immediate  use  for  the  shoe,  I  threw  it  back  to  the  owner, 
but  in  the  darkness  aiming  was  bad  for  it  struck  and  aroused 
another  sleeper  and  very  soon  the  pavilion  was  a  pande- 
monium of  flying  shoes,  and  everything  else  that  could  be 
thrown,  so  that  we  all  broke  for  the  open  and  spent  the  rest 
of  the  night  in  the  open.  The  next  day  the  boys  from  Arizona 
claimed  to  have  won  the  first  skirmish  as  they  stayed  in  the 
pavilion,  nevertheless,  we  moved  and  found  quarters  upon 
the  benches  of  the  grandstand  where  we  remained  for  the 
rest  of  our  stay  in  reasonable  peace  and  quiet.  Some  of  the 
troops  got  hold  of  shelter  tents  and  pitched  them  in  front 
of  the  pavilion,  but  they  must  have  been  uncomfortable  as 
it  was  hot  and  the  grounds  were  very  dusty. 

Guards  were  stationed  along  the  fence  surrounding  the 


grounds,  but  we  managed  to  so  loosen  a  board  that  it  would 
swing  aside  and  permit  passage,  and  after  the  day's  work 
was  done  there  would  be  hardly  a  man  left  in  camp,  as 
each  troop  had  its  own  gateway.  At  roll  call  one  or  two  of  the 
boys  would  answer  to  each  name  and  then  report  made 
to  the  officer  of  the  day  "All  present  and  accounted  for," 
but  there  is  little  doubt  that  he  placed  much  reliance  upon 
our  veracity.  By  watching  the  man  on  guard  there  was  little 
trouble  in  getting  out  through  the  hole  in  the  fence,  but  it 
was  a  different  story  when  returning.  Troop  E  had  a  pro- 
gram that  solved  the  difficulty ;  during  the  day  word  would 
be  passed  that  a  certain  platoon  would  be  excused  that  night, 
the  only  requirement  being  that  all  must  be  at  the  hole 
by  midnight.  At  midnight  Captain  Muller  would  walk  along 
the  guard  lines  and  engage  the  guard  in  conversation  to- 
gether with  a  detailed  explanation  of  the  duties  of  the 
guard  and  the  proper  method  of  walking  a  beat;  in  the 
meantime  shadowy  figures  eased  through  the  hole  and  rolled 
out  upon  the  parade  ground.  In  a  very  few  days  economic 
conditions  made  the  hole  useless;  cab  drivers  charged  five 
dollars  for  the  trip  to  town  where  gambling  was  wide  open 
and  in  no  time  the  Troop  was  cleaned  out  of  cash. 

The  water  at  the  Park  came  from  artesian  wells ;  it  was 
warm  and  insipid  while  outside  was  a  beer  stand  with  ice 
cold  beer  and  how  we  longed  for  just  one  bottle  after  drilling 
in  the  hot  sun.  One  day  when  we  had  marched  seemingly  for 
hours  over  dusty  roads  and  through  dense  thickets  in  the 
blazing  heat,  Colonel  Roosevelt  directed  the  proprietor  of 
one  of  the  beer  stands  to  give  the  men  what  they  wanted; 
nectar  never  tasted  as  good  as  that  beer,  but  at  no  time 
did  I  ever  see  such  courtesies  abused. 

At  another  time  we  were  invited  to  attend  a  band  concert 
at  a  pavilion  near  the  Park;  toward  the  close  of  the  pro- 
gram the  band  played  a  selection  called  "Custer's  Last 
Charge,"  during  which  members  of  the  band  fired  several 
shots.  This  must  have  stirred  memories  in  the  mind  of  some 
trooper  in  the  audience,  for  he  blazed  away  and  shot  out 
one  of  the  electric  lights ;  immediately  every  light  became  a 
target  and  in  no  time  at  all  all  the  lights  were  shot  out — the 


band  scrambled  from  the  stage,  women  screamed  and  we 
ducked  and  drifted  back  to  quarters  like  little  boys  who  had 
been  caught  in  the  jam  closet.  The  next  day  the  San  Antonio 
Light  carried  a  blistering  editorial  regarding  the  occurrence, 
and  I  believe  they  were  the  first  to  call  us  "Rough  Riders," 
nor  did  they  mean  it  as  an  honorable  designation. 

I  recall  another  incident  while  at  drill  in  column  of  fours, 
I  was  at  the  head  of  the  column  and  Captain  Muller  was 
nearby,  at  the  side,  and  the  column  was  headed  straight 
for  a  railroad  cut  about  twenty  feet  deep  with  a  railroad 
track  at  the  bottom;  as  we  approached  the  brink  I  had 
visions  of  men  and  horses  piled  in  an  inextricable  mass  upon 
the  track  at  the  bottom.  We  kept  listening  for  the  trumpet  to 
direct  a  turn,  but  none  came  and  I  could  see  that  Captain 
Muller  didn't  like  the  prospect  any  better  than  did  we,  but 
over  we  went,  the  men  freeing  their  feet  from  their  stirrups 
as  the  horses  slid  down  the  wall ;  luckily  the  horses  landed 
on  their  feet  and  during  the  moment's  hesitation  of  the  men 
at  the  top  the  men  below  were  able  to  move  out  of  the 
way  so  there  were  no  resulting  casualties.  Of  course,  it 
was  an  oversight  on  someone's  part  in  failing  to  give  the 
proper  command ;  nevertheless,  it  was  a  lesson  in  obedience 
to  orders  that  was  well  learned  and  thereafter  became 

The  horses  that  were  given  to  us  were  mostly  unbroken 
range  horses,  with  a  sprinkling  of  outlaws,  but  to  us  from 
the  short  grass  country  they  were  welcomed  like  long  lost 
friends.  Our  Troop  were  given  white-faced  sorrels ;  the  one 
I  drew  was  a  big  rangy  outlaw  with  a  bad  eye  and  badly 
locoed;  however,  we  got  along  famously  together  and  he 
really  seemed  glad  to  see  me  again  when  our  horses  were 
returned  to  us  upon  our  arrival  at  Camp  Wikoff,  Montauk 
Point,  Long  Island.  After  getting  our  horses  it  was  a  sight 
for  sore  eyes  to  witness  our  first  attempts  to  form  a  line 
while  mounted ;  the  horses  hadn't  the  slightest  idea  of  what 
was  wanted  of  them :  some  of  the  horses  seemed  to  think  we 
were  getting  ready  for  a  race  while  others  considered  it  a 
free-for-all  and  proceeded  to  pitch,  bite,  strike  and  kick  at 
everything  near  them.  In  a  comparatively  short  time  we  had 


the  horses  gentled  so  that  they  would  quiet  down  after  a 
half  hour's  tussle  in  the  morning. 

Our  first  drill  consisted  in  forming  a  line  in  extended 
order  leaving  about  three  feet  between  each  horse  in  order 
to  keep  them  quiet,  and  after  hours  of  work  we  finally  ob- 
tained the  semblance  of  a  line  and  the  order  was  given  to 
march.  At  that  time  one  of  the  men  considered  such  an 
auspicious  occasion  should  be  celebrated  and  yanked  his  six 
shooter  and  fired  into  the  ground  at  the  side  of  his  horse 
with  the  immediately  resulting  celebration  turning  into  a 
howling  success;  every  horse  in  the  line  decided  to  go  else- 
where without  delay.  There  was  a  creek  with  banks  about 
six  feet  high  at  the  far  end  of  the  parade  ground  and  many 
of  the  horses  made  a  bee  line  for  this  creek  and  into  it  with 
their  riders  from  which  they  came  out  wet  and  bedraggled, 
the  men  with  blood  in  their  eyes  and  guns  in  hand  demand- 
ing that  they  be  shown  the  trooper  who  fired  the  shot.  Need- 
less to  say  he  remains  unknown  to  this  day. 

One  day  word  was  passed  around  that  we  were  to  have 
a  grand  review  and  inspection  by  a  high  regular  Army 
officer,  so  everyone  got  busy  polishing  equipment,  shining 
brass  trimmings  and  getting  clothing  neat  and  clean,  so  that 
when  the  time  came  for  us  to  pass  the  reviewing  stand  we 
felt  that  we  were  making  a  splendid  showing;  this  must 
have  been  true  because  the  reviewing  officer  stated  that  he 
had  never  witnessed  a  worse  demonstration. 

We  had  considerable  difficulty  in  getting  used  to  the 
McClellan  saddles  used  by  the  Army  as  they  were  not  in- 
tended to  be  used  for  breaking  broncs,  but  later  we  found 
them  very  comfortable  and  well  adapted  for  the  use  for 
which  they  were  intended ;  the  same  held  true  for  the  Army 
shoes,  they  looked  rough  and  clumsy,  but  later  it  developed 
that  they  were  the  most  comfortable  shoes  we  had  ever 
worn.  We  were  equipped  with  long  cavalry  sabers,  but 
drilled  with  them  very  seldom  and  never  became  accustomed 
to  their  use;  during  drill  when  mounted  we  did  not  draw 
them  as  we  were  likely  to  hurt  ourselves,  and  when  dis- 
mounted they  would  swing  around  between  our  legs,  tripping 
us  into  a  nasty  fall.  Upon  arrival  in  Cuba  we  discarded  them 


and  equipped  ourselves  with  machetes  taken  from  the 
Spaniards  as  we  found  them  on  the  battlefields ;  the  machetes 
were  very  practical.  At  San  Antonio,  Sunday  afternoons 
were  devoted  to  the  reading  of  the  Articles  of  War  to  the 
Regiment  while  the  men  were  drawn  up  in  formation  and 
standing  at  attention ;  the  reading  took  about  two  hours  and 
it  was  a  real  penance  as  no  one  knew  or  cared  what  the 
Articles  were  about,  and  the  sun  was  blistering  hot ! 

Finally,  if  memory  serves,  about  the  Ninth  of  May,  1898, 
we  were  directed  to  entrain  for  Tampa,  Florida.  I  was  in 
charge  of  the  train  carrying  the  horses  and  equipment  of 
E  Troop  and  it  turned  out  to  be  one  of  the  pleasantest  expe- 
riences of  the  campaign.  At  the  end  of  each  day's  run  we 
stopped  at  stockyards  where  the  horses  were  unloaded,  fed 
and  watered  by  the  railway  employees  who  gave  us  the  use 
of  a  switch  engine  to  take  the  men  into  town  for  the  evening. 
One  night  we  unloaded  at  Algiers,  Louisiana,  and  crossed  the 
Mississippi  River  to  New  Orleans  for  the  evening;  I  felt 
sure  the  men  would  not  get  back  in  time  to  leave  next 
morning,  but  at  roll  call  every  man  was  present.  Passing 
through  Georgia  we  were  furnished  with  a  small  woodburn- 
ing  locomotive  and  at  the  slightest  indication  of  an  upgrade 
it  stopped  while  the  negro  firemen  carried  cordwood  from 
piles  along  the  track  and  fed  the  furnace  until  we  had  steam 
enough  to  reach  the  top,  in  the  meantime  we  strolled  along 
the  right  of  way  and  learned  something  about  the  manu- 
facture of  turpentine.  Upon  arrival  at  Tampa  we  found  no 
chutes  through  which  to  unload  the  horses  and  they  were 
forced  to  jump  from  the  cars  to  the  ground.  All  in  all,  none 
but  a  bunch  of  range  horses  could  have  survived  the  various 
adventures  encountered  by  those  horses. 

Our  stay  at  Tampa  was  rather  uneventful  as  we  were 
kept  busy  getting  up  our  shelter  tents,  caring  for  the  horses, 
getting  our  equipment  in  good  order,  with  some  drilling.  In 
digging  the  pit  for  one  of  the  latrines  I  was  told  that  an  alli- 
gator was  dug  out  of  the  sand  and  mud.  At  another  time 
some  regular  troops  had  gotten  out  of  hand  over  in  the  town 
of  Tampa,  and  were  literally  tearing  up  the  place.  A  call 
was  sent  over  to  our  camp  asking  us  to  go  in  and  restore 


order ;  we  left  hastily  with  high  expectations  of  a  good  scrap, 
but  upon  our  arrival  everything  had  quieted  down  and  there 
was  nothing  for  us  to  do. 

We  had  in  our  Troop  a  Baptist  Minister  named  Morrison, 
a  good  man  and  a  good  Trooper,  but  he  knew  little  about 
riding  broncs.  The  Cavalry  spurs  have  small  rowels  with 
sharp  points  and  they  will  cut  a  horse  badly  if  improperly 
used.  Most  of  us  rode  bareback  most  of  the  time  while  attend- 
ing to  our  various  duties,  but  we  were  careful  never  to  wear 
spurs.  However,  some  of  the  men  persuaded  Morrison  that 
he  should  wear  spurs,  and  if  his  horse  pitched  to  jam  the 
spurs  into  its  side  and  thus  hold  on.  The  results  were  disas- 
trous; the  horse,  of  course,  went  wild,  ran  down  by  the 
railroad  and  threw  Morrison  against  a  coal  car  so  that  he 
was  crippled  and  laid  up  for  many  months.  Morrison  had  the 
longest  mustache  I  ever  saw ;  while  eating  he  had  to  use  one 
hand  to  raise  the  drapery  in  order  to  get  the  food  in  his 
mouth.  I  have  often  wondered  whether  he  lost  it  in  the 

Young  colored  boys  frequented  the  camp ;  we  used  them 
to  good  advantage  to  help  us  with  our  chores  and  they  in 
turn  taught  us  many  of  the  secrets  required  to  properly  roll 
'em  for  a  seven.  The  pictures  taken  after  we  left  camp  were 
given  me  by  a  fellow  Trooper.  The  boys  left  behind  are 
entitled  to  as  much,  or  more  credit  than  we  who  went  across. 
It  was  a  terrible  disappointment  to  them. 

My  tent  was  at  the  end  of  our  street,  immediately  oppo- 
site Regimental  Headquarters.  While  sitting  in  front  of  my 
tent  one  day  I  heard  a  discussion  going  on  over  the  fact  that 
orders  had  been  received  directing  that  our  Regiment  be 
sent  to  Cuba  as  dismounted  cavalry,  the  horses  to  be  left 
at  Tampa  until  a  later  date,  and  one  Troop  out  of  each 
Squadron  was  to  be  left  behind  to  care  for  the  horses  and 
equipment.  I  immediately  reported  to  Captain  Muller  and 
he  lost  no  time  in  presenting  himself  at  Headquarters  and 
obtained  the  assurance  that  Troop  E  would  not  be  left 

On  the  Seventh  of  June  we  were  ordered  to  break  camp 
and  move  over  to  the  railroad  track  where  we  would  entrain 


for  Port  Tampa  and  there  get  aboard  our  transport.  Early 
in  the  day  we  had  everything  packed  into  our  blanket  rolls 
and  again  encountered  the  bane  of  a  soldier's  life,  waiting 
for  something  to  happen.  Some  of  the  men  started  poker 
games,  while  others  busied  themselves  hatching  up  rumors 
to  be  transmitted  by  grapevine,  but  finally  we  moved  over 
to  the  railroad  track  and  again  waited  in  expectation  of  a 
train  that  would  take  us  the  eight  miles  to  Fort  Tampa, 
but  none  came. 

About  daylight  an  engine  hauling  some  empty  coal  cars 
appeared  and  were  stopped;  some  of  the  officers  arranged 
with  the  train  crew  to  take  us  to  Port  Tampa  where  we 
unloaded  on  the  docks  for  another  wait  running  into  hours 
while  our  officers  tried  to  find  out  something  about  the  ship 
we  were  to  take  and  when  we  could  get  on  it.  In  some  way 
they  captured  the  Yucatan  and  we  were  told  that  other 
troops  were  trying  to  get  aboard  and  it  was  up  to  us  to  get 
there  first.  Needless  to  say,  we  needed  no  urging  and  were 
on  board  even  before  the  gangplanks  were  lowered.  The 
boat  was  a  small  one  and  we  filled  it  from  the  lower  hold 
to  the  top  deck;  every  inch  of  space  was  taken.  My  space 
was  on  the  deck,  immediately  in  front  of  the  door  of  the 
stateroom  occupied  by  one  of  the  ship's  officers  and  every 
time  he  came  out  of  his  stateroom  he  took  great  delight  in 
stepping  squarely  on  my  neck  or  shoulders. 

After  we  boarded  the  transport,  the  ship  pulled  out  into 
the  Bay  and  there  we  stopped  for  a  number  of  days  during 
which  time  we  amused  ourselves  by  laundering  our  clothes 
and  swimming  about  the  ship.  We  had  been  issued  a  coarse, 
yellow  soap  with  wrappings  stating  that  it  was  "Salt  Water 
Soap"  and  guaranteed  to  lather  freely  and  bring  clothes  out 
white  when  washed  in  sea  water ;  the  maker  of  the  guaranty 
must  have  had  his  fingers  crossed  when  writing  it  out.  The 
sailors  on  the  ship  put  in  their  spare  time  narrating  the 
phenomena  which  we  would  encounter  on  the  sea  in  the 
nature  of  waterspouts,  hurricanes,  the  Sargasso  Sea  with 
its  Doldrums,  together  with  the  venomous  reptiles,  boa 
constrictors,  gorillas,  giant  land  crabs,  monkeys  that  threw 
coconuts  with  deadly  aim  and  even  wild  men  inhabiting  the 


jungles  of  Cuba.  All  stories  were  duly  transmitted  by  grape- 
vine, with  such  embellishments  as  came  to  the  mind  of  the 
instant  narrator. 

Among  these  stories  there  was  one  to  the  effect  that 
Tampa  Bay  was  infested  by  Man-eating  sharks  and  that, 
since  the  arrival  of  the  transports,  great  schools  of  such 
sharks  had  arrived  in  the  Bay ;  thereafter  we  swam  in  relays 
and  those  men  remaining  on  the  ship  were  lined  along  the 
rail  with  their  carbines  and  by  firing  over  the  swimmers' 
heads  they  were  supposed  to  keep  the  sharks  at  a  distance. 
I  don't  know  whether  such  sharks  are  found  in  Tampa  Bay, 
but  while  swimming  one  morning  the  men  commenced  shout- 
ing "Shark"  and  firing  at  the  water  back  of  me ;  I  thought  it 
was  a  joke  until  happening  to  look  up  at  the  bridge  I  saw 
the  Ship's  Captain  yelling  and  swinging  his  arms  directing 
us  to  come  in  quickly.  You  may  be  sure  right  then  the  world's 
swimming  record  for  speed  was  broken.  Finally  the  fleet  got 
under  way  and  we  left  the  sea-green  water  of  Tampa  Bay 
and  the  Gulf  for  the  blue  of  the  Caribbean  where  the  Atlantic 
waves  caused  the  ship  to  roll  considerably,  to  the  discomfort 
of  many  of  the  men. 

We  had  been  held  in  Tampa  Bay  so  long  that  our  rations 
began  to  run  low  and  we  were  issued  canned  tomatoes,  hard- 
tack, occasionally  a  can  of  peaches  with  condensed  milk 
together  with  canned  beef  (which  was  unfit  to  eat  and  was 
thrown  out  the  port  holes).  At  first  there  was  plenty  as 
many  of  the  boys  were  not  eating,  but  soon  a  can  of  tomatoes, 
a  can  of  peaches  and  a  can  of  milk  was  issued  to  eight  men, 
together  with  unlimited  supplies  of  hardtack.  The  cans  were 
opened  and  passed  around  the  squad  and  each  man  took  a 
spoonful  from  the  can  as  it  passed,  AND  NO  MORE !  After 
two  weeks  on  shipboard  before  landing  this  fare  had  made 
the  men  ravenous,  so  much  so  that  some  of  the  men  who 
were  more  familiar  with  life  on  shipboard  than  others  paid 
the  dining-room  steward  five  dollars  a  meal  for  the  scraps 
coming  from  the  officers'  tables.  The  night  before  we  landed 
we  gained  entrance  to  the  ship's  galley  and,  finding  the 
necessary  ingredients,  began  turning  out  great  pansful  of 
biscuits  and  these,  with  great  cans  of  imitation  preserves, 


were  passed  out  to  the  men  throughout  the  night  and  it  had 
a  wonderful  effect  upon  the  men  the  next  day  during  the 
strenuous  work  of  landing. 

Several  incidents  occurred  on  the  trip  over;  as  we  look 
back  at  them  some  were  ludicrous,  while  others  might  well 
be  forgotten.  One  day  a  small  dispatch  boat  came  alongside 
with  orders  for  our  transport  to  drop  back  and  accompany 
another  transport  which  was  towing  some  sort  of  landing 
barge  and  therefore  it  was  unable  to  keep  up  with  the  rest 
of  the  fleet.  We  felt  very  proud  of  the  fact  that  we  had  been 
selected  as  an  escort  to  protect  the  lagging  transport  from 
Cervera's  Fleet.  One  day  a  smoke  was  seen  on  the  horizon 
and  the  grapevine  reported  that  it  was  one  of  Cervera's 
battleships  coming  up  to  attack;  we  got  out  our  carbines, 
cleaned  and  oiled  them,  saw  that  our  belts  were  filled  with 
cartridges  and  made  all  necessary  arrangements  to  give 
that  battleship  a  hot  reception  and  protect  our  convoy ;  how- 
ever, Cervera's  battleship  was  saved  from  destruction  from 
our  carbines  because  the  smoke  was  being  made  by  one  of 
our  own  ships. 

We  had  Guard  mount  each  day  on  the  ship  and  guards 
were  posted  at  strategic  places,  among  them  a  post  away 
down  at  the  bottom  of  the  ship  in  Stygian  darkness  among 
boxes  and  bales  and  miscellaneous  cargo.  I  was  put  on  duty 
as  Sergeant  of  the  Guard  one  rainy  afternoon ;  we  were  so 
crowded  that  the  sentries  could  not  walk  a  beat  and  in  fact 
there  was  no  way  to  distinguish  a  sentry  from  a  man  off 
duty.  About  midnight  I  changed  the  guard  and  directed  the 
sentry  who  had  the  post  at  the  bottom  of  the  ship  to  take 
his  blankets  along  and  make  himself  comfortable  and  he 
would  be  called  in  time  for  breakfast.  Going  on  top  I  found 
the  rest  of  the  sentries  resting  comfortably,  so  crawled 
under  a  canvas  stretched  over  a  boom  and  retired  for  the 
rest  of  the  night. 

We  had  on  board  some  officers  and  men  of  the  Second 
Cavalry  and  one  of  these  was  the  officer  of  the  day.  Probably 
he  couldn't  sleep,  but  in  any  event  during  the  early  hours  of 
the  morning  he  decided  to  make  the  sentry  rounds.  I  was 
not  to  be  found,  the  other  sentries  could  not  be  distinguished 


from  the  rest  of  the  sleeping  men,  but  down  in  the  bottom 
of  the  ship  he  found  poor  Ben  Seaders  wrapped  in  his 
blankets  and  sleeping  peacefully  against  one  of  the  ship's 
stanchions.  As  no  one  in  charge  of  the  guard  could  be  found, 
the  officer  had  to  content  himself  to  wait  until  we  got  around 
for  breakfast  when  Captain  Muller,  in  his  quiet  way,  came 
over  to  inquire  about  the  night's  happenings  and  told  me 
that  Ben  had  been  arrested  and  was  locked  up  some  place 
on  the  ship  and  there  was  talk  that  he  was  to  be  shot  at 
sunrise  for  sleeping  at  his  post.  Captain  arranged  for 
me  to  meet  the  officer  of  the  day  and  the  officer  of  the 
guard  and  I  explained  the  situation  to  them;  it  must  have 
been  satisfactory  for  Ben  was  released  and  I  never  heard 
anything  more  about  it.  One  day  we  were  startled  by  a 
gunboat  steaming  up  to  us  inquiring  if  our  officers  needed 
help;  it  later  developed  that  the  fleet's  grapevine  reported 
that  we  had  mutinied  and  taken  over  the  ship,  for  what 
ultimate  purpose  remains  a  mystery  unless  it  was  to  end 
the  War  by  delivering  our  cargo  of  canned  meat  to  the 

There  was  a  narrow  passageway  passing  by  the  ship's 
galley  with  a  window  protected  by  b?,rs  similar  to  those 
used  by  bank  tellers,  with  an  opening  on  the  lower  side 
about  2,1/2  inches  high.  The  cook  took  great  delight  in  setting 
fragrant  pies  and  other  pastry  in  front  of  this  window  so 
that  we  got  the  full  benefit  of  this  aroma  in  the  passageway. 
Naturally  the  boys  watched  their  opportunity  and  tried  to 
slip  a  pie  through  the  opening,  when  the  cook  would  take  a 
chop  at  the  hand  with  a  butcher  knife.  The  day  before  we 
landed  the  cook  cut  a  nasty  slash  on  the  hand  of  one  of  the 
boys  which  increased  the  bitterness  we  felt  against  him. 
Getting  into  the  galley  that  night  the  cook  was  missing  and 
we  never  heard  of  him  again. 

While  waiting  for  the  landing  boats  to  take  us  off  the 
transport,  the  sailors  detailed  to  us  again  the  perils  of  life 
in  the  tropical  jungles;  how  we  must  never  eat  any  of  the 
fruits  because  of  yellow  fever;  that  limbs  of  trees  over- 
hanging the  trails  must  be  watched  lest  it  turn  out  to  be  a 
boa  constrictor  waiting  to  entrap  an  unwary  trooper  in  its 


folds  to  be  slowly  crushed  to  death,  combined  with  detailed 
instructions  regarding  the  manner  in  which  a  knife  should 
be  used  in  order  to  cut  loose  from  the  folds ;  of  the  accuracy 
by  which  gigantic  monkeys  could  bean  one  with  a  coconut 
from  the  top  of  a  palm  tree ;  that  we  must  never  sleep  on  the 
ground,  but  use  a  hammock,  because  of  enormous  land  crabs 
that  could  pinch  off  an  ear  or  a  nose  at  one  fell  swoop;  of 
the  deadly  bushmaster  that  struck  without  rattling,  and 
worst  of  all  the  ever  present  scorpions  whose  sting  meant 
instant  death;  in  fact  it  began  to  appear  that  if  the  Span- 
iards could  keep  us  in  the  jungle  for  a  few  days  we  would 
be  so  decimated  as  to  become  their  easy  victims.  After 
landing  one  of  the  men  was  stung  on  the  end  of  the  finger 
by  a  scorpion  and  he  promptly  whipped  out  his  pistol  and 
shot  off  the  end  of  the  finger.  Later  we  found  the  scorpion's 
sting  was  something  like  the  concentrated  sting  of  a  hive 
of  bees,  but  it  was  not  fatal. 

(To  be  continued) 


FORT  UNION,  N.  M.,  up  to  the  time  of  its  abandonment  in 
1890,  was  one  of  the  most  important  posts  on  the  fron- 
tier. It  is  located  on  a  plateau  of  many  miles  of  reservation. 
The  quarters  are  built  of  adobe — most  comfortable  both  in 
winter  and  summer  owing  to  the  very  thick  walls  and  spa- 
cious rooms.  The  climate  is  most  bracing  and  healthful,  so 
conducive  to  health  and  comfort. 

The  line  of  officers'  quarters  consisted  of  eight  double 
sets,  and  facing  these  across  the  parade  ground  were  the 
enlisted  men's  quarters,  mess  halls,  and  the  adjutant's  office. 
The  line  of  officers  in  the  quartermaster's  depot  was  sepa- 
rated from  the  line  officers  by  a  road  leading  to  the  post 
traders  store  and  other  buildings  pertaining  thereto.  The 
depot,  a  continuation  of  the  line  officers'  quarters,  composed 
of  four  double  sets,  followed  by  quarters  of  several  sets 
used  by  the  quartermaster  sergeants  and  other  employees 
of  the  government,  and  the  post  quartermaster's  office,  were 
separated  from  the  former  by  a  fence  which  inclosed  the 
q.  m.  depot  on  both  sides.  Opposite  the  depot  officers  quar- 
ters, across  a  small  parade  or  square,  were  the  q.  m.  store 
houses,  and  cavalry  stables.  The  hospital  was  located  about 
four  hundred  yards  outside  the  post. 

Troops  stationed  at  Fort  Union  during  the  time  my 
father  Chaplain  James  A.  M.  LaTourrette  was  stationed 
there— September  1877-1890— were  the  15th,  9th,  23d  and 
10th  Inf.  and  the  9th  Cav.  The  Commanding  officers  of 
these  regiments  were — Maj.  Edward  W.  Whittemore,  15th 
Inf. ;  Col.  G.  0.  Haller,  23rd  Inf.,  retired  for  age,  and  suc- 
ceeded by  Col.  Henry  M.  Black;  Col.  Henry  Douglass,  10th 
Inf.,  retired  for  age,  and  succeeded  by  Col.  Henry  R.  Mizner. 

The  Arsenal,  which  was  about  a  mile  from  the  post,  was 

*  Daughter  of  Major  James  A.  M.  LaTourrette,  Chaplain,  Fort  Union  1877-1890. 
Married  to  Major  Joseph  H.  Collins,  Assistant  Surgeon,  Post  Hospital. 

Submitted  for  publication  by  James  W.  Arrott,  Sapello,  New  Mexico,  by  courtesy 
of  the  late  W.  J.  Lucas,  Las  Vegas,  New  Mexico. 



commanded  by  Capt.  W.  R.  Shoemaker,  who  had  held  that 
position  during  35  or  40  years,  and  was  very  highly  re- 
spected in  the  surrounding  country.  That  very  courtly  old 
gentleman,  who  evidently  did  not  believe  in  the  progressive- 
ness  of  that  part  of  the  frontier — could  not  be  persuaded  to 
ride  on  the  Santa  Fe  R.  R.  when  it  made  its  appearance  in 
1879,  and  had  not  been  to  Las  Vegas  for  many  years.  He 
preferred  his  seclusive  life  within  a  certain  radius  of  the 
arsenal  and  the  garrison,  and  was  constantly  in  the  saddle, 
a  wonderful  horseman,  even  though  in  his  eighties.  His  ec- 
centricity, perhaps,  was  due  to  his  extreme  deafness,  which 
was  a  great  detriment,  yet  he  could  not  be  persuaded  to  use 
remedies — rather  (they  used  to  say)  preferred  to  have  the 
ladies  put  their  arms  around  his  neck  in  order  to  make  him 
hear — and  very  loud  they  had  to  speak  too ! 

The  arsenal  was  large  and  for  many  years  supplied  am- 
munition throughout  the  territory. 

The  daily  routine  of  the  soldier  began  with  the  rising 
of  the  sun — firing  of  the  cannon  and  hoisting  of  the  flag — 
followed  by  the  bugle  sounding  call  for  breakfast — after 
which  there  was  drilling  of  various  kinds,  target  practice, 
etc. ;  dinner  and  more  drilling,  and  later  in  the  day  recrea- 
tion— then  retreat  at  sunset — firing  of  the  cannon  as  the 
flag  was  lowered. 

I  often  wonder  whether  the  same  flag  staff  is  still  stand- 
ing through  all  these  years  since  abandonment.  I  saw  the 
old  one  fall  during  a  heavy  wind  storm,  several  years  before 
we  left  Fort  Union  in  1890.  It  was  always  the  rule  of  the 
garrison  (and  it  may  be  by  orders  from  the  War  Dept.) 
to  bury  beneath  the  staff  various  souvenirs  or  official  papers 
in  a  box.  A  box  was  found  when  the  old  staff  fell,  and  I 
remember  witnessing  the  ceremony  with  others  when  the 
present  or  last  one  was  put  up ;  however,  I  doubt  whether  it 
is  still  standing,  although  one  usually  lasts  many  years. 

If  the  flag  staff  is  not  there  now,  the  spot  where  it  was 
could  be  found  directly  in  front  of  the  commanding  officer's 
quarters  which  is  the  center  set  of  the  first  line  of  officers 
quarters,  about  half  way  across  the  parade  ground. 

The  garrison  accommodated  about  twenty-five  families 


— any  amount  of  children — the  safest  place  in  the  world  to 
bring  up  children  (no  automobiles  those  days).  I  can  re- 
member when  a  child  at  Fort  Garland  the  happy  days  of 
making  mud  pies,  and  riding  three  at  a  time  on  the  poor 
patient  burros — the  next  time  I  met  one  of  my  playmates 
(the  granddaughter  of  Gen'l.  McClellan)  was  at  a  reception 
at  the  White  House  in  Washington,  many  years  after,  where 
we  introduced  our  children  to  each  other.  The  social  at- 
mosphere in  a  frontier  post,  such  as  Fort  Union,  in  those 
days,  and  the  happy  freedom  of  all  out-of-door  life,  as  well 
as  in,  presented  an  altogether  different  view  with  that  of  the 
present  day.  For  sports  we  had  horseback  riding,  tennis,  etc. 

The  remote  situation  of  those  garrisons  and  consequent 
isolation  created  an  interdependence  not  found  in  these  days 
of  adjoining  large  cities  and  easy  formation  of  friendship  in 
civil  life.  When  so  infrequently  near  cities  or  small  towns 
where  we  were  able  to  exchange  social  courtesies  with  our 
civilian  acquaintances,  it  was  always  a  source  of  regret  that 
Las  Vegas  was  not  nearer  so  that  we  might  see  more  of  our 
friends  who  came  occasionally,  but  as  a  rule  only  to  the 
larger  functions,  dinners,  dances,  and  weddings.  During  the 
thirteen  years  of  my  father's  station  at  Fort  Union,  there 
were  only  five  weddings  among  the  officer's  families — three 
daughters  of  colonels,  my  sister's  and  my  own.  The  quar- 
ters were  well  adapted  for  entertaining — with  halls  extend- 
ing from  the  front  door  to  the  back,  with  large  rooms  on 
either  side. 

In  1885,  the  prospect  of  a  wedding  (my  sister  Mary's) 
in  the  garrison  was  an  event  looked  forward  to  with  great 
anticipation,  almost  everyone  taking  part  in  the  preparation 
for  the  event  which  was  to  take  place  on  the  5th  of  February. 
The  bridegroom  elect,  1st  Lieut.  J.  M.  Stotsenburg,  6th  Cav., 
was  expected  to  arrive  about  February  1st. 

Out  of  the  clear  sky,  when  everybody  was  happy  and 
planning  for  the  wedding  and  all  that  goes  with  it,  the  gen- 
eral assembly  was  sounded  by  the  several  buglers — all  run- 
ning in  different  directions  that  all  might  hear,  which  means 
fire  or  hurried  orders  to  the  field  of  action,  and  all  soldiers 
fall  in  formation  to  receive  those  orders — generally  mean- 


ing  that  Indian  renegades  were  at  large.  But  in  this  instance 
orders  were  received  from  headquarters  at  Santa  Fe  for 
every  officer  and  soldier  who  could  be  spared  to  leave  at 
sunrise  for  the  opening  strip  in  Oklahoma.  Men  worked  all 
night,  leaving  but  six  enlisted  men  to  care  for  the  post,  with 
two  surgeons  and  the  chaplain.  As  the  regiment  left,  the 
band,  following  the  usual  custom,  escorted  them  out  of  the 
garrison  quite  a  distance,  playing  The  Girl  I  Left  Behind  Me, 
which  started  many  a  tear  to  flow.  However,  the  only  tele- 
graph instrument  left  in  the  garrison  (outside  of  the  adju- 
tant's office) ,  in  the  quartermaster's  quarters  (the  regiment 
having  taken  the  only  operator  with  it) ,  began  to  tick  about 
5  o'clock  that  evening  in  a  most  excited  manner,  and  no  one 
to  understand  what  it  meant  until  the  wife  of  the  quarter- 
master ran  from  house  to  house  hoping  to  find  someone  who 
could  understand  the  receiving  of  this  message;  a  young 
nephew  who  was  visiting  us  was  able  to  make  out  enough  to 
let  us  know  the  regiment  had  been  stopped  at  Raton  by 
orders  to  return  to  station  as  it  would  not  be  needed.  It  is 
useless  to  say  there  was  great  joy  in  the  garrison,  as  it  was 
very  indefinite  as  to  the  time  of  return  to  their  families  and 
it  now  meant  the  wedding  would  after  all  take  place  as 
planned.  At  sundown  the  band  met  the  regiment  outside  the 
post  on  its  return  playing  Out  of  the  Wilderness. 

A  military  wedding  is  a  brilliant  affair  now,  and  was  in 
this  garrison  on  the  frontier  of  those  days :  the  large  halls 
being  spacious  and  well  fitted  for  such  occasions,  the  entire 
hall  attractively  draped  with  flags  and  festoons  of  greens, 
the  band  playing  both  wedding  marches  and  gay  music  as  we 
left.  Officers  wore  their  full  uniforms,  and  relatives  and 
friends  in  the  garrison  as  well  as  from  Las  Vegas  attended. 
No  doubt  many  who  are  now  in  that  city  remember  being 
present  at  our  marriages.  Bishop  Dunlap  (then  Bishop  of 
N.  M.,  and  living  with  his  family  in  Las  Vegas)  officiated 
at  both  our  weddings.  My  sister  and  her  husband  left  for 
the  East  immediately  after  their  wedding  amid  the  playing 
of  the  band,  shoes  and  plenty  of  rice  being  thrown  after 
them.  Doctor  Joseph  H.  Collins  and  myself  were  married 
about  two  years  before  my  sister — we  spent  two  happy 


weeks  at  the  Old  Montezuma  Hotel,  Las  Vegas  Hot  Springs. 
On  our  return  to  the  post,  the  hop  room  had  been  beautifully 
decorated  with  flags  and  greens  for  a  reception  by  the  whole 
garrison — the  usual  custom  on  such  occasions,  as  well  as 
other  functions  in  receiving  a  bride  into  a  garrison.  How- 
ever, mine  was  only  coming  home. 

Fort  Union  was  also  a  center  for  caring  for  Indian  pris- 
oners until  their  return  to  their  reservations. 

It  was  in  the  summer  of  1881  that  the  general  assembly 
call  was  sounded  which  sent  great  chills  through  the  hearts 
of  everybody.  On  this  occasion  hurried  orders  were  received 
by  the  commanding  officer  to  send  all  available  troops  to  the 
field  without  delay.  These  orders  were  sent  from  headquar- 
ters at  Santa  Fe  by  request  of  ranchmen  who  had  been 
menaced  by  young  renegades  who  were  stealing  and  killing 
their  bucks.  These  alarms  many  times  proved  to  be  that  they 
were  out  more  or  less  for  a  good  time,  simply  frightening 
the  people  rather  than  to  do  them  harm,  and  I  do  not  be- 
lieve they  were  much  worse  than  our  young  boys  in  large 
cities  out  for  a  lark.  The  troops  were  off  in  a  few  hours — 
next  day  was  very  foggy,  so  much  so  we  could  not  see  across 
the  parade  ground,  and  while  two  young  Indian  prisoners 
were  policing  the  post  they  took  advantage  of  the  fog  and 
that  few  men  were  guarding  the  post,  knocked  the  sentry 
down  and  made  their  escape.  It  was  said  they  leaped  like 
two  deers  through  the  dense  fog,  and  could  not  be  seen  when 
once  in  it.  They  simply  flew  towards  Turkey  Mountains, 
about  a  mile  away,  where  they  hid  until  dark — making  their 
escape  back  to  their  reservation  (Mescalero  Agency)  near 
Fort  Stanton  by  stealing  horses  by  relays — reaching  the 
Agency  in  a  few  days.  The  result  of  this  great  excitement 
they  left  behind  them,  when  it  was  found  they  were  gone, 
in  such  a  mysterious  manner,  gave  the  greatest  alarm  and 
thrills  to  each  of  the  twenty-five  families,  who  felt  sure  they 
might  be  hiding  in  one  of  their  houses.  It  did  not  take  long 
for  the  members  of  these  twenty-five  families,  mothers, 
children,  to  sense  something  wrong,  even  the  dogs — big  and 
little — whose  barking  did  not  add  to  the  serenity  of  the 
occasion — only  made  matters  worse.  We  all  started  to  hunt, 


for  it  seemed  they  really  must  be  somewhere  in  the  post. 
We  went  around  in  bunches,  each  fearing  they  might  come 
across  them  in  some  crack  or  corner  in  their  houses  or  barns, 
which  meant  to  those  who  were  most  nervous  sure  death, 
though  that  would  have  been  more  from  fright  rather  than 
anything  else.  I  know  it  was  the  greatest  thrill  of  my  life — 
we  even  went  to  the  old  earth  works  back  of  the  post,  ex- 
pecting to  come  face  to  face  with  one  of  them,  around  one 
of  those  corners,  where  parts  were  rather  deep — when  all 
of  a  sudden  we  heard  a  pistol  shot,  which  proved  to  be 
next  door  to  our  house.  Of  course  we  thought  they  had  been 
found,  rushed  home,  holding  on  to  each  other — only  to  find 
that  the  post  surgeon  was  trying  out  his  pistol  to  see  if  it 
would  work  in  case  it  was  needed.  We  all  drew  a  sigh  of 
relief,  though  I  am  quite  sure  some  of  us  were  almost  dis- 
appointed that  we  were  not  able  to  prove  ourselves  a  heroine 
by  finding  those  two  young  renegades  without  the  assistance 
of  a  man — yet  secretly  in  my  heart  I  was  glad  they  escaped 
without  further  trouble.  That  evening  was  spent  in  telling 
of  our  experiences  in  the  day's  excitement.  We  were  all  sit- 
ting on  the  end  of  the  porch  near  the  side  gate  of  our  yard, 
when  we  heard  the  shuffling  of  some  kind  of  noise  coming 
toward  the  gate.  All  was  silent,  when  a  poor  little  innocent 
burro  poked  his  head  through  the  gate  and  gave  one  of 
the  loudest  and  most  uncanny  brays  I  ever  heard — and  I 
had  heard  many.  It  can  only  be  imagined  what  that  meant 
to  a  flock  of  frightened  women,  at  a  time  when  we  were  wait- 
ing for  something  exciting  to  turn  up — however,  we  drew 
a  great  sigh  of  relief  to  find  it  was  our  nice  little  old  burro ; 
we  ended  the  evening  laughing  over  the  affair,  but  little  sleep 
was  enjoyed  that  night,  because  we  spent  the  night  listening 
through  for  noises  of  all  sorts,  when  all  the  time  those  poor 
Indians  were  hurrying  down  to  their  reservation. 

Many  times  have  my  thoughts  gone  back  to  those  days 
at  Fort  Union.  The  numerous  interesting  events  which  took 
place  during  the  13  years  of  my  father's  station  there — up 
to  the  time  of  abandonment.  An  incident  happened  one  day 
when  the  mantlepiece  of  our  next  door  neighbor,  which  was 
becoming  very  loose  from  the  wall,  was  taken  down  and  re- 


placed.  Between  the  cracks,  which  evidently  were  there  for 
many  years,  articles  were  found — among  them  a  small  old 
fashioned  photograph  which  proved  to  be  one  of  my  father's 
cousin — Doctor  Peters  and  family,  who  had  been  stationed 
there  about  twenty  years  before  we  arrived.  I  have  always 
had  the  greatest  desire  to  see  behind  those  mantlepieces  in 
every  one  of  those  quarters,  for  I  believe  many  would  bring 
to  light  other  articles  of  interest — what  a  tale  they  might 

Toward  the  latter  years  at  Fort  Union,  the  quarters 
needed  renovating  badly.  It  seemed  impossible  for  the  quar- 
termaster to  be  able  to  obtain  appropriation  for  repairs. 
Inspector  after  Inspector  would  be  sent  there  to  inspect 
them  and  even  their  requisitions  would  be  denied  the  money 
by  Congress,  until  the  last  Inspector  came,  and  that  very 
day  we  had  one  of  the  worst  rain  storms  we  ever  experienced 
at  the  post.  Roofs  were  leaking  in  the  quarters  to  the  extent 
that  we  went  around  with  umbrellas.  There  seemed  just  one 
spot  in  our  quarters  which  was  dry  where  I  took  my  baby 
in  her  cradle  to  the  corner  of  a  room.  In  a  few  minutes  I 
heard  a  lusty  cry  from  that  corner  and  found  her  drenched 
with  rain  coming  down  on  her  and  had  to  put  the  top  of  the 
carriage  up.  We  really  felt  compensated  to  a  certain  degree 
that  it  so  happened  when  the  Inspector  was  there,  because 
it  gave  him  a  better  idea  as  to  the  condition  of  the  quarters. 
It  was  not  long  before  an  appropriation  was  forthcoming 
and  all  put  in  perfect  condition. 

The  servant  question  was  a  great  problem,  as  we  were 
obliged  to  send  at  our  own  expense  to  Kansas  City  and  Den- 
ver for  them,  but  they  would  not  last  long  as  they  married 
soldiers  as  soon  as  possible — until  only  a  few  continued  to 
have  women  servants — finally  all  but  two  families  replaced 
with  Chinamen  for  cooks  and  general  housework.  Many 
married  from  our  home — they  called  it  "the  Marriage 
Agency."  It  happened  so  many  white  servants  had  left  that 
the  soldiers  did  not  have  enough  to  continue  their  weekly 
dances — their  only  pleasure  of  that  kind — so  they  threat- 
ened to  get  rid  of  these  Chinese  servants  by  frightening  the 
poor  things  almost  to  death  by  chasing  them  at  night,  mak- 


ing  them  believe  they  were  going  to  kill  them  if  once  they 
could  get  them  which,  of  course,  was  only  a  scare,  but  very 
effective.  They  would  run  through  our  back  yards  to  the 
front  gates,  coming  out,  panting  for  breath  and  a  smile  of 
relief  on  their  faces,  as  they  saw  us  on  the  porch.  It  was  not 
long  before  every  one  of  them  was  gone,  and  one  by  one 
each  family  returned  to  their  women  servants,  and  the  band 
played  on  with  their  dances. 

My  father,  Chaplain  James  A.  M.  LaTourrette,  arrived 
at  Fort  Union,  N.  M.,  in  September,  1877,  from  his  former 
station,  Fort  Lyon,  Colorado.  It  was  before  the  Santa  Fe 
R.  R.  was  built  as  far  as  Fort  Union.  We  traveled  overland 
which  took  a  week  enroute,  and  I  well  remember  it  was 
one  long  picnic,  especially  after  we  reached  the  mountainous 
region.  We  had  an  escort  of  about  ten  enlisted  men  and  an 
officer,  for  in  those  days  it  was  not  considered  quite  safe  to 
travel  without  protection.  Our  outfit  consisted  of  two  bag- 
gage wagons  (covered),  a  daugharty,  resembling  a  stage 
coach,  with  four  mules — the  latter  was  occupied  by  the  fam- 
ily. A  new  arrival  in  a  garrison  in  those  days  was  an  event- 
ful occasion,  and  a  hearty  welcome  awaited  us.  My  brother, 
my  sister  Mary  and  myself  accompanied  our  parents,  two 
elder  sisters  having  married  some  years  before.  We  were 
entertained,  until  we  were  able  to  move  into  our  own  home, 
by  dividing  the  family  into  two  parts.  Col.  [and  Mrs.  John] 
Dent  (Col.  Dent  was  brother  of  Gen.  Grant's  wife)  was 
then  and  had  been  post  trader  at  Fort  Union  for  some  years. 
They  were  packing  preparatory  to  leaving  for  the  East. 
It  was  fortunate  for  us  as  well  as  for  them  that  my  father 
bought  quite  a  good  deal  of  their  furniture — among  it  a 
bedroom  set,  the  four  poster  of  which  they  said  Gen.  Grant 
had  often  slept  on. 

When  my  father  had  become  established  in  his  new  sta- 
tion he  very  soon  was  able  (in  addition  to  his  military  duties 
in  the  post)  to  start  with  his  missionary  work  outside,  and 
did  much  to  promote  the  interest  of  the  church  in  that  juris- 
diction, working  in  connection  with  the  different  bishops  of 
N.  M.  His  services  were  immediately  in  demand,  especially 
for  weddings — many  coming  from  the  country  around  in 


addition  to  those  in  the  garrison.  Many  an  amusing  incident 
happened  in  connection  with  these  marriages — sometimes 
the  participants  coming  to  our  home  for  the  ceremony.  Often 
some  of  the  family  would  be  called  in  as  witnesses.  On  one 
occasion,  I  remember,  the  bride  walked  into  the  room, 
dressed  in  a  wedding  gown  made  of  a  nottingham  lace  cur- 
tain— court  train,  which  was  very  impressive  and  most  ef- 
fective— the  bride  looking  supremely  happy.  After  the  cere- 
mony, while  receiving  congratulations,  one  very  timid  man 
(a  friend  they  brought  with  them)  wished  "many  happy  re- 
turns." He  seemed  perfectly  unconscious  of  what  he  had 
said,  and  they  all  left  for  their  farm  home  very  happy. 

Another  marriage  was  to  take  place  as  soon  as  the  en- 
listed man's  time  had  expired.  The  bride  elect  told  with  great 
glee  how  she  used  to  trot  this  future  husband  on  her  knee 
when  he  was  a  baby.  She  had  recently  received  quite  a  sum 
of  money  from  the  Louisiana  Lottery,  and  with  this  she  said 
they  were  going  on  their  wedding  trip  to  Albuquerque,  and 
to  the  grave  of  her  former  husband  who,  some  years  before, 
had  been  hung  for  murder — they  thought  it  would  be  so 
romantic  to  go  there. 

My  father  led  a  very  lonely  life  in  a  garrison — there  not 
being  any  other  clergyman  nearer  than  Las  Vegas,  and 
those  he  did  not  often  see ;  at  any  rate  it  was  not  as  though 
he  were  in  the  town,  so  he  enjoyed  anyone  he  could  find  to 
talk  to,  getting  into  conversation  with  Mexicans  and  Indians 
who  came  around  selling  vegetables,  blankets,  etc.  He  often 
amused  them  for  he  could  not  speak  Spanish  fluently,  but 
did  make  them  understand  by  mixing  a  little  French,  Eng- 
lish and  some  Spanish.  However,  they  seemed  to  enjoy  him 
and  always  made  it  a  point  to  see  him,  and  he  always  bought 
something  from  them  whether  he  needed  it  or  not. 

Having  been  stationed  in  New  Mexico  and  Colorado  for 
25  years,  with  only  an  occasional  trip  East,  his  health  be- 
came impaired  and  he  contracted  heart  trouble  from  living 
in  that  high  altitude  too  long.  The  War  Department  granted 
him  a  leave  of  one  year  to  recuperate  and  regain  his  health. 
After  his  arrival  in  the  East,  rest  and  recreation  kept  him 
occupied  the  greater  part  of  the  time.  He  preached  all  of 


that  summer  at  St.  John's  Church,  Washington,  just  oppo- 
site the  White  House,  thereby  giving  the  rector  of  that 
church  a  much  needed  rest,  and  he  also  gave  many  talks  in 
New  York,  Baltimore,  and  Washington  on  the  Indians  in 
whom  he  always  took  the  greatest  interest.  At  Fort  Garland, 
the  Utes  used  to  make  their  stopping  place  in  our  back  yard, 
and  smoked  their  pipes  with  my  father  in  his  sitting  room. 
As  a  result  of  these  lectures  on  the  Indians  he  was  given 
a  number  of  scholarships  at  Hampton  Institute,  Va.,  and 
the  Carlisle,  Pa.,  Indian  School. 

Three  young  lieutenants  of  the  10th  Infantry,  who  were 
at  one  time  stationed  at  Fort  Union,  became  Major  Generals 
in  the  World  War— Gen.  R.  E.  Bullard,  Gen.  A.  W.  Brewster, 
and  Gen.  E.  H.  Plummer.  All  were  retired  not  long  after 
the  war. 

It  also  may  be  interesting  to  know  that  our  family  is  now 
represented  by  the  fourth  generation  in  the  army.  My  father 
and  mother  had  one  son  and  four  daughters.  The  son  went 
into  civil  life  and  the  four  daughters  married  in  the  army. 
The  granddaughters  also  married  in  the  army,  and  there 
are  now  fifteen  great-grandchildren  and  one  great-great- 
grandchild. In  1904  it  was  said  that  our  family,  with  one 
exception,  was  the  largest  in  the  army.  My  mother  and  three 
daughters  were  left  widows — my  sister  Mary  (Mrs.  Stotsen- 
burg)  and  myself  are  the  only  ones  left.1 

1.     Mrs.  Collins  died  in  19SO.  CoL  Harry  La  Tourrette  Cavanaugh  to  W.  J.  Arrott, 
November  12,  1950. 


IN  April,  1880,  we  were  living  in  southern  Colorado,  at 
Trinidad.  Father  was  in  New  Mexico  at  Silver  City,  near 
the  Mexican  border,  and  it  was  decided  that  we  should  join 

New  Mexico,  with  its  121,666  square  miles  of  area,  may 
have  had  possibly  one  resident  per  square  mile  at  that  time. 
There  was  snow  on  the  ground  as  we  started  south  through 
the  newly  completed  Raton  tunnel,  just  over  the  line  in  New 
Mexico  on  the  Santa  Fe.  When  we  reached  Albuquerque  on 
the  Rio  Grande,  we  went  into  that  town  on  a  construction 
train,  said  to  be  the  first  one  into  town.  Spring  had  come  by 
that  time  and  there  was  a  riot  of  roses  in  the  old  town. 
We  lay  there  some  days  at  a  Mexican  hotel  until  we  could 
get  a  coach  going  south.  I  can  remember  seeing  a  Mexican 
plowing  in  the  river  bottom  near  Ft.  Craig  with  a  pair  of 
tiny  oxen  and  a  forked  stick  for  a  plow.  We  had  no  Indian 
trouble  going  down  although  they  passed  near  us  one  night. 
We  crossed  the  "Jornada  del  Muerto,"  or  Journey  of  Death 
with  its  90  miles  without  water.  There  were  stage  stations 
every  20  miles  or  so  on  the  Jornada.  One  we  stopped  at 
had  a  high  adobe  wall  surrounding  it  and  there  water  hauled 
from  the  Rio  Grande  was  always  kept  for  travelers.  The 
owner,  a  woman,  had  been  given  they  told  us  four  townships 
of  desert  land  to  maintain  the  station  there.  We  reached  Sil- 
ver City  on  May  1,  1880,  and  father  met  us  there. 

Father  was  the  superintendent  of  a  quartz  mill  that 
crushed  the  silver  ore  from  two  mines,  named  the  '76  and 
Baltic,  located  a  few  miles  above  town  in  a  small  valley  on 
the  Continental  Divide,  known  as  Chloride  Flat.  The  ore  was 
hauled  down  from  the  mines  by  4  and  6  mule  teams,  in 
giant  wagons  with  boiler  plated  beds.  Silver  reduction  in  a 
stamp  mill  is  much  like  any  other  manufacturing  business. 
The  mill  ran  24  hours  a  day  for  7  days  a  week,  for  about 
ten  months  in  the  year;  in  the  heat  of  summer  they  laid 



off  for  repairs.  The  men  worked  12  hours  a  day  and  drew 
good  wages.  The  ore  was  first  crushed  to  a  fine  dust  with 
powerful  stamps  that  rose  and  fell  hour  after  hour,  with 
deafening  noise,  and  this  dust  was  washed  into  massive  pans 
where  it  was  ground  still  finer  in  between  or  under  the 
monster  shoes  that  worked  like  the  "upper  and  nether  mill- 
stones." In  the  last  set  of  pans,  quicksilver  was  added  and  it 
picked  up  the  silver  in  amalgam,  the  same  that  some  dentists 
once  used  for  filling  teeth.  This  silver  amalgam  was  poured 
into  a  conical  sack  of  strong  canvas  and  drained  of  much 
of  the  quicksilver  in  it,  just  as  a  farmer's  wife  of  the  olden 
days  used  to  make  cottage  cheese  by  twisting  the  sack  until 
the  whey,  or  quicksilver  in  this  case,  was  mostly  removed. 
The  resulting  amalgam  was  called  a  "goose  egg"  and  when 
a  batch  of  these  were  obtained  they  were  heated  in  a  retort 
where  the  fumes  were  run  into  a  tank  of  water  that  chilled 
the  rest  of  the  quicksilver  to  a  fluid  state.  There  was  con- 
stant weighing  of  the  amalgam  to  show  any  losses.  We 
laughed  at  one  man  working  on  the  pans  once,  for  he  asked 
when  being  discharged,  "I  haven't  been  stealing  anything 
have  I"?  The  silver  on  coming  from  the  retort  was  pure 
and  was  in  danger  of  being  stolen  before  being  cast  into  the 
great  bricks.  It  was  often  moved  to  our  house  in  the  night 
for  safe  keeping.  I  can  remember  walking  beside  my  father 
carrying  his  Colt's  revolver  as  he  and  a  trustworthy  man 
carried  the  silver  in  a  hand  barrow.  Of  course  if  we  had 
been  attacked  father,  and  not  I,  would  have  used  the  gun. 
One  night  some  one  evidently  drunk  tried  with  a  steel  bar 
to  pry  off  our  front  door  and  get  at  our  cache  of  silver. 
Father  stood  at  the  head  of  the  stairs  ready  to  shoot  if  the 
man  gained  entrance.  After  the  quicksilver  was  roasted  from 
the  amalgam  the  pure  silver  was  cast  into  monster  bricks 
of  300  pounds  or  more  in  weight.  These  were  unwieldy  and 
much  smaller  ones  would  have  been  more  convenient,  but 
also  more  easily  stolen.  Two  express  companies,  the  Adams 
and  the  Wells-Fargo,  ran  Concord  coaches  from  our  town 
to  carry  the  mail,  express  and  passengers  to  the  railroad 
at  Deming,  where  it  had  reached  within  50  miles  of  our 


town.  The  morning  after  we  had  cast  a  brick,  one  of  these 
would  stop  at  the  mill  and  take  it  to  the  railroad.  Once  a 
350  Ib.  brick  broke  through  the  coach  floor  on  the  desert 
and  all  the  driver  could  do  was  to  drive  off  and  leave  it. 
It  was  safe  there  for  no  pack  mule  could  carry  it  away  and 
a  wagon  could  be  tracked  by  a  fast  posse.  The  abandoning 
of  a  $5,000  silver  brick  in  the  road  did  not  bother  us  any, 
for  when  it  was  once  signed  for  by  the  Wells-Fargo  driver, 
it  was  their  baby. 

The  Mescalero  Apache  Indians,  under  Victorio  and 
Geronimo,  were  raiding  at  that  time  and  kept  us  wondering 
when  they  would  strike  next.  Many  a  rancher  was  picked 
off  in  that  day  but  they  never  attempted  a  raid  on  our  camp. 
There  were  some  cattle  ranches  about  us,  but  the  Indians 
discouraged  them.  All  food  beside  range  beef,  including  the 
staples  of  flour,  potatoes,  sugar  and  such,  had  to  come  from 
the  railroad.  While  the  mail  coaches  could  go  there  and  back 
in  a  day,  sometimes  under  heavy  guard,  always  changing 
horses  every  few  miles,  the  "bull  trains,"  as  they  were 
called,  took  plenty  of  time  to  make  the  round  trip.  They 
were  owned  and  run  by  Mexicans  of  the  border  grade  and 
these  were  easily  frightened  by  an  Indian  rumor.  When  they 
got  to  good  grass  and  water  they  would  sometimes  imagine 
danger.  There  they  would  park  their  wagons  in  a  great 
circle  and  all  drivers  would  guard  and  graze  the  cattle  by 
day  and  yard  them  in  the  circle  of  wagons  by  night. 

No  appeal  from  a  hungry  people  had  any  effect  to  get 
that  food  started  towards  town.  They  wanted  a  cavalry 
escort,  but  the  cavalrymen  were  busy  elsewhere.  I  remem- 
ber that  the  regular  price  per  hundred  pounds  by  coach, 
on  the  well  guarded  mail  to  camp  from  the  freighters' 
wagons  was  six  dollars  a  hundred  pounds  for  flour  and  other 
stuff,  besides  all  that  it  had  cost  to  get  it  out  from  the  states. 
Some  of  the  coaches  brought  a  few  sacks  of  flour  in  to  camp. 
Most  of  us  lived  on  a  corn-bread  diet  at  such  times  and  had 
for  dessert,  sack  pudding;  neither  was  there  any  sugar.  I 
can  remember  my  three  year  old  sister  going  to  the  bird 
cage  and  getting  a  lump  of  sugar  from  between  the  wires 


and  scraping  her  teeth  across  it,  and  with  a  shake  of  her 
curls  putting  it  back  with  the  apparent  thought  that  she 
must  not  rob  the  bird. 

Those  freighters  had  good  cause  to  be  cautious  about  the 
Indians.  The  saddest  sight  that  I  ever  saw  in  a  long  life 
was  on  a  Sunday  morning  when  two  soldiers  came  down  the 
street  in  our  town,  the  end  of  the  coach  line,  driving  two 
broken  down  cavalry  horses  hitched  to  a  coach  filled  with 
bullet  holes  and  covered  with  human  blood.  The  Apaches 
had  jumped  the  coach  about  sunrise,  near  Ft.  Cummings, 
a  six  company  post.  The  Indians  had  hid  behind  the  tall 
Yucca  stumps  and  killed  every  mortal  on  the  coach.  Of 
course  they  took  the  horses  and  every  scrap  of  leather  in 
the  fore  and  aft  boots,  and  leather  mail  sacks,  probably  to 
patch  moccasins.  They  got  away,  although  the  post  bugler 
blew  "Boots  and  Saddles"  at  the  first  sound  of  gun  fire.  Our 
mail  the  next  day,  from  those  mail  sacks,  showed  plenty 
of  blood  on  it.  It  was  thus  that  the  Southwest  was  settled. 
Guards  were  often  carried  on  the  coaches  when  needed.  I 
remember  riding  all  afternoon  on  top  of  a  swaying  Concord 
coach  between  two  Infantrymen  dressed  in  blue,  with  their 
Long  Tom  rifles  at  hand,  while  away  to  the  north  on  a  flat- 
topped  mountain  signal  fires  talked  to  someone.  An  Indian 
of  that  day  could  do  a  lot  with  a  blanket  and  a  smoky  camp- 
fire.  He  could  have  dots  and  dashes  galore. 

Many  men  of  that  day  belted  on  their  guns  before  they 
drew  on  their  boots  mornings,  but  they  did  not  wear  those 
traffic-cop  light  belts;  rather  they  were  broad  cartridge 
belts,  and  never  drawn  up  snug,  but  the  gun  hung  low  on 
the  right  hip  and  there  was  no  pulling  a  gun  unless  you 
meant  to  use  it. 

Our  mill  being  so  far  from  the  others  had  a  complete 
shop  attached,  with  a  carpenter,  blacksmith  and  molder. 
Stamp  shoes  were  always  wearing  out  with  the  incessant 
pounding,  and  so  we  ran  a  cupola  to  melt  our  scrap  iron 
with  charcoal  made  back  in  the  hills.  One  of  my  jobs,  when 
they  melted,  was  to  man  the  hose  on  the  roof  to  see  that  no 
sparks  started  a  fire.  The  men  generally  drenched  me  down 
first  so  as  to  not  get  the  shirt  burned  off  me.  Sometimes  they 


let  me  help  load  the  cupola  furnace  with  successive  layers 
of  charcoal  and  iron. 

I  realize  now  that  I  must  have  been  a  pest  about  the 
mill;  with  no  school  to  go  to  I  was  there  much  of  the  time, 
although  I  was  supposed  to  study  some  old  school  books  at 
home.  Once,  when  I  had  been  too  much  of  a  nuisance,  Dad 
asked,  "Where  are  you  in  arithmetic  young  man?"  I  an- 
swered, "I  have  finished  it,"  only  to  hear  him  say,  "Go  home 
and  go  through  it  again."  Well  I  started  at  common  fractions 
that  time. 

I  had  a  fine  assortment  of  friends  in  that  camp.  We  had 
school  for  only  a  month  or  so,  when  a  traveling  school  master 
taught  a  few  of  us  long  enough  to  get  money  to  move  on 

One  of  these  friends  was  "Black  Billie,"  an  ex-slave,  who 
was  a  hostler  for  the  mill  company.  Mother  had  a  large 
print  New  Testament  and  Billie  delighted  to  come  down 
to  our  house  and  read  aloud  from  it,  for  his  own  and  our 
benefit.  He  was  allowed  to  take  out  a  small  team  of  mean 
mules  hitched  to  a  wagon  without  a  bed.  He  generally  drove 
the  outfit  with  loose  planks  on  the  running  gear.  Those 
mules  loved  to  run  away  with  him,  and  when  they  did  his 
remarks  were  not  those  that  he  had  found  in  Holy  Writ. 
There  were  two  Mexican  villages  in  the  camp  that  Dad  drew 
on  for  unskilled  labor.  He  had  a  time  getting  them  to  work 
steadily.  Many  a  Sunday  morning  he  would  rout  me  out  to 
feed  the  stamps  until  he  could  get  help,  as  his  labourers 
had  gone  to  a  dance  they  called  "a  Bilee,"  the  night  before, 
and  were  not  fit  for  work.  Finally,  in  desperation,  he  hired 
some  Canton  Chinese,  and  his  labour  troubles  were  over. 

The  carpenter,  though  old  enough  to  be  my  father,  was 
my  special  chum.  When  I  saw  him  come  down  the  street, 
trailed  by  a  Chinese,  carrying  some  long  iron  rods,  I  beat 
it  to  him.  His  first  question  was,  "Did  you  ever  read  Robin- 
son Crusoe,  Jim?"  Of  course  I  admitted  it,  and  he  replied 
that  he  was  Crusoe,  and  that  his  rear  guard  was  Friday. 
From  that  hour,  the  man  answered  to  that  name.  On  the 
Chinese  New  Years,  which  comes  in  the  Spring,  he  deluged 
us  with  presents.  My  brother  and  I  got  firecrackers,  and  the 


girls  Chinese  candy,  while  Dad  who  never  used  tobacco  got 
a  box  of  what  in  China  must  correspond  to  "Wheeling 
Stogies."  I  tried  one  once  and  quit  for  life. 

Bill  Green,  the  teamster  hauling  ore  from  the  mine,  was 
a  good  man  and  an  especial  friend.  He  and  his  near  wheeler, 
"Old  Beck,"  saved  my  life  once.  I  had  been  up  to  the  mine 
where  I  had  been  flagging  for  the  surveyor  on  a  survey  in 
the  mine.  You  will  understand  that  in  mine  surveying  a 
candle  is  the  flag,  instead  of  the  red  and  white  painted  pole 
used  on  the  surface.  The  engineer  and  Green  were  on  the 
wagon  seat  coming  down  the  mountain  with  a  load  of  ore,  and 
I  was  precariously  seated  on  the  seat-back  with  my  back  to 
theirs  when  we  jolted  over  a  stone  and  I  was  thrown  under 
the  hind  wheel.  In  a  mule  team  of  that  day  the  best  animal 
is  the  wheeler  to  the  left  of  the  pole,  known  as  the  "near 
wheeler."  This  place  was  filled  by  Beck,  a  monster  black, 
and  when  Green  yelled  to  her,  she  froze  in  her  breeching 
and  held  the  team  from  moving.  The  wagon  and  load  likely 
totaled  five  tons.  In  my  fall,  I  had  struck  on  the  backs  of 
both  hands  and  sprained  my  wrists  and  lay  in  the  track 
against  the  mountain  slope  helpless.  There  was  a  much  used 
liniment  for  sale  in  the  camp,  for  man  and  animals.  The  only 
kind  they  had  on  hand  was  for  animals  only,  and  was  a  dark 
brown,  so  I  was  as  brown  as  a  Malay  for  a  while. 

One  of  my  friends  of  those  days  on  the  Mexican  Border 
was  the  Negro  cook  at  the  mine.  He  certainly  knew  his  stuff 
and  I  have  never  eaten  better  meals.  When  the  shaft  whistle 
on  the  mine  hoist  blew,  he  was  ready  and  his  welcome  cry 
of  "come  and  get  it,"  was  always  answered  by  a  rush  of 
hungry  miners.  One  thing  that  endeared  him  to  my  boyish 
heart  was  that  he  was  not  fussy  about  clean  hands  and 
combed  hair.  Boy  like  I  enjoyed  teasing  him  and  I  early 
found  that  he  had  a  horror  of  the  deep  shafts  in  the  mine 
and  so  I  would  wheedle  him  to  go  down  in  the  shaft  with  me. 
His  stock  answer  was,  "No  sah,  Mister  Jimmie,  I  can  go  out 
the  doah  and  dig  a  hole  six  inches  deep  and  get  into  that 
and  it  is  deep  enough  for  me." 

I  remember  that  the  '76  ore  shaft  was  covered  with  two 
heavy  six  inch  wooden  doors  and  at  times  when  there  was 


need  of  haste  some  one  would  go  down  in  the  ore  bucket, 
but  no  one  ever  came  up  in  it,  for  the  various  engineers 
seemed  to  try  to  see  which  could  "whip"  a  bucket  of  ore 
out  the  fastest,  and  how  those  doors  would  flash  open  and 
the  bucket  would  stop  just  before  it  went  over  the  shive 
wheel  at  top.  Often  there  were  a  dozen  Mexican  ore  sorters 
working  on  the  floor  of  the  shaft  house,  endeavoring  to  get 
the  refuse  culled  from  the  rich  ore.  Really  they  did  pretty 
well  for  themselves,  for  beside  their  wages  they  often  kept 
their  small  smelter  near  our  house  going  nights,  smelting 
the  richer  ore  they  had  stolen.  This  furnace  was  called  an 
"arasta"  and  the  fuel  was  charcoal,  burned  in  the  hills  and 
brought  in  on  burros.  The  forced  draft  was  from  an  old 
blacksmith's  bellows  that  one  man  with  a  raw  hide  loop  for 
his  foot  pumped  for  hours  on  end.  There  was  little  hope  of 
keeping  up  with  ore  sorters  of  that  day  without  an  X-ray, 
and  we  knew  nothing  of  them  70  years  ago. 

Three  of  the  older  white  miners  had  dug  back  into  the 
mountain  above  the  shaft  house  to  get  a  dug-out  to  live  in 
and  one  of  them  kept  dinging  at  me  to  send  up  a  carpenter's 
square  on  one  of  the  ore  wagons,  so  he  could  get  a  door  made 
to  keep  out  the  cold  fall  nights  up  there  on  the  Continental 

I  can  remember,  when  we  made  a  survey  of  the  surface 
of  some  of  those  mines,  how  father  marked  them  by  hewn 
stones  a  foot  square  and  4  feet  long.  They  stuck  like  a  sore 
thumb  and  were  easily  seen  from  a  distance,  so  there  was 
no  question  where  property  lines  were. 

Our  camp  was  the  first  town  in  that  day  from  the  Mexican 
Border  (before  the  railroad  came) ,  perhaps  100  miles  away 
and  we  had  a  custom  house.  Mexican  horsemen  who  came 
past  our  house  direct  from  their  country  with  a  bunch  of 
skinny  fowls  dangling  from  their  saddles,  asked  us  two  reals 
or  25  cents  each  for  them,  plus  the  customs  tax.  We  often 
wondered  if  the  custom  house  ever  saw  that  tax.  The  regu- 
lar freighters  used  ordinary  wagons,  but  there  were  a  few 
of  the  monster  ox  drawn  two  wheeled  carts  with  wooden 
wheels  that  were  used  in  smuggling.  In  ordinary  use  the 
spindles  were  never  greased  and  made  a  wail  to  be  heard 


for  miles,  so  when  grease  was  applied  to  stop  the  noise  it 
was  almost  prima  facie  evidence  that  smuggling  was  going 

Often  mule  pack  trains  would  come  up  to  the  custom 
house  with  produce  to  load  back  with  goods.  I  once  found  a 
few  pairs  of  what  I  later  found  were  called  in  the  slums  of 
our  great  cities,  "Saturday  night  shoes,"  that  had  lost  out 
of  such  a  pack.  The  sight  of  that  shoddy  stuff  sickened  this 

The  mules  in  a  pack  train  were  let  run  loose  and  herded 
along  the  trail  or  road.  They  generally  had  an  old  gray  bell 
mare  that  all  the  mules  would  stay  with.  When  they  wanted 
to  catch  the  mules  to  load  or  unload  them,  they  would  close- 
herd  them  and  four  or  more  would  hold  a  rawhide  lariat  up 
three  feet  from  the  ground  and  one  muleteer  would  grab 
a  mule  and  slip  a  broad  leather  blind  over  his  eyes.  This 
took  all  fight  out  of  him. 

Once  father  hired  a  Mexican  with  a  big  wheeled  cart  to 
haul  a  load  of  rock  salt  for  use  at  the  mill.  The  man  came 
back  asking  for  "une  camesa  por  le  carro."  He  meant  a  shirt 
for  the  cart,  or  wagon  sheet,  fearing  that  a  shower  might 
come  up  and  he  lose  the  salt. 

There  was  one  story  of  those  wild  days  on  the  border 
that  always  thrilled  me.  The  Apaches  had  crawled  up  and 
surprised  the  family  in  a  Mexican  jacal  or  hogan  and  killed 
everyone  present.  But  they  did  not  wipe  out  the  family  by 
so  doing,  for  there  was  a  slip  of  a  12  year  old  girl  out 
herding  the  sheep.  Those  runty  specimens,  having  a  pound 
or  two  of  wool  on  them,  were  little  kin  to  our  Merinos  or 
Shrops  of  today,  and  it  took  one  both  young  and  fleet  of  foot 
to  manage  them  and  the  small  shepherdess  was  just  that. 
The  Indians  knew  of  her  being  in  the  hills  and  wanted  both 
her  and  the  sheep  and  so  started  after  her.  Though  desert 
bred  and  fast  on  their  feet,  they  were  no  match  for  the  feet 
in  those  small  moccasins ;  they  simply  were  not  in  her  class, 
as  they  found,  when  she  walked  off  and  left  them,  never  to 
be  caught. 

Near  the  quartz  mill  that  father  used  to  run,  he  owned  a 
garden  plot  of  a  few  acres,  irrigated  from  the  same  stream 


that  supplied  the  mill  boilers  with  water.  This  he  rented  to 
some  Cantonese  Chinese  who  used  it  for  a  truck  garden  and 
raised  vegetables  for  the  camp.  The  first  season  they  had  it, 
they  carried  their  produce  to  market  in  baskets  hung  from 
yokes  over  their  shoulders.  They  made  a  picturesque  sight  in 
their  conical  hats  as  they  went  along  in  single  file,  sing- 
songing to  each  other  like  a  lot  of  grackle  black  birds.  The 
next  season,  they  got  a  decrepit  horse  and  an  old  market 
wagon,  so  that  one  could  sell  the  stuff  and  leave  the  rest  at 
home  to  work.  The  driver  knew  about  as  much  about  horses 
as  I  do  about  atomic  energy.  One  day,  when  the  salesman 
had  reached  our  house  on  his  return  trip  from  market,  he 
discovered  that  the  horse  had  something  in  a  hind  hoof.  In- 
stead of  picking  up  the  hoof  to  investigate,  he  crawled  under 
the  wagon  and  began  working  on  the  hoof,  when  the  horse 
kicked  him  in  the  head,  laying  him  out  cold.  My  older  sister, 
just  a  kid,  was  doing  the  dishes  in  the  kitchen,  but  hearing 
the  wagon  stop,  came  to  the  door  to  investigate,  when  she 
saw  that  the  man  was  out,  she  hurried  back  into  the  house, 
got  the  water  pail,  pulled  the  man  from  under  the  wagon  by 
his  feet  and  drenched  him  with  cold  water.  In  time  he  re- 
covered and  getting  on  the  wagon  went  on  home.  The  next 
day  after  selling  his  load,  he  stopped  at  our  house  and,  on 
his  knocking,  mother  went  to  the  door  and  the  Chinese  said, 
"Me  tankie  you  boy."  Lord  Chesterfield  himself  could  do  no 

The  sister,  when  grown  to  womanhood,  won  an  education 
and  became  a  Doctor  of  Medicine.  Haven't  we  read  some- 
where about  the  boy  being  father  to  the  man  ?  Wouldn't  that 
apply  to  the  girl  also  ? 

One  of  the  danger  spots  of  that  day  was  Cook's  Canyon. 
We  came  down  through  it  one  dark  night  with  a  big  Concord 
coach,  attempting  to  be  quiet,  so  as  to  not  arouse  any  lurk- 
ing Indians.  We  passed  the  graves,  or  grave  rather,  of  17 
killed  from  a  wagon  train.  Our  efforts  to  be  quiet  failed,  for 
the  brakes  on  the  coach  had  been  shod  with  old  miner  boot 
soles  and  the  nails  in  them  against  the  steel  tires  made  a 
screech  that  could  be  heard  for  miles.  We  all  followed  the 
coach  except  my  grown  sister  who,  holding  the  baby  sister, 


rode  in  the  coach.  Later,  when  I  was  coming  back  from  the 
survey  of  some  mining  claims  for  patent,  we  came  through 
the  canyon  in  the  day  time  and  boy  like  I  crawled  back  into 
the  rear  of  the  wagon  and  went  to  sleep.  When  I  awoke,  the 
wagon  was  standing  still  and  I  heard  gun  fire.  I  could  see 
nothing  from  where  I  lay  and  suspected  Indians,  so  did  not 
move  or  raise  up  until  I  heard  our  colored  teamster  Dan  say, 
"I  got  two  of  them."  Then  I  looked  to  see  that  it  was  rabbits 
instead  of  Indians  that  he  meant.  Two  friendly  Apache 
scouts  from  another  tribe  in  Arizona  came  along  and  cooked 
their  rabbit  over  our  fire.  They  did  this  without  an  atom  of 
cleaning  and  then  ate  it,  with  such  cleaning  of  the  offal  as 
they  could  do  with  a  twig.  They  had  red  handkerchiefs  about 
their  heads  or  necks  to  distinguish  them  from  warriors. 
They  were  armed  with  Winchesters,  which  with  magazines 
loaded  made  a  heavy  gun,  so  each  carried  two  small  wyths 
that  were  bound  together  at  the  middle  for  a  gun  rest.  A 
clumsy  arrangement  for  a  fighting  man,  I  thought. 

My  daily  routine  when  I  was  a  boy  in  the  mining  camp 
was  hardly  a  routine,  for  few  days  were  alike,  but  I  did  keep 
the  water  pails  full.  To  do  that  I  had  to  go  to  the  St.  Vincent 
spring  where  most  of  the  women  of  the  nearby  Mexican  vil- 
lage were  gossiping  and  filling  their  pails  and  helping  hoist 
them  to  the  other's  head.  It  was  the  stories  that  we  had  from 
the  Bible  and  pictures  of  that  time  over  again.  I  do  not  re- 
member ever  seeing  a  man  come  for  water.  It  was  beneath 
them.  If  you  had  learned  Border  Spanish  you  would  have 
gotten  an  ear  full.  I  used  two  discarded  black  powder  cans 
with  bails  in  them  for  my  water  pails.  They  held  3  or  4  gal- 
lons each  and  were  pretty  heavy  when  full.  Another  early 
morning  job  was  watching  the  Concord  coaches  leave  town 
for  the  railroad.  There  was  often  a  race  to  see  which  of  the 
fresh  teams  would  be  in  the  lead  when  they  passed  our  house 
on  the  edge  of  town.  My  friend  of  the  ore  hauling  days,  Bill 
Green,  had  been  promoted  to  driving  for  the  Adams  Express 
Co.,  and  I  was  naturally  rooting  for  him.  The  Wells  Fargo 
driver  had  four  small  mules  and  how  he  escaped  turning 
over  when  he  tried  to  pass  Green  was  a  mystery  to  me.  Green 
was  a  gentleman,  and  father  told  of  his  turning  his  4  horses 


out  so  as  to  avoid  crushing  a  terrapin  in  a  wheel  rut,  but 
grinding  right  over  a  rattlesnake  in  one. 

The  Mexicans  brought  in  wood  (stove  length)  on  burros 
(donkeys).  It  was  packed  in  a  great  circle  over  the  beast's 
back,  and  when  it  was  sold  the  muleteer  pulled  one  thong 
from  the  raw  hide  rope  holding  it  on  and  it  all  fell  to  the 
ground  leaving  the  burros  to  walk  out  of  the  pile.  We  had  a 
fireplace  and  so  occasionally  father  would  get  a  cord  or  two 
of  4  foot  wood,  such  as  he  used  under  the  steam  boilers  at 
the  mill.  When  it  was  dumped  at  our  kitchen  door,  I  knew 
it  was  my  job  to  fit  it  for  fireplace  or  kitchen  stove.  By  the 
way,  that  is  one  of  the  best  exercises  that  I  know  of  for  a 
boy  to  do. 

A  saw  buck  and  a  sharp  saw  has  it  over  some  gymna- 
siums that  I  know  of.  Seeing  that  wood  cut  and  neatly  piled 
comes  under  the  head  of  the  "glory  of  achievement"  that 
some  educators  tell  of.  When  that  wood  was  neatly  ricked 
near  the  kitchen  door  I  was  again  free  to  go  afield. 

The  mill  would  not  buy  scrap  iron  from  the  Mexicans, 
but  they  would  of  me  and  trust  me  to  weigh  it.  There  had 
been  another  mill  and  foundry  across  the  creek  from  ours 
and  removed  long  ago.  I  discovered  that  there  was  consider- 
able iron  in  small  pieces  in  their  slag  pile.  I  got  an  old  Mexi- 
can partner  and  found  a  ton  or  more  of  iron  there.  We  were 
paid  2  cents  a  pound  for  it.  Should  I  add  that  I  learned  to 
swim  in  that  shallow  creek?  There  was  a  lot  of  broken  glass 
and  other  trash  and  it  was  not  deep  in  any  place,  but  I 
learned  to  swim  dog  fashion. 

While  waiting  for  repair  material  at  the  quartz  mill,  two 
of  the  older  mill  men  took  me  south  to  the  Tres  Hermanos, 
or  Three  Sister's  mountains,  near  where  in  later  years  stood 
the  town  of  Columbus,  New  Mexico,  that  Pancho  Villa  once 
sacked  and  burned  in  hopes  of  getting  our  country  into  war 
with  Mexico.  We  camped  on  a  bench  near  the  top  of  one 
mountain  and  a  large  area  of  northern  Mexico  lay  spread  out 
before  us  when  the  sun  rose  the  next  morning.  One  of  the 
men  in  stirring  around  before  morning  had  set  off  his  gun 
which  we  kept  under  the  covers.  This  did  not  awaken  me, 
but  the  cold  air  when  they  threw  off  the  blankets  to  put  out 


the  fire  did  that.  Mountain  air,  good  food,  and  a  tired  boy 
made  me  dead  to  the  world. 

When  on  one  of  my  survey  trips,  two  Mexican  hunters 
came  along  and  sold  us  some  meat  of  a  black  bear  that  they 
had  killed.  It  was  too  tough  and  strong  to  eat.  They  were 
professional  hunters  and  had  caps  made  of  antelope  horns 
and  enough  of  the  hide  on  the  neck  to  make  a  cap  to  slip  over 
the  head  to  stalk  game  with.  When  they  sat  in  the  tall  grass 
with  those  horned  heads  showing,  they  would  fool  anyone, 
especially  an  antelope,  for  you  know  they  are  as  curious  as  a 

On  one  survey  on  west  slope  of  the  Rockies,  in  the  Mo- 
gollon  mountains  of  New  Mexico,  I  saw  some  of  the  grandest 
scenery  that  I  ever  beheld :  high  cliffs  with  brawling  moun- 
tain brooks  filling  the  canyons  below,  the  sound  made  by  the 
waters  tumbling  over  the  rocky  beds  rising  far  up  on  the 
mountain  slopes ;  and  great  pine  trees  and  some  times  box 
canyons  that  hemmed  us  in  until  we  had  to  turn  around  and 
retrace  our  steps  to  get  out.  The  Apaches  had  been  there  the 
year  before  and  left  the  signs  of  their  presence,  as  was  the 
great  cairn  of  stones  in  a  stream  bed  at  the  end  of  a  trail 
down  the  mountain  made  up  of  boot  and  moccasin  tracks 
over  the  loose  sliding  shale  of  the  mountain  side.  They  were 
all  that  was  left  to  show  of  the  unsuccessful  race  made  by 
some  lone  prospector.  The  pile  of  smoked  stones  showed 
where  he  had  stood  when  he  was  lashed  to  the  stake.  We 
respected  his  resting  place  and  monument. 

All  of  these  signs  were  before  me  as  I  sat  on  the  ground 
beside  the  engineer  and  his  transit.  It  would  bring  me  out 
of  a  reverie  to  have  him  say,  "Jim  check  on  my  figures,"  and 
I  would  do  sums  for  him.  In  that  day  that  country  had  not 
been  surveyed,  so  there  was  no  way  of  describing  the  exact 
location  of  a  tract  of  land  or  a  mining  claim,  except  by  tying 
it  in  by  triangulation  to  two  or  more  mountain  peaks  or 
other  natural  objects.  One  night  the  camp  put  on  a  celebra- 
tion of  some  event  of  more  or  less  importance,  the  reason 
for  which  I  have  forgotten.  They  likely  had  absorbed  more 
or  less  liquid  refreshment  from  the  commissary  and  were 
duly  exhilarated  and  had  built  a  huge  campfire  near  the 


camp's  center  among  the  lofty  pines.  They  had  gotten  out 
three  blacksmith  anvils  and  would  pour  a  handful  of  black 
powder  on  one  and  stack  the  other  two  on  top  of  it  and  then 
fire  the  powder  with  a  long  half  inch  rod  that  had  been 
heated  in  the  fire.  The  anvils  would  bounce  into  the  air  with 
a  roar  and  the  process  would  be  repeated.  The  noise  made 
was  a  good  imitation  of  the  firing  of  a  cannon. 

There  were  only  two  women  in  the  camp  at  that  time. 
One  ran  the  tiny  boarding  house  where  we  ate.  The  racket 
that  the  men  made  that  night  must  have  disturbed  the 
women  a  lot. 

The  boarding  house  keeper  was  no  cook,  much  as  we 
needed  one,  perhaps  because  she  had  nothing  to  do  with,  for 
her  biscuits  were  always  undone  inside  and  caused  the  en- 
gineer, who  had  drunk  his  share  and  some  other  man's  por- 
tion of  whisky,  much  pain.  I  got  away  with  the  grub,  for  I 
was  young  and  tough.  When  I  could  not  get  enough  at  the 
table,  I  haunted  a  nearby  turnip  patch  and  so  survived. 
When  we  got  in  late  one  night,  we  found  the  one  room  of  the 
cabin  lighted  by  a  small  dish  of  grease  set  on  a  high  cup- 
board with  a  lighted  strip  of  cloth  hanging  from  one  side 
of  the  pan  for  a  light.  The  family  were  from  the  mountain 
section  of  the  South  and  the  mother  always  rocked  her  baby 
in  a  common  hickory  chair,  without  rockers,  and  yelled  an 
ancient  ballad  at  him.  The  kid  seemed  to  thrive  on  it. 

One  old  character  named  "Jed"  would  have  delighted 
movie  audiences  of  today.  I  never  heard  of  his  working  and, 
while  he  wore  the  boots  of  that  day,  I  never  saw  his  trousers 
either  tucked  neatly  in  or  hung  outside  of  that  foot  wear. 
They  were  hung  on  one  boot  strap,  so  they  sagged  the  boot 
top  down,  but  he  could  go  down  a  rocky  mountain  trail  and 
glancing  across  the  canyon  to  a  blank  wall  opposite,  stum- 
bling as  he  went,  count  the  window  panes,  "46,  47,  48,"  not 
yet  broken  out  of  the  supposed  vacant  building  opposite,  as 
he  had  when  on  his  way  to  school  when  a  boy.  He  likely  was 
pretty  worthless,  but  boy  like  I  did  not  think  so.  When  we 
went  in  there,  we  turned  our  team  loose  to  graze  and  find 
their  feed  where  they  could,  as  there  were  no  fences.  When 
our  work  was  done  $5.00  was  offered  for  finding  the  team. 


I  wanted  to  start  for  home  and  started  out  to  find  them  if 
possible.  When  Jed  heard  what  I  planned,  he  would  not  let 
me  leave  camp  until  I  buckled  on  his  gun.  How  he  must  have 
missed  that  artillery.  I  had  not  gone  a  mile  from  camp  in 
the  big  woods  until  I  found  a  fawn  half  eaten,  lying  in  my 
path.  I  judged  that  it  had  been  the  work  of  a  panther  and 
then  remembered  that  I  had  read  that  they  dropped  from 
trees  onto  their  prey  and  my  taste  for  $5.00  and  a  trip  home 
weakened  in  short  order. 

Our  camp  in  the  Mogollon  mountains  had  only  three  or 
four  horses,  the  mine  manager's,  the  boarding  house,  and 
the  "Old  Boar's  Den,"  where  several  of  the  miners  lived  and 
cooked  for  themselves.  These  three  houses  were  at  the  cor- 
ners of  a  triangle  and  the  lodge  pole  pines  in  the  grove  be- 
tween were  cut  so  the  people  in  each  house  could  see  how 
the  others  fared  during  a  siege.  All  the  houses  were  of  logs 
and  the  windows  were  filled  with  small  logs  with  only  a  hole 
left  between  them  to  fire  through.  The  Apaches  had  been 
there  the  year  before  and  gotten  some  of  the  men  that  were 
away  from  camp.  None  appeared  while  we  were  there. 

On  our  three  days  drive  home  we  met  men  who,  with  the 
hospitality  of  the  West,  shared  a  deer  with  us  that  they  had 
just  killed.  They  had  never  seen  us  before,  or  would  again 
likely.  That  night  we  toasted  those  tender  steaks  of  venison 
over  our  camp  fire  while  our  biscuit  baked  in  the  embers 
beside  the  fire.  It  was  the  finest  food  ever.  Then  to  bed  on  the 
ground  with  a  buffalo  robe  over  us  on  top  of  the  blankets 
while  my  engineer  friend  taught  me  astronomy  from  the 
skies  above,  till  sleep  came.  It  was  on  that  trip  that  a  mag- 
nificent black  tail  buck  came  near  to  camp  and  stood  and 
watched  us,  with  those  great  antlers  raised  in  the  air.  I  will 
never  again  deride  a  man  for  having  "buck  fever."  It  would 
be  a  crime  to  shoot  that  majestic  creature. 

As  this  draws  to  a  close  I  must  say  in  defense  of  the  In- 
dians that  most  of  the  white  men  of  that  day  and  area  were 
as  fine  as  one  could  ask  for,  but  some  to  my  knowledge  were 
just  scum  and  they  by  their  actions  caused  the  Indians  to 
hate  the  Whites  and  that  hatred  was  often  taken  out  on 
defenseless  people. 


To  illustrate  the  above  let  me  give  an  example.  The  forts 
of  that  day  that  I  was  familiar  with  were  not  walled  or 
stockaded,  but  were  simply  posts  on  an  open  field.  They  had 
to  be  to  permit  the  cavalry  troops  to  maneuver  in  drill.  My 
father  told  me  an  incident  at  one  such  post  that  used  a  log 
cabin  for  a  guard  house  and  in  it  was  an  Apache  Indian  con- 
fined for  some  misdemeanor.  There  was  a  bed  in  one  corner 
of  the  room  and  the  Indian  was  asleep  on  the  bed  next  the 
wall.  Some  of  the  soldiers  had  a  camp  fire  near  the  cabin  and 
one  of  the  less  desirable  ones  heated  a  steel  rifle  cleaning  rod 
in  the  fire  and  then  stuck  it  in  between  the  logs  and  burned 
the  sleeper.  In  his  pain  and  fright  he  dashed  out  the  door  and 
was  promptly  shot  and  killed  by  the  guard,  who  naturally 
believed  that  the  prisoner  was  attempting  an  escape.  When 
Chief  Cochise,  friendly  to  the  whites,  heard  of  it  he  swore 
that  he  would  make  the  "trail  run  red  from  Taos  to  Tucson," 
and  figuratively  speaking  he  did  just  that. 

I  can  remember  one  day  when  seated  on  a  mountain  top 
I,  a  13  year  old  flagman,  saw  below  me  the  valley  of  the  Rio 
Grande,  and  the  river  winding  through  it  showed  like  a 
white  thread  on  the  floor.  From  the  same  lofty  perch  I  could 
see  through  the  clear  air  the  smoke  of  the  construction 
trains  of  both  the  Santa  Fe  and  the  Southern  Pacific.  They 
were  building  the  lines  that  when  they  met  would  span  the 
continent.  As  a  boy  I  was  permitted  to  see  the  nation  grow- 
ing. No  one  dreamed  in  that  faraway  day  of  the  stature  it 
would  attain  today. 

By  IRA  C.  IHDE 


War  Governor  of  New  Mexico 

The  people  of  New  Mexico,  in  1916,  elected  E.  C.  de  Baca 
as  their  chief  executive  but  he  was  destined  never  to  enter 
the  executive  mansion  as  governor  of  the  state.  Immediately 
after  his  victorious  campaign,  he  went  to  a  hospital  in  Los 
Angeles  for  special  treatment  for  pernicious  anemia.  He 
returned  to  New  Mexico  just  before  his  inauguration,  which 
took  place  in  Saint  Vincent's  Sanitarium  in  Santa  Fe.  He 
remained  in  the  sanitarium  until  his  death  on  February  18, 
1917.  On  the  following  day,  Lindsey  took  the  oath  of  office  as 

Governor  and  Mrs.  Lindsey  attended  the  final  rites  for 
the  deceased  governor  in  the  Church  of  Our  Lady  of  Sor- 
rows at  Las  Vegas,  New  Mexico.  Their  floral  tribute  was  a 
large  pillow  of  pink  roses  and  carnations. 

The  new  Governor's  first  major  address  was  given  before 
a  large  crowd  in  the  house  chamber  before  what  was  nom- 
inally an  adjourned  session  of  the  Republican  state  central 
committee  to  which  the  general  public  had  been  invited.  In 
a  speech  that  was  interrupted  "frequently  with  uproarious 
applause,"  and  that  marked  "an  epoch  in  the  political  history 
of  the  state,"  the  Republicans  "heard  strange  doctrines." 

The  Governor  stated  that  since  both  parties  were  par- 
tially successful  in  the  last  election  he  would  urge  that  the 
legislature  carry  out  the  principles  enunciated  in  both  party 
platforms.  He  therefore  urged  the  enactment  of  the  Aus- 
tralian ballot,  tax  reform  laws,  highway  legislation,  and  a 
corrupt  practice  law.  He  admonished  his  hearers  that  the 
time  for  vote  buying  in  New  Mexico  was  past  and  gone 

Such  was  the  idealism  of  the  new  Governor,  and  such 
was  the  reception  he  received  in  the  "honeymoon"  period 



of  his  political  life  as  governor.  However,  fate  would  not 
grant  the  fulfillment  of  all  of  his  wishes,  and  the  practical 
school  of  politics  soon  withdrew  its  kind  reception  in  the  give 
and  take  of  conflicting  forces. 

One  of  the  first  problems  confronting  the  new  Governor 
was  the  matter  of  appointments.  In  practical  politics,  they 
are  considered  one  of  the  fruits  of  victory;  however,  the 
problem  of  appeasing  all  factions  of  the  party  is  a  difficult 
one.  It  was  even  more  difficult  in  Lindsey's  case  because  the 
appointments  of  his  predecessor  had  already  been  made. 
Lindsey  stated  to  the  press  that  his  policy  in  regard  to  ap- 
pointments would  be  "ability  to  perform  the  duties  of  the 

In  his  appointments  Governor  Lindsey  stayed  on  middle 
ground.  He  took  the  position  that  he  was  governor  of  all  the 
people  of  New  Mexico.  His  designations  included  progressive 
Republicans,  old  line  Republicans,  and  Democrats.  It  was  his 
desire  to  promote  harmony  and  to  minimize  political  and 
factional  strife. 

Such  a  desirable  objective,  however,  could  not  be  accom- 
plished in  the  realm  of  practical  politics.  As  predicted,  party 
friction  between  the  two  wings  of  the  Republican  party 
developed  soon  after  the  inception  of  the  new  administra- 
tion. As  the  administration  progressed,  the  cleavage  between 
the  two  factions  within  the  Republican  ranks  continued  to 
grow.  The  Governor  seems  to  have  made  a  conspicuous  effort 
to  harmonize  the  factions — but  without  success.  There  is  no 
evidence  that  he  sponsored  an  active  opposition  to  any  ele- 
ment within  the  party.  On  the  other  hand,  there  is  ample 
evidence  that  he  took  pains  to  extend  recognition  and  con- 
sideration to  all.  Nevertheless,  one  is  led  to  believe  that  as 
the  administration  progressed  the  gap  grew  wider — that 
the  opposition  to  the  Governor  from  the  old  line  element 
grew  stronger. 

The  intra-party  strife  was  by  no  means  the  paramount 
problem  of  the  Lindsey  administration.  It  was  overshadowed 
by  the  entry  of  the  United  States  into  World  War  I.  It  was 
in  the  war  effort  that  the  Governor  exhibited  unwavering 
patriotism  and  tireless  effort.  With  the  aid  of  his  indefatig- 


able  energy,  New  Mexico  placed  high  in  the  rank  of  states 
for  war  contributions.  His  war  actions  took  various  forms : 
he  promoted  military  and  civilian  activities,  made  challeng- 
ing speeches  and  proclamations,  and  promoted  interstate 
and  federal  co-operation. 

One  of  the  Governor's  primary  war  efforts  was  his  inter- 
est and  aid  to  the  National  Guard.  When  the  National 
Guardsmen  returned  from  the  Mexican  border,  they  were 
given  an  eloquent  tribute  by  the  Governor.  But  the  new 
war  left  little  time  for  glorifying  deeds  of  the  past ;  immedi- 
ate action  had  to  be  taken  to  meet  the  coming  emergency. 
The  federal  government  called  the  National  Guard  into  serv- 
ice again  on  April  21,  1917.  There  were  eighty-eight  men, 
under  the  oath  of  the  Defense  Act,  from  New  Mexico.  It 
hoped  to  bring  the  Guard  back  to  war  strength  by  a  pro- 
gram of  voluntary  recruitment.  This  method  progressed  so 
slowly,  however,  that  the  regular  army  officers  seriously 
considered  abandonment  of  the  attempt  and  mustering  out 
of  those  already  recruited.  It  was  then  that  Governor  Lind- 
sey  stepped  into  the  picture  by  appointing  Captain  James 
Baca  as  adjutant  general  and  issuing  an  executive  order 
whereby  the  state,  out  of  the  public  defense  fund,  would  bear 
the  cost  of  a  state  recruitment  program.  The  recruiting 
progressed  so  rapidly  that  by  the  middle  of  June  the  New 
Mexico  National  Guard  was  at  full  war  strength. 

Another  military  activity  that  received  more  than  aver- 
age attention  from  the  state  executive  was  the  organization 
of  the  home  guard.  While  expansion  of  the  program  was  yet 
in  the  embryo,  Lindsey  sent  a  request  to  the  Secretary  of 
War  for  3,000  rifles  and  60,000  rounds  of  ammunition  for 
arming  them.  When  definite  federal  plans  were  evolved, 
Lindsey  appointed  Adjutant  General  James  Baca  as  the 
commanding  officer.  The  Governor  then  urged  that  the  or- 
ganization be  formed  and  maintained  on  a  state-wide  basis. 
As  soon  as  the  Portales  unit  was  in  operation,  he  joined  it 
as  "Buck  Private"  Lindsey  and  was  measured  for  a  uniform 
that  was  without  "gold  lace." 

After  the  formal  declaration  of  war,  the  Governor  gave 
even  more  freely  of  his  time  and  energy  to  improve  morale 


and  to  strengthen  the  fighting  qualities  of  the  state.  One  of 
his  first  actions  was  to  recommend  to  all  municipal  and 
county  officers  that  they  prepare  a  list  of  the  names  of  all 
males  between  the  ages  of  eighteen  and  forty-five,  in  the 
area  of  their  jurisdiction,  so  that  they  might  be  used  in 
event  of  a  selective  draft.  He  also  called  a  conference  of  the 
legislative  leaders  of  the  state  to  discuss  the  steps  that  might 
be  taken  to  insure  full  co-operation  in  the  war  effort. 

After  the  passage  of  the  selective  service  act  and  the 
designation  of  June  5  as  registration  day,  the  Governor  did 
all  in  his  power  to  assure  full  co-operation.  In  a  release  to 
the  press,  he  urged  all  counties  to  make  "Draft  Day"  a  holi- 
day, to  be  celebrated  in  "a  serious  spirit  of  consecration." 
He  suggested  that  local  welcoming  and  reception  committees 
greet  the  registrants  and  create  an  atmosphere  of  reverence 
and  respect  for  them.  He  asked  the  committees  to  pin  badges 
on  those  registering  with  the  words,  "The  Colors  Call:  I 
Have  Answered."  He  also  recommended  special  patriotic 
services  in  the  churches  on  Sunday,  June  3,  emphasizing 
the  slogan,  "The  world  must  be  made  safe  for  democracy." 
Fearing  that  not  enough  New  Mexico  soldiers  were  taking 
the  optional  federal  insurance,  the  Governor  wrote  to  the 
commanding  officers  of  the  camps  in  which  there  were  New 
Mexico  men,  asking  their  aid  in  inducing  them  to  do  so. 
He  also  issued  a  proclamation  in  which  he  asked  the  relatives 
and  friends  of  the  New  Mexico  servicemen  to  write  and  wire 
urging  them  to  accept  the  federal  insurance  option.  That 
his  efforts  were  successful  can  be  gathered  from  a  telegram 
he  received  from  General  F.  S.  Strong  a  few  days  later  in- 
forming him  that  practically  all  of  the  New  Mexico  soldiers 
in  Camp  Kearny  had  taken  out  insurance,  and  that  with  the 
continued  influence  from  home  all  might  be  insured  before 
February  12,  the  deadline. 

The  Governor's  military  interest  included  the  personal 
welfare  of  all  soldiers  stationed  in  New  Mexico.  The  federal 
government  set  up  a  great  cantonment  near  Deming  which 
it  named  Camp  Cody.  It  was  large  enough  to  accommodate 
30,000  soldiers  at  a  time.  Lindsey  made  several  visits  to  this 
camp;  and  on  one  occasion  he  presented  $1,000  worth  of 


athletic  goods  to  the  soldiers  as  a  gift  from  the  citizens  of 
New  Mexico.  He  talked  personally  to  many  of  the  men ;  and 
on  his  return  to  Santa  Fe  stated  that  their  health  was  excel- 
lent and  that  their  morale  was  splendid. 

As  the  war  and  the  period  of  military  training  pro- 
gressed, several  New  Mexico  men  contracted  tuberculosis 
and  were  discharged.  The  federal  government  at  that  stage 
of  the  war  was  discharging  them  without  care  and  without 
a  pension.  Governor  Lindsey  called  it  "an  improper  and 
unfortunate  situation" ;  and  he  insisted  that  the  state  must 
assist  them  until  federal  aid  was  granted.  Seventy  of  the 
patients  were  admitted  to  the  Miner's  Hospital  in  Raton, 
while  the  others  were  sent  to  Fort  Wingate  or  given  sub- 
sistence in  their  own  homes. 

The  war  ended,  but  the  Governor's  interest  in  the  sol- 
diers continued.  Again  working  with  the  Defense  Council, 
county  organizations  were  set  up  for  the  purpose  of  assist- 
ing the  returned  veteran  to  find  employment  and  to  rehabili- 
tate himself  to  civilian  life. 

New  Mexico's  military  war  record,  under  the  leadership 
of  Governor  Lindsey,  is  one  of  which  the  state  may  well  be 
proud.  New  Mexico  responded  to  the  imperative  call  for  men 
with  her  full  quota  and  more.  Out  of  the  total  number  of  men 
who  served,  501  "were  given  up  in  the  service  of  the  coun- 
try." The  total  number  of  New  Mexicans  in  all  branches  of 
military  service  was  17,251.  The  state  "stood  well  above  the 
average"  among  her  sister  states  in  the  number  of  men 

The  civilian  war  record  of  the  state  was  no  less  impres- 
sive. Here  again,  with  devotion  to  the  duties  of  his  office 
and  for  the  cause,  the  Governor  led  the  way.  Immediately 
following  the  declaration  of  war,  he  summoned  a  group  of 
leading  citizens  to  Santa  Fe  to  discuss  the  problem  of 
immediate  preparedness  for  the  state.  The  group  called  to 
perfect  a  system  of  preparedness  represented  the  state's 
leading  industries.  The  individuals  and  the  industry  they 
represented  follow:  A.  D.  Crile,  President,  State  College, 
farming;  John  M.  Sully,  Santa  Rita,  metal  mining;  L.  A. 


Hughes,  Santa  Fe,  banking ;  Dr.  James  A.  Massie,  Santa  Fe, 
medicine;  W.  A.  Hawkins,  El  Paso,  railroads;  E.  C.  Cramp- 
ton,  Raton,  law;  Charles  Springer,  Cimarron,  roads;  James 
A.  French,  Santa  Fe,  engineering;  E.  C.  Abbott,  Santa  Fe, 
military;  G.  A.  Kaseman,  Albuquerque,  coal  mining;  B.  M. 
Cutting,  Santa  Fe,  home  guards;  R.  C.  Reid,  Roswell,  taxa- 
tion and  revenue ;  R.  H.  Hanna,  Santa  Fe,  Red  Cross ;  Mrs. 
R.  F.  Asplund,  Santa  Fe,  federated  woman's  clubs;  R.  E. 
Putney,  Albuquerque,  mercantile;  S.  B.  Davis,  Las  Vegas, 
public  utilities;  H.  B.  Karr,  Albuquerque,  labor;  D.  A. 
McPherson,  Albuquerque,  publishers. 

The  program  formulated  and  projected  by  these  leaders 
formed  the  basis  of  the  activities  carried  on  by  the  subse- 
quent Defense  Council  which  was  created  by  the  special 
session  of  the  legislature. 

The  Governor  personally  worked  on  many  other  projects 
to  aid  the  cause  of  food  production  and  conservation  of  re- 
sources for  the  war  effort.  He  held  a  conference  with  officials 
of  the  Forest  Service,  and  they  offered  "potato  land"  in  the 
forest  for  those  who  wished  to  aid  in  food  production.  He 
made  arrangements  with  the  State  Land  Commissioner  and 
with  the  State  Prison  Warden  whereby  sixty  convicts  culti- 
vated 1,200  acres  of  state  land  in  order  to  produce  food  for 
the  inmates  of  the  state  penitentiary.  In  a  letter  to  hotel 
proprietors,  he  urged  them  to  boost  the  pinto  bean,  serving 
it  rather  than  imported  beans.  On  every  occasion  possible, 
he  urged  the  planting  of  home  and  school  gardens.  Again 
leading  the  way,  he  rented  a  vacant  lot  in  Santa  Fe  on  which 
he  and  his  family  cultivated  a  garden  that  produced  a  boun- 
tiful harvest. 

Correlating  with  the  Governor's  food  production  pro- 
gram, was  his  effort  at  food  conservation.  Fundamentally  a 
prohibitionist,  the  war  gave  him  added  incentive  to  sponsor 
its  cause.  His  connection  with  state-wide  prohibition  gives 
him  a  claim  to  a  place  in  the  history  of  the  state.  Although 
it  had  been  customary  to  serve  liquors  at  state  dinners,  it 
was  not  permitted  while  he  was  the  chief  executive.  He 
made  many  speeches  for  the  cause  of  prohibition.  During 


his  administration,  New  Mexico  became  the  twenty-seventh 
"dry"  state  in  the  Union  following  the  adoption  of  the  con- 
stitutional amendment  making  prohibition  nation-wide. 

The  civilan  war  effort  of  New  Mexico  included  the  sup- 
port of  the  various  war  drives  and  the  purchase  of  govern- 
ment bonds.  The  Governor  took  a  very  active  part  in  assisting 
all  organizations.  For  the  purpose  of  raising  money  for 
purchasing  "Smileage"  books  for  the  soldiers  at  Camp  Cody, 
he  participated  in  a  benefit  basketball  game.  During  the 
contest,  which  was  between  the  Fats  and  the  Leans,  "Lindsey 
made  a  remarkable  throw  into  the  basket  from  a  stepladder 
for  the  Fats."  The  Leans  won  the  game,  but  the  Governor 
had  made  his  contribution. 

After  many  individual  drives,  a  combined  United  War 
Fund  drive  was  suggested.  Accordingly,  two  hundred  work- 
ers gathered  in  Albuquerque  at  a  state  convention  to  plan 
the  campaign.  Lindsey  presided  and  aided  in  the  organiza- 
tion of  the  new  plan.  This  fund-raising  campaign  was  also 

In  its  support  of  Liberty  Bond  purchases,  New  Mexico 
made  a  unique  record.  Under  the  direction  of  Governor 
Lindsey  the  State  of  New  Mexico,  in  October  1917,  invested 
the  sum  of  $381,300  in  Liberty  Bonds.  This  was  the  first 
action  of  the  kind  undertaken  by  any  state  in  the  Union. 
When  the  drive  opened  to  the  public,  the  Governor  spoke  at 
a  patriotic  rally  and  touched  off  the  Liberty  Loan  fire  in 
front  of  the  Old  Palace  in  Santa  Fe.  His  interest  and  en- 
thusiasm persisted  throughout  all  of  the  drives,  whether 
for  individual  organizations  or  for  the  state.  By  the  end  of 
the  war,  the  state  of  New  Mexico  had  $750,000  worth  of  its 
funds  invested  in  Liberty  Bonds. 

The  Governor  became  greatly  concerned  when  he  learned 
that  some  of  the  bonds  owned  by  individuals  were  being 
used  for  speculative  purposes.  In  order  to  counteract  this 
practice,  he  issued  a  press  release  in  which  he  called  upon 
the  people  of  the  state  "to  repudiate  the  sharks"  who  were 
endeavoring  to  swindle  the  public  out  of  Liberty  Bonds  by 
making  them  the  objects  of  speculation.  He  warned  the 
citizens  not  to  have  any  trade  dealings  with  Liberty  Bonds 


as  the  basis.  In  vigorous  language  he  declared  that  stock- 
jobbing in  the  bonds  of  the  nation  was  "pro-German." 

In  all  drives  for  contributions  and  loans  pertaining  to  the 
war,  New  Mexico  made  a  splendid  record.  The  records  show 
that  the  people  over-subscribed  every  Liberty  Loan  quota 
and  that  the  quotas  for  Red  Cross,  Salvation  Army,  Knights 
of  Columbus,  Y.  M.  C.  A.  and  other  accredited  war  relief 
organizations  also  received  large  over-subscriptions. 

During  the  Lindsey  administration  and  the  war,  there 
were  naturally  some  federal-state  relationships  and  some 
out-of -state  contacts.  When  the  United  States  entered  the 
European  conflict,  fear  was  current  in  the  southwest  that 
we  might  also  become  involved  in  a<  war  with  Mexico. 
Prompted  by  that  possibility,  the  Governor  urged  the  federal 
government  to  build  a  modern  highway  between  Amarillo 
and  El  Paso.  This  road,  he  maintained,  was  necessary  be- 
cause of  the  inadequate  transportation  lines  extending  south 
and  southwest  reaching  the  Mexican  border  from  the  central 
United  States,  and  the  liability  of  their  congestion  in  event 
of  a  demand  for  the  rapid  transfer  of  troops  and  munitions 
of  war  to  the  border.  He  pledged  his  co-operation  in  the 
project  if  the  authorities  deemed  it  wise  to  carry  out  the  plan. 

Similarly,  when  the  food  crisis  seemed  to  be  severe, 
Lindsey  urged  the  federal  transportation  authorities  to  build 
a  railroad  from  Farmington  to  Gallup  for  an  outlet  of  the 
food  products  of  northwestern  New  Mexico  and  south- 
western Colorado.  He  pointed  out  that  much  food  was  going 
to  waste  in  the  San  Juan  Valley  because  of  lack  of  marketing 
facilities.  When  no  federal  action  was  taken  on  this  matter, 
he  urged  federal  assistance  for  a  highway  from  the  San  Juan 
Valley  through  Cuba  to  Santa  Fe.  But  here  again  federal 
aid  was  not  forthcoming. 

In  the  fuel  crisis  during  the  war,  the  request  for  aid 
came  from  the  federal  authorities  to  the  states  rather  than 
from  the  states  to  the  federal  authorities.  In  this  matter 
the  Governor  of  New  Mexico  assisted  the  federal  govern- 
ment to  the  fullest  extent.  He  issued  a  special  proclamation 
on  the  subject;  and  he  visited  the  coal  mining  districts  at 
Raton,  Dawson,  Cerrillos,  Gallup,  and  Carthage  in  order  to 


talk  personally  to  the  miners  about  the  importance  of  boost- 
ing production. 

Concern  for  the  New  Mexico  soldiers  by  Governor  Lind- 
sey  also  brought  contacts  with  federal  authorities.  He  was 
proud  of  his  state;  and  he  wished  for  her  soldiers  to  serve 
in  a  unit  to  be  known  as  the  New  Mexico  regiment.  Seeing 
that  the  men  were  being  distributed  among  the  regiments  of 
other  states  and  fearing  that  they  would  lose  their  identity, 
he  wired  Secretary  of  War  Baker  suggesting  a  New  Mexico 
regiment.  His  request  received  careful  consideration,  but 
could  not  be  granted  in  its  entirety. 

Another  contact  was  made  with  federal  authorities  by 
the  Governor  when  it  was  reported  that  New  Mexico  soldiers 
were  being  discriminated  against  because  they  could  not 
speak  the  English  language.  On  one  of  his  visits  to  Camp 
Kearny,  he  requested  that  the  men  should  receive  proper 
treatment  and  advancement  regardless  of  their  racial  back- 
grounds. One  result  of  this  request  was  that  schools  of 
instruction  in  the  English  language  were  formed  for  those 
who  could  not  speak  the  language. 

Lindsey  received  several  national  recognitions  during 
the  war.  He  was  appointed  as  a  member  of  the  advisory 
board  of  the  All  American  Association.  Its  objectives  were 
to  foster  agricultural  preparedness,  increased  acreage,  con- 
servation, good  roads,  elimination  of  get  rich  schemes,  and 
the  general  promotion  of  economy  and  efficiency  during 
the  war.  This  appointment  was  due,  in  a  large  measure,  to 
the  record  that  New  Mexico  was  making  in  its  war  effort. 

The  Governor  was  invited  both  to  attend  and  to  speak 
at  a  conference  of  the  National  Security  League  held  in 
Chicago  in  February,  1918.  The  purpose  of  the  conference 
was  largely  to  stimulate  and  to  continue  to  promote  the 
program  of  education  civic  preparedness.  He  appeared  on 
the  speaking  program  along  with  such  notables  as  former 
President  Taft,  Elihu  Root,  Frank  0.  Lowden,  and  Dr. 
Robert  McElroy.  In  his  talk  Lindsey  explained  the  adopted 
plan  of  New  Mexico's  civilian  war  program.  While  in  Chicago 
he  also  gave  a  patriotic  address  to  one  of  the  Chicago  high 
schools  on  Washington's  birthday. 


Upon  his  return  from  the  conference,  Lindsey  offered 
suggestions  to  various  state  organizations  from  time  to  time. 
The  warning  that  he  brought  back  from  the  conference  was 
that  we  must  not  be  persuaded  to  accept  a  premature  peace. 
He  urged  New  Mexico  organizations  to  be  on  guard  for 
propaganda  of  such  a  nature. 

The  last  official  out-of -state  contact  of  Governor  Lind- 
sey's,  of  importance,  was  his  trip  to  Washington,  D.  C.,  and 
to  Annapolis,  Maryland.  His  purpose  in  visiting  the  former 
place  was  to  secure  compensation  from  the  government  for 
expenditures  that  the  state  had  made  at  the  College  of 
Agriculture  and  Mechanic  Arts  and  at  the  University  for 
the  training  of  soldiers  in  the  Student's  Army  Training 
Corps.  At  the  latter  place,  he  attended  the  conference  of 
governors.  The  efforts  of  the  Governor  were  in  part  suc- 

Governor  Lindsey  spent  a  great  deal  of  time  during  his 
administration  making  promotional  speeches  and  writing 
some  articles.  Near  the  close  of  his  administration  he  wrote 
an  article  for  the  press  which  might  well  be  termed  a 
treatise  on  good  government.  The  article  was  a  resume  of 
the  work  accomplished  in  his  administration  that,  in  his 
estimation,  could  be  classified  as  "good  government."  Among 
these  accomplishments  he  included:  state-wide  prohibition, 
the  secret  or  Australian  ballot,  state  budget,  workmen's 
compensation,  consolidated  rural  schools,  highway  construc- 
tion, and  a  state  council  of  defense  for  the  promotion  of  war 

In  addition  to  his  speeches  and  articles,  the  Governor  also 
issued  many  proclamations  in  the  course  of  his  duty  as  chief 
executive.  The  subjects  of  the  proclamations  covered  a  wide 
area,  but  the  majority  of  them  were  made  in  an  effort  to 
promote  the  state's  war  activities.  The  great  number  of 
them  issued,  and  the  sincerity  of  their  tone,  indicate  his 
loyalty  and  devotion  to  the  cause  of  freedom  and  democratic 

During  the  Lindsey  administration,  naturally,  other 
problems  arose  besides  those  connected  with  the  prosecution 
of  the  state's  war  activities.  Among  these  problems  were 


two  of  a  fiscal  nature.  One  was  the  accumulation  of  tax 
arrears  since  statehood  in  the  various  counties.  In  an  effort 
to  improve  this  condition,  the  Governor  appealed  to  all 
county  treasurers  stressing  the  importance  of  the  collection 
of  tax  arrears.  He  also  addressed  a  communication  to  all 
county  attorneys  urging"  more  prompt  collections  in  order  to 
maintain  the  credit  of  the  state.  In  this  communication  he 
pointed  out  to  them  that  the  average  collection  for  all 
counties  of  the  state  in  1915  was  only  eighty-one  per  cent. 
A  few  days  after  the  two  communications  had  been  sent, 
the  Governor  began  to  receive  reports  from  over  the  state 
informing  him  that  immediate  action  had  been  taken  in 
various  counties.  The  county  officials  of  Curry  and  Roosevelt 
reported  that  their  collection  record  had  always  been  good 
and  that  at  the  present  time  the  collections  were  ninety- 
seven  and  ninety-five  per  cent  respectively. 

Another  fiscal  problem  of  the  Lindsey  administration 
was  the  Kelly  bond  fraud.  When  Congress  passed  the  En- 
abling Act  for  New  Mexico,  one  of  its  stipulations  provided 
that  the  new  state  should  assume  the  debts  and  liabilities  of 
the  territory  and  of  its  various  counties.  Some  of  these  bonds 
were  re-negotiated  and  were  handled  by  W.  G.  and  H.  B. 
Kelly,  bond  brokers,  of  Kansas  City,  Missouri.  By  the  time 
of  the  Lindsey  administration,  these  brokers  had  collected, 
fraudulently,  approximately  $70,000  of  the  state's  money. 

On  his  second  day  in  office  Lindsey  sensed  that  some  of 
the  bonds  were  bogus  and  refused  to  sign  their  interest 
warrants.  A  subsequent  audit  made  of  the  issue  of  Series 
"C"  bonds  by  H.  C.  Reid  and  A.  E.  James  for  the  State 
Taxpayers  Association  disclosed  the  fraudulent  extraction 
of  approximately  $70,000  from  the  funds  of  the  state. 
Thereupon,  the  Governor  appointed  James  M.  Hervey,  Ros- 
well  attorney,  as  the  state's  special  counsel  to  prosecute  the 
case.  The  case,  State  of  New  Mexico  v.  William  G.  Kelly, 
dragged  through  the  Lindsey  administration;  and  after  a 
conviction,  appeal,  and  denial,  it  was  finally  settled  in  Sep- 
tember of  1921.  The  final  outcome  was  a  recovery  of  the 
state  funds  and  a  penitentiary  sentence  for  Kelly. 

The  last  public  utterance  of  Lindsey  as  governor  of  New 


Mexico  was  given  at  the  inauguration  of  his  successor.  In 
this  address  he  pledged  his  support  to  the  new  governor  and 
urged  his  audience  to  rededicate  their  lives  to  the  task  of 
sustaining  and  promoting  the  republican  form  of  govern- 

Laws  of  His  Administration 

Lindsey's  legislature,  the  third  legislature  of  the  State 
of  New  Mexico,  had  a  Republican  majority.  The  register 
for  the  session  records  that  the  Senate  was  composed  of 
fourteen  Republicans  and  ten  Democrats.  Each  of  the  chair- 
men of  the  nineteen  standing  committees  was  a  member 
of  the  Republican  party.  The  House  Journal  of  the  session 
shows  that  of  its  forty-nine  members,  twenty-nine  were 
registered  as  Republicans,  nineteen  as  Democrats,  and  one 
as  an  Independent  Republican.  The  speaker  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  for  the  session  was  W.  H.  H.  Llewellyn 
of  Dona  Ana  County. 

The  third  legislature  was  in  session  from  January  9, 
1917,  to  March  10, 1917.  During  the  early  days  of  the  session, 
the  illness  of  Governor  de  Baca  hung  like  a  pall  over  the 
members  and  little  was  accomplished.  Soon  after  de  Baca's 
death  the  new  Governor,  in  his  "maiden"  political  speech, 
proposed  to  the  members  of  the  legislature  a  program  of 
action  for  the  remainder  of  the  session.  The  talk  outlined  a 
progressive,  non-partisan  policy  and  indicated  that  the 
Governor  would  attempt  to  play  a  leading  role  in  seeking  its 
fulfillment.  In  the  remaining  twenty  days  of  the  regular 
session,  he  took  an  active  part  in  attempting  to  get  his 
program  through  the  legislature. 

The  third  legislature  passed  one  hundred  and  fifteen 
laws,  fourteen  joint  resolutions,  four  joint  memorials,  and 
voted  to  submit  three  proposed  constitutional  amendments 
to  the  people.  Although  not  all  of  the  party  pledges  or  the 
Governor's  recommendations  were  approved,  the  legisla- 
ture's actions  went  far  toward  consummating  the  wishes  of 
the  progressive  people  of  New  Mexico. 

The  major  laws  provided  for  special  treatment  of  juve- 
nile delinquents,  creation  of  county  school  boards,  the  setting 


up  of  state  machinery  in  order  to  receive  the  various  federal 
aids,  a  state  budget,  workmen's  compensations,  and  the 
creation  of  a  board  of  commissioners  for  the  promotion  of 
uniform  legislation. 

The  greatest  disappointment  of  the  third  legislature  to 
Lindsey  was  its  failure  to  provide  for  an  amendment  for 
woman's  suffrage.  Estimates  of  the  accomplishment  of  the 
third  legislature  varied.  The  Portales  Valley  News  observed 
that,  "The  third  legislature  has  adjourned.  It  can  not  be  said 
that  it  was  either  better  or  worse  than  its  predecessors, 
neither  will  it  go  down  in  history  as  having  given  evidence 
of  great  profundity."  The  New  Mexican  drew  the  conclusion 
that,  "The  house  averaged  rather  more  incompetent  than 
most  of  its  predecessors,  while  the  senate  averaged  up  well." 

The  Governor  defended  the  record  of  his  legislature. 
Speaking  before  a  convention  of  the  New  Mexico  Cattle 
Growers  Association  in  Albuquerque,  he  stated  that  it  had 
been  progressive,  and  had  to  a  large  extent  reflected  the 
wishes  of  the  people.  He  prophesied  that  one  single  act, 
the  budget  law,  would  be  of  much  more  value  to  the  state 
than  the  entire  cost  of  the  legislature. 

Soon  after  the  close  of  the  third  legislature,  our  entry 
into  the  European  war  appeared  imminent.  Governor  Lind- 
sey kept  in  close  touch  with  international  developments,  and 
stood  ready  to  call  a  special  session  of  the  state  legislature 
the  moment  the  necessity  became  apparent.  Immediately 
after  our  declaration  of  war,  he  called  a  meeting  of  the 
leaders  of  the  legislature  to  discuss  the  advisability  of  a 
special  session.  The  result  of  this  meeting  was  a  decision  to 
delay  the  call  of  a  session  until  the  national  government  had 
organized  its  program  on  more  concrete  lines. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Governor,  on  his  own  initiative, 
appointed  a  war  committee  composed  of  leading  citizens  of 
the  state.  This  group  was  called  to  the  state  capitol  to  discuss 
and  to  outline  a  tentative  program  of  action  to  get  the  state 
on  an  immediate  war  basis.  The  committee,  recognizing  the 
lack  of  laws  and  funds  necessary  for  the  mobilization  and 
use  of  the  state's  resources  in  time  of  war,  urged  the  Gover- 
nor to  call  a  special  session  of  the  legislature. 


In  response  to  this  request,  the  Governor,  on  April  26, 
issued  a  proclamation  calling  the  third  legislature  to  meet 
in  special  session,  May  1,  for  the  purpose  of  enabling  the 
state  to  "provide  for  its  own  defense  and  to  assist  the  United 
States  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war." 

The  special  session  of  the  legislature  convened  on  May  1 
and  remained  in  session  until  May  8,  1917.  In  the  space  of 
eight  days,  measures  were  passed  which  put  the  state  on  a 
war  basis.  The  session  passed  seven  laws,  three  joint  me- 
morials, and  one  joint  resolution.  Five  of  the  measures 
largely  shaped  and  guided  the  future  war  activities  of  the 
state.  The  actions  of  the  legislature  followed  closely  the 
pattern  charted  for  it  by  the  Governor  and  his  war  com- 

The  law  of  the  special  session  which  consumed  most  of 
the  Governor's  time  and  energy  after  its  passage  was  Chap- 
ter Five.  This  was  the  act  which  provided  for  the  public 
defense  and  carried  with  it  an  appropriation  of  $750,000  to 
be  administered  by  the  Governor  with  a  State  Council  of 
Defense  in  an  advisory  capacity.  As  stipulated  by  law,  the 
Governor  appointed  the  following  members  to  the  Council: 
Charles  Springer,  Coif  ax  County;  Robert  E.  Putney,  Ber- 
nalillo  County;  B.  C.  Hernandez,  Rio  Arriba  County;  C.  R. 
Brice,  Chaves  County;  Eduardo  M.  Otero,  Valencia  County; 
W.  A.  Hawkins,  Otero  County;  John  M.  Sully,  Grant 
County;  Secundino  Romero,  San  Miguel  County;  and  Eufra- 
cio  Gallegos,  Union  County. 

These  men  were  the  same  group  that  had  served  on  Lind- 
sey's  war  committee  and  that  had  aided  him  in  drawing  a 
legislative  program  for  the  special  session.  Their  immediate 
confirmation  by  the  Senate  indicated  the  approval  of  their 

The  activities  of  the  Council  of  Defense  took  many  and 
various  forms.  One  of  its  greatest  contributions  was  in  its 
promotion  of  war  bond  drives.  In  every  Liberty  Loan 
campaign  during  the  war  New  Mexico  went  "over  the  top." 
In  the  field  of  agriculture  and  food  production,  the  work  of 
the  council  was  of  tremendous  importance.  Here,  again,  it 
was  a  successful  story  of  the  increase  in  production,  due  in 


a  large  measure  to  the  stimulation  by  the  Council.  The  New 
Mexico  wheat  production  in  1916  amounted  to  2,104,000 
bushels,  while  in  1918  it  was  3,334,000  bushels.  The  total 
number  of  bushels  of  corn  produced  in  1916  was  2,625,000, 
while  in  1918  it  was  4,250,000.  The  production  of  potatoes, 
likewise,  showed  a  tremendous  increase.  In  1916  the  state 
produced  816,000  bushels.  This  number  was  increased  by 
1918  to  1,276,000.  The  Bureau  of  Crop  Estimates  credited 
this  large  increase  in  production  mainly  to  the  sale  and 
distribution  of  seed,  by  the  Council,  on  a  credit-sales  plan. 

The  publicity  department  of  the  Council  was  created  in 
May,  1917,  and  on  July  10,  1917,  the  New  Mexico  War  News 
was  ushered  into  existence.  The  paper  was  issued  weekly 
for  the  purpose  of  keeping  the  public  alerted  and  informed 
as  to  all  war  activities.  It  was  designed,  however,  to  circu- 
late principally  among  county  agricultural  agents,  county 
financial  agents,  and  others  identified  with  the  agricultural 
campaign  of  the  Council  of  Defense. 

The  New  Mexico  Blue  Book  of  1919  lists  many  other 
important  activities  of  the  Council.  Some  of  these  include 
the  destruction  of  predatory  animals,  the  conservation  of 
gasoline,  assisting  miners  and  stockmen  to  get  railroad  cars, 
keeping  a  record  of  all  New  Mexico  soldiers,  aid  in  register- 
ing alien  enemies,  legal  aid  to  soldiers,  and  the  distribution 
of  posters  for  the  Federal  Government. 

Failure  to  Win  Renomination 

Governor  Lindsey  had  always  been  identified  with  the 
progressive  wing  of  the  Republican  party.  His  nomination 
for  lieutenant-governor  in  1916  was  due  primarily  to  the 
fact  that  the  regular  Republicans  wished  to  reconcile  the 
progressive  element  in  the  party.  In  a  very  close  election 
he  won  the  office  over  his  Democratic  opponent,  Governor 
W.  C.  McDonald,  while  his  running-mate,  Holm  O.  Bursum, 
representing  the  regular  faction  of  the  party,  was  defeated 
by  E.  C.  de  Baca.  Upon  the  latter's  death  on  February  18, 
1917,  Lindsey  was  elevated  to  the  governorship. 

The  legislature  was  of  a  Republican  majority,  and  with 
the  regular  Republicans  predominating,  R.  L.  D.  McAllister, 


staff  correspondent  of  the  Albuquerque  Journal,  wrote: 
"That  this  is  another  'Bursum  legislature'  is  generally  con- 
ceded. .  .  .  Although  twice  defeated  for  governor,  the 
Socorro  County  man  is  today  the  dominant  force  in  the 
councils  of  his  party." 

During  Governor  de  Baca's  illness,  a  Las  Vegas  attor- 
ney, Elmer  Veeder,  who  was  a  prominent  Democrat,  acted  as 
his  legal  advisor.  He  was  much  disliked  by  the  regular 
Republicans,  and  some  of  them  wished  to  have  Lindsey 
become  acting  governor.  He,  however,  would  have  no  part 
in  this  plan.  The  Journal  gave  the  following  comment  on 
the  incident:  "In  the  first  place,  the  active  co-operation  of 
Washington  E.  Lindsey  himself  would  be  necessary  to  the 
consummation  of  this  plan,  and  everything  that  Mr.  Lindsey 
has  said  and  done  since  he  went  into  office  negatives  the  idea 
that  he  would  lend  himself  to  a  scheme  to  deprive  Governor 
de  Baca  of  any  of  the  rights  or  powers  of  his  office." 

When  Lindsey  became  governor,  he  was  exceedingly 
popular  with  the  people,  including  the  Democratic  party. 
"But,"  warned  the  Albuquerque  Journal,  "he  has  always 
been  identified  with  the  progressive  wing  of  his  party  and 
he  was  one  of  the  Republicans  who  revolted  in  the  first 
campaign  and  helped  overthrow  the  man  whose  running- 
mate  he  became  in  the  next  campaign."  The  Journal  then 
went  on  to  predict  that  the  new  Governor  was  "...  likely 
to  run  against  a  snag  of  large  proportions." 

In  his  first  speech  as  governor,  given  to  the  Republican 
state  central  committee,  Lindsey  voiced  anything  but  a 
machine-type  political  program.  Among  other  things,  he 
advocated:  appointments  on  merit,  woman's  suffrage,  a 
cessation  of  vote  buying,  and  more  popular  participation  in 

Soon  after  this  address,  the  New  Mexican  stated  that 
there  were  rumors  that  the  old  guard  was  holding  off  on 
platform  legislation  until  certain  appointments  had  been 
made.  It  stated  further  that  Bursum  had  a  candidate  for  the 
superintendency  of  the  penitentiary.  This  position  was  con- 
sidered the  choicest  political  "plum"  of  all  appointments. 
The  Journal  stated  that  the  man  most  frequently  mentioned 


for  the  position  was  Senator  Aniceto  Abeyta,  of  Socorro,  a 
close  political  and  personal  friend  of  Bursum. 

On  March  7,  1917,  Governor  Lindsey  appointed,  and  the 
Senate  later  confirmed,  Thomas  Hughes  of  Albuquerque  as 
superintendent  of  the  state  penitentiary.  Hughes  was  a  pro- 
gressive Republican  who  had  formerly  been  county  chair- 
man of  Bernalillo  County,  and  who,  according  to  the  New 
Mexican,  had  "reflected  credit  upon  his  common  sense  and 
decency"  by  breaking  with  a  number  of  old  guard  bosses  in 
the  last  campaign. 

Another  appointment  of  Lindsey's  that  did  not  enhance 
party  harmony  was  that  of  Theodore  Roualt  to  the  position 
of  state  game  warden.  Governor  de  Baca  had  appointed 
Dennis  Chaves  to  the  position,  and  the  office  had  traditionally 
gone  to  a  Spanish-American.  The  regular  Republicans  hoped 
to  follow  the  tradition  in  order  to  appease  that  faction  within 
their  party.  Lindsey,  however,  did  not  choose  to  pay  any 
attention  to  such  traditional  distinctions  in  making  his 
appointments.  He  withdrew  de  Baca's  nominee,  and  re- 
placed it  with  the  appointment  of  Theodore  Roualt,  of  Las 

During  the  third  legislature  several  situations  arose  that 
tended  to  widen  the  cleavage  between  the  Governor  and 
the  predominating  faction  of  the  Republicans.  Lindsey 
urged  the  legislature  to  submit  a  progressive  woman's  suf- 
frage amendment.  He  made  a  sincere  effort  to  get  the 
proposal  through  that  body,  but  his  efforts  were  in  vain. 
Despite  the  fact  that  both  parties  were  bound  by  platform 
pledges  to  submit  to  the  voters  of  the  state  a  woman's  suf- 
frage amendment,  no  such  action  was  taken.  Feeling  against 
woman's  suffrage  was  strong,  especially  among  Spanish- 
American  members  of  both  parties.  When  the  measure  was 
brought  to  a  vote  in  the  House,  they  were  practically  unani- 
mous in  their  opposition  to  it.  Their  opposition,  no  doubt, 
was  the  reason  the  old  line  Republican  leadership  did  not 
choose  to  push  the  measure. 

Another  situation  that  arose  during  the  third  session 
that  widened  the  cleavage  was  the  Texas  boundary  suit  bill. 
The  Republican  leaders  had  drawn  a  bill  for  an  appropria- 


tion  of  $50,000  for  the  prosecution  of  the  suit,  and  had 
designated  0.  A.  Larrazolo  as  chief  counsel.  Larrazolo  had 
been  a  leading  Democrat  in  New  Mexico  politics  until  his 
withdrawal  from  the  party  in  1911.  Three  times  before  this 
action,  he  had  been  nominated  by  the  Democrats  as  candi- 
date for  delegate  to  Congress.  He  was  defeated  each  time  by 
the  Republican  candidate.  After  his  last  defeat,  he  an- 
nounced his  withdrawal  from  the  party,  and  gave  as  the 
main  reason  for  his  action  the  accusation  that  the  Demo- 
cratic party  was  discriminating  against  his  race. 

Larrazolo  immediately  joined  the  Republican  party,  and 
there  he  received  a  warm  welcome.  In  1916  he  was  a  strong 
contender  for  the  Republican  nomination  for  the  Supreme 
Court,  but  did  not  win  the  position.  The  old  line  Republicans 
were  aware  of  his  political  strength  and  sought  to  pay  him 
a  "political  debt"  by  incorporating  his  name  in  the  boundary 
suit  bill. 

Governor  Lindsey  contacted  the  legislative  leaders  and 
intimated  that  he  would  withhold  his  signature  from  the 
bill  unless  the  names  of  Larrazolo  and  other  attorneys  were 
eliminated  from  it.  According  to  the  Albuquerque  Journal, 
the  Democrats  and  the  Chief  Executive  forced  the  elimina- 
tion of  Larrazolo's  name  and  reduced  the  amount  of  the 
appropriation  to  $35,000  before  it  became  a  law.  This  action 
of  the  Governor,  no  doubt,  had  the  effect  of  further  alienat- 
ing him  from  the  regular  Republicans  and  from  the  Spanish- 
speaking  people. 

A  new  source  of  friction  arose  during  the  special  session 
of  the  legislature.  It  occurred  in  the  formulation  of  the 
public  defense  act.  The  New  Mexican  charged  in  an  editorial 
that  the  Republican  machine  wished  ".  .  .  to  establish  a 
regiment  of  state  cavalry  at  an  expense  of  hundreds  of  thou- 
sands of  dollars  in  order  to  provide  sinecures  for  political 
lame  ducks  and  help  build  up  the  political  machine."  When, 
after  a  stubborn  fight,  the  public  defense  act  was  finally 
passed  it  carried  no  provision  for  a  "useless"  state  cavalry. 

The  first  important  move  leading  toward  the  selection 
of  a  Republican  candidate  for  governor  in  the  1918  cam- 
paign occurred  when  Senator  Albert  B.  Fall  visited  Santa 


Fe  in  August,  1918.  This  visit  was  the  occasion  for  a  meeting 
of  state  Republican  leaders.  Bursum  and  Springer  conferred 
with  Fall  at  length,  and  a  short  conference  was  held  with 
Governor  Lindsey.  One  point  emphasized  as  a  result  of  this 
conference  was  that  if  the  United  States  was  to  be  assured 
of  a  Republican  majority  in  the  Senate,  New  Mexico  must 
re-elect  Albert  B.  Fall. 

A  few  days  after  Fall  left  Santa  Fe,  the  New  Mexican 
charged  that  the  Republican  state  ticket  had  been  hand- 
picked  by  the  Republican  leaders.  It  stated  that  there  ".  .  . 
seems  to  be  a  sort  of  disposition  to  let  the  leaders  agree  on 
the  ticket  and  then  everybody  pretend  to  like  it  regardless 
and  claim  it  represents  the  best  brew  of  harmony  on  tap  in 
these  sugarless  days." 

Other  results  of  the  conference  of  state  Republican  lead- 
ers came  to  light.  On  August  30, 1918,  Fall's  campaign  plans 
were  announced.  One  was  that,  upon  Fall's  insistence,  Holm 
O.  Bursum  would  manage  his  campaign. 

But  the  ".  .  .  recent  pow-wow  of  Fall  state-fixers  failed 
to  fix  everybody,"  said  the  Santa  Fe  New  Mexican.  It  went 
on  to  state  that  a  movement  had  been  started  to  secure  the 
Republican  state  chairmanship  for  A.  W.  Pollard  of  Deming, 
and  that  Lindsey  was  expected  to  become  a  candidate  to 
succeed  himself. 

The  prediction  was  not  long  in  forthcoming.  In  a  press 
release  on  August  10,  Lindsey  formally  announced  his  can- 
didacy. The  announcement  was  addressed  "To  The  Republi- 
cans of  New  Mexico."  In  regard  to  the  announcement,  the 
New  Mexican  commented,  "The  sage  at  classic  Three  Rivers, 
the  bucolic  sheep  fancier  of  Socorro,  and  other  estimable 
'conference  moguls'  have  had  a  pretty  dilemma  put  up  to 

In  his  announcement,  the  Governor  reviewed  his  admin- 
istration and  projected  a  platform  on  which  he  sought  the 
nomination.  He  mentioned  the  enactment  of  the  prohibition 
amendment  and  pledged  the  enforcement  of  the  law  to  the 
limit.  He  pledged  faithful  execution  of  the  budget  law,  the 
workmen's  compensation  law,  and  other  measures  passed  by 
the  legislature.  He  promised  support  and  encouragement  to 


the  public  schools,  and  a  thorough  investigation  and  prose- 
cution of  the  Kelly  bond  case.  He  assured  his  party  that 
the  entire  force  of  the  administration  would  be  put  behind 
the  war  and  that  every  effort  would  be  made  to  assist  the 
United  States  in  securing  a  victorious  peace.  He  called  his 
record  "an  open  book"  and  stated  that  the  records  of  his 
office  the  past  two  years  was  the  best  and  only  criterion  on 
which  to  wage  the  campaign. 

One  effect  of  the  Governor's  announcement  was  that  it 
increased  the  activity  of  the  regular  Republicans  in  lining 
up  delegates  for  the  forthcoming  convention.  In  order  to 
offset  some  of  the  "behind  the  scene"  activity,  Lindsey 
reasserted  his  candidacy  in  a  second  release  to  the  press. 

The  Republican  state  central  committee  held  a  meeting 
at  Santa  Fe  during  the  latter  part  of  August.  Bursum  pre- 
sided at  the  sessions  in  which,  according  to  the  New  Mexi- 
can, Lindsey  made  a  plain  bid  for  the  nomination  for  gover- 
nor. It  went  on  to  say  that  he  was  given  a  surprisingly 
liberal  hand  considering  the  general  opinion  that  the  major- 
ity of  the  committee  was  opposed  to  his  nomination. 

Two  weeks  later  a  number  of  Republican  leaders,  includ- 
ing state  chairman  George  Craig,  Charles  Springer,  and 
H.  O.  Bursum,  held  an  important  unofficial  meeting  in  Albu- 
querque. They  had  received  letters  from  Senator  Fall  during 
the  past  ten  days  advising  them  that  a  Spanish-American 
must  be  the  nominee  for  governor  in  order  to  insure  a 
Republican  victory.  They  had  also  been  informed  that  Fall 
had  sent  word  more  or  less  directly  to  Lindsey  that  if  a 
Spanish-American  did  not  receive  the  vote  of  the  conven- 
tion, he  would  support  Lindsey ;  but  that  he  felt  a  Spanish- 
American  should  have  the  nomination. 

In  the  meantime,  the  Democratic  party  held  its  state 
convention  and  nominated  Felix  Garcia,  of  Rio  Arriba 
County,  as  candidate  for  governor.  "While  Governor  Lind- 
sey was  a  candidate  for  the  nomination  to  succeed  himself," 
said  the  Albuquerque  Journal,  "it  was  known  from  the 
moment  the  Democrats  nominated  Felix  Garcia  that  he 
would  not  receive  the  nomination." 

The  Democrats,  conscious  of  the  Republican  intra-party 


strife,  played  it  for  what  it  was  worth.  Seemingly  sensing 
who  would  be  the  Republican  nominee,  their  resolutions 
condemned  the  Texas  boundary  suit  appropriation,  espe- 
cially "the  gift  of  $7,500  in  payment  of  a  political  debt." 
Their  temporary  chairman,  Neill  B.  Field,  in  his  keynote 
speech,  after  praising  Governor  Lindsey  and  the  Democratic 
minority  for  having  kept  the  Republicans  from  dissipating 
a  large  portion  of  the  defense  appropriation  for  a  state 
cavalry,  said :  "I  wonder  if  they  will  show  their  gratitude  by 
renominating  him  for  the  office — not  for  some  other  office 
where  he  will  be  powerless  to  stand  between  them  and  their 
schemes,  but  for  the  office  of  governor,  which  I  am  frank 
to  say,  I  think  he  has  executed  with  fidelity  and  with  as  much 
efficiency  as  was  possible  under  the  restraining  hands  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Republican  organization." 

The  Republican  state  convention  opened  in  Santa  Fe  on 
October  2.  While  visiting  among  the  delegates,  Lindsey  told 
them  that  he  had  come  as  a  delegate  from  his  home  county, 
and  that  he  was  "prepared  to  play  the  game  according  to 
the  rules."  The  keynote  address  was  given  by  Bursum,  the 
temporary  chairman.  In  his  address  the  speaker  dealt 
largely  with  national  issues.  He  was  extremely  generous 
in  his  praise  of  the  accomplishments  and  qualifications  of 
Senator  Albert  B.  Fall  in  fitting  into  the  national  picture. 
In  regard  to  Lindsey,  Bursum  said :  "Governor  Lindsey  has 
given  to  the  people  of  New  Mexico  a  clean,  honest,  and  fear- 
less administration.  He  is  entitled  to  appreciation  for  the 
faithful  and  efficient  administration  of  public  affairs  rela- 
tive to  the  governor's  office." 

When  the  time  arrived  for  the  presentation  of  candidates 
for  governor,  James  M.  Hervey,  of  Roswell,  presented  the 
name  of  Governor  Lindsey.  He  termed  him  as  a  "great  war 
governor"  with  a  record  of  an  administration  that  was 
"honest,  fearless,  and  fair."  The  presentation  was  seconded 
by  delegate  Jack  Wilcox,  of  Roosevelt  County,  who  said  that 
Lindsey  would  carry  that  solidly  Democratic  county. 

Charles  Spiess,  of  San  Miguel  County,  presented  the 
name  of  O.  A.  Larrazolo  "amid  much  applause."  After  laud- 
ing his  candidate,  Spiess  said  that  he  was  a  friend  of  Gover- 


nor  Lindsey,  but  did  not  believe  that  the  Governor  was  the 
strongest  candidate. 

On  the  first  ballot,  the  convention  nominated  Larrazolo 
for  governor.  He  received  852  votes  while  Lindsey  was  given 
118.  Lindsey  carried  Chaves,  De  Baca,  Lea,  Luna,  Quay, 
and  Roosevelt  Counties.  The  remaining  votes  which  he  re- 
ceived came  from  counties  scattered  throughout  the  state. 

Lindsey's  failure  to  get  the  Republican  nomination  for 
governor  in  1918  was  the  greatest  disappointment  of  his 
life.  According  to  one  of  his  close  friends,  "It  grieved  him  to 
his  death."  He  always  felt  that  he  had  given  an  energetic, 
efficient,  and  honest  administration.  That  it  was  not  due  to 
lack  of  merit,  but  because  he  did  not  cater  to  the  bosses  that 
they  saw  to  it  that  he  was  not  renominated.  He  always  felt 
that  if  he  could  have  carried  his  cause  to  the  people  in  a 
primary  election  he  would  have  been  successful.  In  analyzing 
the  reason  he  did  not  serve  again,  one  is  lead  to  believe  that 
it  was  due  to  a  combination  of  forces.  In  the  first  place, 
Lindsey  was  of  the  progressive  wing  of  the  Republican 
party.  Up  until  the  time  of  his  nomination  for  the  lieutenant- 
governorship  in  1916,  he  had  opposed  Holm  0.  Bursum  and 
other  regular  Republicans.  The  friction  between  the  two 
elements  of  the  party  continued  during  his  administration. 
Secondly,  Lindsey  stood  for  more  popular  participation  in 
government,  such  as  the  direct  primary,  initiative,  refer- 
endum, recall,  and  woman's  suffrage.  These  measures  were 
not  acceptable  to  most  of  the  Spanish-Americans  and  to  the 
large  commercial  interests  that  were  supporting  the  Repub- 
lican party.  In  the  third  place,  the  Republicans  felt  that  in 
order  to  insure  a  complete  Republican  victory  in  New  Mex- 
ico, a  Spanish-American  must  head  the  state  ticket.  Albert 
Fall  wished  to  win  re-election  to  the  United  States  Senate, 
and  he  put  pressure  upon  the  state  Republican  leaders  to 
give  the  gubernatorial  position  to  a  Spanish- American.  For 
this  position,  O.  A.  Larrazolo  was  the  logical  man.  He  was  a 
close  friend  of  Senator  Fall,  a  man  of  ability,  a  gifted 
speaker,  and  an  outspoken  champion  of  the  Spanish-speak- 
ing people. 

After  his  governorship,  Lindsey  continued  to  play  a 


minor  role  in  New  Mexico  politics.  He  gave  counsel  at  all 
times  to  the  Roosevelt  County  Republican  organization  and 
attended  all  state  Republican  conventions.  In  1924,  he  was  a 
delegate  from  New  Mexico  to  the  Republican  national  con- 
vention in  Cleveland,  Ohio. 

Most  of  Lindsey's  time  and  energy,  however,  were  ex- 
pended along  lines  other  than  political.  After  the  close  of  his 
administration,  he  maintained  a  law  office  in  Albuquerque 
for  a  short  time,  but  soon  returned  to  Portales  to  his  former 
law  and  real  estate  office. 

In  conclusion,  while  Lindsey  lacked  the  quality  of  dy- 
namic leadership  and  the  full  confidence  of  his  party,  one  can 
hardly  deny  that  his  absolute  honesty,  his  unwavering 
patriotism,  his  devotion  to  popular  democratic  government, 
and  his  pioneering  and  progressive  spirit  enabled  him  to 
play  an  important  role  in  the  development  of  the  young  state 
of  New  Mexico. 

(The  End) 




Jan.  13 — Finish  relief  fund  day.  dated  12/28/39. 

Feb.  1 — Social  hygiene  day.  dated  1/30. 

Feb.  5-10 — Sheep  and  wool  week,  dated  1/13. 

Feb.  12-22 — National  Americanism  week,  dated  3/9. 

Feb.  18-25 — Social  security  week,  dated  2/14. 

Mar.  4 — Lordsburg  declared  a  city.  2p.  dated  3/4. 

Mar.  7 — On  taking  of  the  census,  dated  3/7. 

Mar.  10-17 — Save  your  vision  week,  dated  3/4. 

Mar.  17-24 — Wildlife  conservation  week,  dated  2/29. 

Mar.  22 — Good  Friday,  dated  3/21. 

Apr. — Cancer  control  month,  dated  4/1. 

Apr.  14-21 — Parent  teacher  week,  dated  4/2. 

Apr.  15-20 — Kindness  to  animals  week,  dated  4/18. 

Apr.  23 — Grasshopper  emergency,  dated  4/23. 

May  1-7 — State  employment  week. 

May  5-11 — National  music  week,  dated  4/30. 

May  17-25 — National  cotton  week,  dated  4/30. 

May  12-17 — Radio  festival  week,  dated  5/1. 

May  12 — Hospital  day.  dated  5/8. 

May  18 — World  good  will  day.  dated  4/30. 

May  18-24 — World  good  will  week. 

May  19 — I  am  an  American  day.  dated  5/18. 

May  20-25 — "This  work  pays  your  community  week."  dated  5/15. 

June  2— "Little  boy  blue  day."  dated  5/6. 

June  2-8 — National  hotel  week. 

June  8-14 — Flag  week,  dated  6/5. 

July  1-7 — Dental  hygiene  week,  dated  6/24. 

Aug.  18-25 — N.  M.  Products  week,  dated  8/8. 

Sept.  7 — Primary  election.  7p.  dated  7/1. 

Sept.  30 — Call  for  special  session,  dated  9/13. 

Sept.  22-28 — N.  M.  Truck  safety  week,  dated  9/8. 

Oct.  6-12 — National  business  women's  week,  dated  10/3. 

Oct.  6-12 — Fire  prevention  week,  dated  10/3. 

Oct.  16 — Registration  day.  dated  9/25. 

Dec.  17 — Pan  American  aviation  day.  dated  12/3. 


Jan.  17-24 — National  thrift  week. 

Feb.  3-10 — Sheep  and  wool  week,  dated  1/15. 



Feb.  12-22 — National  defense  week.  2p.  dated  2/12. 

Feb.  28 — Quarantine  of  cattle  against  certain  counties  in  Texas. 

3p.  dated  2/28. 

Mar.  9-14 — School  bus  safety  week,  dated  2/17. 
Mar.  23-30 — Beef  week,  dated  2/17. 
Mar.  25 — Greek  war  relief  association  day.  dated  3/12. 
Mar.  29 — Radio  movin'  day.  dated  3/7. 
Apr.  11 — Good  Friday,  dated  4/10. 
Apr.  14-19 — Parent-teacher  week,  dated  3/28. 
Apr.  14-20 — Golden  rule  week,  dated  4/12. 
Apr.  20 — Little  boy  blue  day.  dated  4/14. 
Apr.  20-26 — Kindness  to  animals  week,  dated  4/15. 
May  4-10 — Navy  aviation  week,  dated  4/28. 
May  4-11 — National  music  week,  dated  4/23. 
May  4-11 — Employment  week,  dated  4/25. 
May  4-11 — Fire  prevention  week. 
May  12 — Hospital  day.  dated  5/1. 
May  16-24 — National  cotton  week,  dated  5/13. 
May  18 — I  am  an  American  day.  dated  4/22. 
June  7 — Registration  day.  dated  5/28. 
June  8-14 — Flag  week,  dated  5/27. 
June  15-29 — N.  M.  Flying  cadet  week. 
July  1 — Second  registration,  dated  6/12. 
July  14-21 — Aid  to  British  labor  week,  dated  6/25. 
July  24 — National  defense  day.  dated  7/12. 
Sept.  20 — Cattle  quarantine  lifted,  dated  9/20. 
Oct.  1-7 — Aspen  week,  dated  8/20. 
Oct.  5-11 — Fire  prevention  week,  dated  10/24. 
Oct.  5-11 — National  business  women's  week,  dated  10/6. 
Oct.  26-Nov.  1 — Food  for  freedom,  dated  10/21. 
Nov.  2-9 — N.  M.  Home  builders  week,  dated  6/1. 
Nov.  9-15 — American  education  week,  dated  10/20. 
Nov.  11-16 — Civilian  defense,  dated  10/29. 
Dec.  8 — "Emergency  existing"  proclamation,  dated  12/8. 
Dec.  15 — Bill  of  rights  day.  dated  11/26. 


Jan.  1 — Good  neighbor  day. 

Jan.  12 — Silver  dollar  week,  dated  1/8. 

Feb.  4 — Social  hygiene  day. 

Feb.  9 — Day  light  saving  time. 

Feb.  16 — Third  registration  day.  dated  1/17. 

Feb.  20— Day  of  prayer,  dated  2/4. 

Feb.  22-28 — Nutrition  and  plant  for  victory  week,  dated  2/4. 

Mar.  1-7 — Beef  week,  dated  2/24. 

April — Buy  coal  now.  dated  3/24. 

Apr.  3 — Good  Friday,  dated  3/28. 


Apr.  5-11 — Mobilization  week. 

Apr.  11-18 — China  week  in  N.  M.  dated  3/23. 

Apr.  13 — Defense  bond  week,  dated  4/14. 

Apr.  17 — Victory  bond  week,  dated  4/14. 

Apr.  19-25 — Kindness  to  animals  week,  dated  4/13. 

Apr.  25 — Alliance  day.  dated  4/17. 

Apr.  27 — Fourth  registration  day.  dated  4/3. 

May  1 — Day  of  prayer,  dated  4/23. 

May  2 — Navy  relief  day.  dated  4/24. 

May  3-9 — National  employment  week,  dated  4/21. 

May  3-10 — National  music  week,  dated  4/15. 

May  12 — Hospital  day.  dated  5/1. 

May  15-23 — National  cotton  week,  dated  4/15. 

May  17 — I  am  an  American  day.  dated  4/23. 

Fire  prevention,  dated  5/18. 
May  22 — National  maritime  day.  dated  5/7. 
June — Dairy  month,  dated  5/29. 
June  8-14 — Flag  week,  dated  5/25. 

June  12 — Patriot  pageant  and  town  meeting  day.  dated  5/10. 
June  22 — Aid  to  Russia,  dated  6/18. 
June  30 — Fifth  registration  day.  dated  5/8. 
July  8-16 — Scrap  rubber  salvage  week,  dated  7/7. 
Aug.  22-28 — Cheese  week,  dated  8/17. 
Sept.  1-Dec.  31 — National  scrap  harvest,  dated  8/10. 
Sept.  12 — Calling  for  a  primary  election.  6p.  dated  7/6. 
Sept.  12 — To  fill  vacancy  caused  by  death  of  Frank  Butt  from 

Bernalillo  county,  dated  8/3. 
Sept.  16-30 — Scrap  metal  campaign,  dated  9/11. 
Sept.  22 — Auto  speed  reduced  &  reduction  in  use  of  passenger 

cars,  dated  9/22. 

Sept.  27 — Victory  fleet  day.  dated  9/21. 
Oct.  4-10 — Fire  prevention  week,  dated  9/21. 
Oct.  12-18— Bible  week,  dated  10/6. 
Oct.  19 — Women  for  war  industry,  dated  10/15. 
Nov.  1 — Optimist  week,  dated  10/29. 
Nov.  1-15 — American  junior  red  cross  membership  drive,  dated 

Nov.  3 — Senator  for  22nd  district  comprising  Quay  county  to  fill 

vacancy  caused  by  resignation  of  I.  L.  McAlister.  dated  10/7. 
Nov.  8-14 — American  education  week,  dated  10/21. 
Nov.  10 — Marine  Corp  day.  dated  10/21. 
Nov.  12-18 — Women  at  war  week,  dated  11/9. 
Dec.  2 — Sixth  registration  of  18-19  year  olds,  dated  12/2. 
Dec.  7— V  Day.  2p.  dated  11/27. 

Jan.  1 — Good  neighbor  day. 

Jan.  12 — Farm  mobilization  day.  dated  1/8. 


Jan.  15-30 — Official  campaign  period  for  raising  funds  for  carry- 
ing on  work  for  crippled  children,  dated  1/19. 

Jan.  26 — Me  Arthur  Day.  dated  1/16. 

Feb.  3 — Social  hygiene  day.  1/23. 

Feb.  19-28 — Brotherhood  week,  dated  2/9. 

March — WAAC  Recruiting  month,  dated  2/26. 

March  and  April — Planting  for  victory  months,  dated  3/8. 

March — American  Red  Cross  War  fund  campaign  month,  dated 

Mar.  12-13 — Stockman's  mobilization  days,  dated  2/17. 

Mar.  25 — Greek  independence  day.  dated  3/11. 

Apr.  11-17 — Kindness  to  animals  week,  dated  4/10. 

Apr.  13 — 200th  anniversary  of  birth  of  Thomas  Jefferson,  dated 

Apr.  14 — Pan  American  day.  dated  3/29. 

June-July — Calling  attention  to  second  annual  music  festival,  dated 

May  2-9 — National  music  week,  dated  4/15. 

May  16 — I  am  an  American  day.  dated  3/19. 

May  24 — Fire  prevention,  dated  5/24. 

June  6 — Shut-ins'  week,  dated  5/13. 

June  8-14 — Flag  week,  dated  5/13. 

June  22 — Requesting  the  people  of  the  state  to  acquaint  them- 
selves with  air  raid  regulations,  dated  6/22. 

July — Second  Records  drive  for  fighting  men.  dated  7/7. 

Sept.  12-18 — Waves  enlistment  week. 

Sept.  26-Oct.  3 — 13th    Annual    religious    education    week,    dated 

Sept.  27-Dec.  7 — Recruiting  of  women  for  the  army,  dated  9/27. 

Oct. -Nov. — National  war  funds  campaign  months,  dated  10/16. 

October — Membership  enrollment  month  for  National  congress  of 
parents  and  teachers,  dated  9/27. 

Oct.  3-9 — Fire  prevention,  dated  10/1. 

Oct.  10-16 — National  business  women's  week,  dated  10/1. 

Oct.  11-17— Bible  week,  dated  10/11. 

Nov.  1-15 — Red  Cross  enrollment  time. 

Nov.  7-13 — American  education  week,  dated  10/30. 

Nov.  22 — Annual  Christmas  seal  sale,  date  11/22. 

Dec.  15 — Bill  of  rights  day.  Gov.  Dempsey  called  attention  to  the 
necessity  of  conserving  critical  resources  for  the  war. 

Dec.  15 — Waste  paper  salvage,  dated  12/15. 

Jan.  17-23 — National  thrift  week. 

Jan.  18-Feb.  15 — Fourth  war  loan  month,  dated  1/12. 

Jan.  26 — MacArthur  day.  dated  1/17. 

Jan.  30 — President's  birthday  and  the  occasion  of  fund  raising  for 
national  foundation  for  infantile  paralysis,  dated  1/24. 


Feb.  2 — National  social  hygiene  day.  dated  1/27. 

Feb.  4-6— U.S.O.  days,  dated  1/31. 

March — WAAC  recruiting  month. 

March — Red  Cross  month,  dated  2/24. 

April — Use  eggs  now  month,  dated  4/12. 

Mar.  17 — Urging  waste  paper  collection,  dated  3/17. 

Apr.  2-9 — Easter  Seals  week,  dated  2/14. 

Apr.  23-29 — Kindness  to  animals  week,  dated  4/12. 

Apr.  28 — D  Day  as  a  day  of  prayer,  dated  4/28. 

May  1— Child  health  day.  dated  4/20. 

May  7-14 — National  and  Inter- American  music  week,  dated  4/20. 

May  8-13 — Fraternal  week,  dated  5/2. 

May  11-17 — Women's  Army  corps  recruiting  week,  dated  5/2. 

May  13 — Cadet  nurse  corps  day.  dated  5/3. 

May  7-14 — National  family  week,  dated  4/21. 

May  21 — I  am  an  American  day.  dated  4/27. 

May  22 — Maritime  day.  dated  5/3. 

June — Dairy  month,  dated  6/2. 

June  4 — Shut-ins'  day.  dated  6/2. 

June  6 — Public  proclamation  calling  a  primary  election. 

June  6 — Participation  in  primary  election,  dated  5/13. 

June  14 — Flag  day.  dated  6/2. 

June  15 — Infantry  day.  dated  6/2. 

June  18 — French  resistance  day.  dated  6/13. 

July  10 — Calling  a  special  session  of  16th  legislature,  dated  7/1. 

July  30 — Wave  day.  dated  7/25. 

Sept.  15-Oct.  15 — Christmas  mailing  days,  dated  9/9. 

Sept.  24-Oct.  1 — Annual  religious  education  week. 

Sept.  24-Oct.  7 — Drive  for  clothing  for  the  benefit  of  the  peoples 

of  liberated  nations,  dated  9/23. 

Oct.  1-Nov.  1 — Ambulance  plane  campaign  month,  dated  9/30. 
Oct.  1-7 — Optimist  week,  dated  9/22. 
Oct.  8-14 — Fire  prevention  week,  dated  9/23. 
Oct.  8-14 — National  business  women's  week,  dated  10/6. 
Oct.  9-15 — National  Bible  week,  dated  10/2. 
Oct.  9-Nov.  11 — National  war  fund  campaign  month,  dated  10/6. 
Oct.  22-29 — Greek  liberation  week,  dated  10/21. 
Nov.  5-11 — American  education  week,  dated  10/19. 
Dec.  15— Bill  of  Rights  day.  dated  11/21. 
Dec.  28— Seabee  day.  dated  12/22. 

Jan.  8 — War  price  and  Rationing  board  week,  dated  1/5/45. 
Jan.  17-23 — National  thrift  week,  dated  12/30/44. 
Jan.  21-27 — Kiwanis  anniversary  week,  dated  1/11/45. 
Jan.  29 — March  of  dimes,  dated  1/29/45. 

Feb.  1-Apr.  30 — War    medical    technician    recruiting    campaign, 
dated  1/29/45. 


Feb.  3-5— U.S.O.  days,  dated  1/22/45. 

Feb.  11 — 98th  anniversary  of  birth  of  Thomas  Alva  Edison,  dated 


Mar. — Red  Cross  month,  dated  2/19/45. 
Mar. — Easter  seals  month,  lated  2/26/45. 
Mar.  3-11— 4-H  club  week,  dated  2/27/45. 
Mar.  13— "V-day."  dated  3/13/45. 
Mar.  19-24 — Check  your  tires  week,  dated  3/15/45. 
Apr.  1-30 — Cancer  control  month,  dated  4/4/45. 
Apr.  1-30 — United    National    clothing    collection    month,    dated 


Apr.  6 — Army  day.  dated  3/26/45. 
Apr.  9-15 — National  Sunday  school  week,  dated  4/2/45. 
Apr.  13 — Period  of  mourning  for  Pres.  Roosevelt,  dated  4/12/45. 
Day  of  mourning — funeral   services  for  Pres.   Roosevelt,   dated 


Apr.  15-21 — Kindness  to  animals  week,  dated  4/5/45. 
Apr.  22-28 — World  fellowship  week,  dated  4/5/45. 
Apr.  22-28 — Victory  garden  week,  dated  4/12/45. 
May  6-13 — National  music  week,  dated  4/16/45. 
May  13 — Day    of    prayer    and    thanksgiving — V.E.    Day.    dated 


May  20 — I  am  an  American  day.  dated  5/1/45. 
May  21-26 — National  Cotton  week,  dated  5/11/45. 
May  22 — National  maritime  day.  dated  4/16/45. 
June — Dairy  month,  dated  5/21/45. 
June  3 — International  shut-in-day,  dated  5/23/45. 
June  10-17 — Flag  week,  dated  5/21/45. 
June  14 — Flag  day.  dated  5/21/45. 
June  15 — Infantry  day.  dated  6/11/45. 
August — Railroad  manpower  drive  month,  n.d. 
Aug.  3 — Ernie  Pyle  day.  dated  7/26/45. 
Aug.  7 — Guadalcanal  day.  dated  8/6/45. 
Aug.  12-18 — Social  security  observance  week,  dated  8/6/45. 
Aug.  15 — "Victory  day  in  New  Mexico."  dated  8/14/45. 
Sept.  16 — Mexican  Independence  day.  dated  8/4/45. 
Sept.  16-22 — National  American  Legion  membership  acceleration 

week,  dated  9/17/45. 

Sept.  17 — Constitution  day.  dated  9/4/45. 
Sept.  22 — American  Indian  day.  dated  9/4/45. 
Sept.  30— National  War  fund  Sunday,  dated  9/11/45. 
Sept.  30-Oct.  7 — Religious  education  week,  dated  9/22/45. 
Oct.  1-8 — Newspaper  week,  dated  10/1/45. 
Oct.  4 — Rural  school  charter  day.  dated  10/1/45. 
Oct.  4 — Recruiting,  dated  10/4/45. 

Oct.  7-13 — National    employ    the    physically   handicapped    week, 
dated  10/2/45. 


Oct.  7-13 — Fire  prevention  week,  dated  10/2/45. 

Oct.  7-13 — Optimist  week  in  New  Mexico,  dated  10/2/45. 

Oct.  7-14 — National  business  women's  week,  dated  10/3/45. 

Oct.  11 — General  Pulaski's  memorial  day  in  New  Mexico,  dated 


Oct.  12— Columbus  day.  dated  10/8/45. 
Oct.  15-21— National  Bible  week,  dated  10/13/45. 
Oct.  21-28 — N atonal  flower  week  in  New  Mexico,  dated  10/18/45. 
Oct.  27— Navy  day.  dated  10/16/45. 
Oct.  27 — Commemoration  of  Theodore  Roosevelt's  birthday,  dated 


Nov.  1-7 — American  art  week,  dated  11/5/45. 
Nov.  7 — Hot  Springs  is  entitled  to  become  a  city  and  designated 

as  the  city  of  Hot  Springs,  dated  11/7/45. 
Nov.  10 — Marine  day.  dated  11/6/45. 
Nov.  22-Dec.  8 — Calling   attention  to   Sister   Kenny   Foundation 

fund  appeal,  dated  11/20/45. 

Dec.  2-8 — Buy  a  victory  bond  week,  dated  11/29/45. 
Dec.  15— Bill  of  rights  day.  dated  11/30/45. 
Dec.  22 — Requests  bars  be  closed  on  Dec.  25.  dated  11/22/45. 


Jan.  17 — Benjamin  Franklin's  birthday,  dated  1/14. 

Jan.  25 — N.  M.  State  guard  band  ordered  to  active  duty,  dated 

Jan.  30 — President's   birthday   and   March   of   dimes   campaign. 

dated  1/23. 

Feb.  8-14 — Boy  Scout  week,  dated  1/15. 
Feb.  11 — Thomas  Alva  Edison  Day.  dated  1/30. 
Mar. — Red  Cross  month,  dated  2/21. 
Mar.  10— 4-H  Club  week,  dated  2/19. 
Mar.  17-23— Beef  week,  dated  2/19. 
April  1 — Public  proclamation  calling  primary  election  to  be  held 

June  4. 

April — Cancer  control  month,  dated  4/3. 
April  7-13 — Kindness  to  animals  week,  dated  3/30. 
April  14 — Pan  American  day.  dated  4/8. 
April  8-14 — National  Sunday  school  week,  dated  4/5. 
April  14-21 — Crippled  children's  week,  dated  4/9. 
April  21-27 — World  Fellowship  week,  dated  4/18. 
April  27-May  4 — Boys  and  girls  week,  dated  4/26. 
May  5-12 — National  music  week,  dated  4/26. 
May  5-12 — Home  demonstration  week,  dated  4/23. 
May  15-July  1 — Traffic  safety  check  program,  dated  5/14. 
May  and  June — Marching  forward  months,  dated  5/8. 

(To  be  continued) 

Notes  and  Documents 


One  August  night  in  Albuquerque,  in  the  year  of  1903,  from  a 
vacant  lot  on  Railroad  Avenue  (now  Central)  just  north  of  the  Grant 
Building  came  horrified  cries,  hilarious  shouts  and  hysterical  laughter 
and  hearty  curses — all  the  healthy  noises  of  a  National  Guard  initia- 
tion in  full  form  and  full  blast. 

Jerry  Nolan,  a  tramp  printer  on  the  Albuquerque  Citizen,  poked 
his  inquisitive  nose  around  the  corner  of  the  Grant  Building  and  shook 
with  unrefined  and  uncontrolled  laughter. 

The  sight  that  provoked  his  hilarity  was  a  group  of  Company  G, 
Duke  City  National  Guardsmen,1  viciously  tossing  a  raw  recruit  in  a 
blanket.  Just  an  old  army  custom,  which  many  grey-haired  and  digni- 
fied old  soldiers  will  recall  with  a  shudder  at  the  painful  memory.  This 
was  only  a  small  part  of  the  initiation,  or  harmless  hazing.  There  were 
imitations  of  the  Indian  Scalp  Dance,  running-the-alley-of -paddles,  and 
other  tortures,  mentally  more  than  physically  harmful. 

Jerry  Nolan  hung  around  for  all  the  fun.  He  was  wise  to  the  ways 
of  these  Wild  and  Woolly  West  boys.  When  the  hilariously  shouting 
soldier  boys  had  tossed  their  victim  until  he  was  dizzy  and  confused 
and  thoroughly  frightened,  they  dumped  him  out  into  the  dust  and 
rushed  away  pellmell  toward  the  drill  hall  in  the  Grant  Building,  where 
a  pleasant  dance  was  in  progress. 

The  blanket-tossed  recruit  finally  staggered  over  to  Jerry.  "I 
knew  you  would  be  in  for  a  good  old-fashioned  hazing,  Scoops,  when 
you  told  me  you  had  joined  the  Territory  of  New  Mexico  National 
Guard.  I  knew  that  these  town  boys  would  give  a  raw  recruit,  an  East- 
ern tenderfoot  and  fresh  cub  reporter,  the  works — all  the  tortures  they 
could  cook-up." 

The  well-initiated  and  shook-up  guardsmen  shook  the  dust  out  of 
his  long  hair  and  shuddered  and  shivered  at  the  thought  of  more  to 

Jerry  kept  on  laughing.  "Don't  get  sore,  Scoops,"  he  advised.  "Take 
the  word  of  an  old  soldier  like  myself.  You  will  get  tossed  in  plenty 
of  blankets  of  one  kind  or  another  by  fun-loving  folks  and  practical 
jokers  on  your  journey  through  life."  How  right  he  was. 

"If  I'm  ever  a  Captain,"  said  Scoops,  "I'll  certainly  get  even  with 
this  gang."  (The  Captaincy  came  thirty  years  later — too  late.) 

"Don't  be  a  tin  soldier,"  said  Jerry.  "Take  the  rough  spots  like  you 
enjoyed  the  bumps,  and  life  will  be  a  joyous  adventure." 

So  the  Albuquerque  Citizen  reporter,  one  C.  L.  (Scoops)  Pancoast, 
found  that  the  blanket-tossing  and  severe  initiation  of  the  Guardsmen 

1.     The  1903  Adjutant  General  of  Colorado  was  in  Command  of  the  Territory  of 
New  Mexico  National  Guard. 


Chalmers   (Scoops)   Lowell  Pancoast,  a  New  Mexico  Territorial  Guardsman 


had  hurt  his  pride,  and  soiled  up  his  brand-new  uniform,  more  than  it 
had  hurt  him  physically.  And  then  he  hurried  back  into  the  drill-hall 
ready  for  whatever  adventure  awaited  him  there. 

At  the  time  I  was  a  tenderfoot  cub  reporter  on  the  Old  Citizen, 
the  most  popular  and  only  form  of  amusement  was  hazing,  playing 
practical  jokes,  singing  parodies  on  well-known  ballads,  reciting  "Dan- 
gerous Dan  McGrew,"  "The  Face  on  the  Bar-room  Floor,"  and  "The 
Cremation  of  Sam  McGee."  At  that  time  the  Klondyke  rush  was  the 
big  talk.  I  was  bold  enough  to  write  a  parody  on  Sam  McGee,  using 
Albuquerque  as  a  background  for  the  popular  ballad.  It  was  called,  "I 
Cremated  Sam  McGurkie  from  Albuquerkie."  Here's  the  way  the  first 
verse  was  sung :  "There  are  strange  things  done — In  the  Mid-night  sun 
— By  the  men  who  mould  for  gold — And  the  Arctic  trails — Have  their 
secret  tales — That  would  make  your  blood  run  cold — The  Northern 
Lights — Have  seen  queer  sights — But  the  queerest  they  ever  seen 
workie — Was  the  night  on  the  boat — On  Lake  Nannygoat — I  cremated 
Sam  McGurkie — Now  Sam  McGurkie  was  from  Albuquerkie — Where 
the  Mariana  Tree  blooms  and  grows — Why  he  left  his  home  in  Old  Town 
to  roam — Around  the  pole — The  devil  only  knows" — etc.  etc.  ad  finitum. 
Dozens  of  verses,  all  equally  as  bad,  followed.  It  was  just  an  endurance 
race  for  tonsils  and  lung  power. 

Company  G  in  Albuquerque  was  a  swell  military  and  social  outfit. 
All  night  dances  were  held  weekly  at  Grand  Hall,  and  sometimes  in 
Colombo  Hall,  the  only  theater  in  town.  In  the  summer  of  1903  we  went 
into  camp  at  Montezuma  Hot  Springs,  outside  of  Las  Vegas,  and  what 
a  great  time  was  had  by  all. 

We  had  two  Companies  of  Cavalry  from  Fort  Wingate,  Arizona, 
perfectionists  in  monkey-drills  and  trick  riding.  As  Regimental  Quarter 
Master  Sergeant,  I  was  on  the  staff  of  Colonel  John  Borradaile,  Com- 
manding the  Regiment.  I  was  assigned  to  duty  with  the  Cavalry  Quarter 
Master  in  planning  all  the  social  events  at  the  Montezuma  Hot  Springs 

One  night  while  hobnobbing  with  the  Arizona  Cavalrymen,  I  was 
almost  persuaded  to  join  that  flashy  outfit  at  Fort  Wingate,  which  was 
famous  for  their  exhibition  riding  at  the  Albuquerque  Territorial  Fairs. 
But  toward  morning  I  met  some  newspaper  reporters  from  Denver.  I 
got  leave  of  absence  to  join  them  on  a  trip  over  to  Harvey's  Ranch  to 
get  a  story  of  the  new  scenic  route  that  was  being  surveyed  from  Las 
Vegas  to  Santa  Fe. 

I  was  so  busy  getting  material  and  pictures  for  the  newspapers 
that  I  forgot  all  about  joining  the  Arizona  Cavalry.  If  I  had,  that 
would  have  been  another  story. 

The  following  page  explains  how  I  happened  to  be  made  a  Captain, 
Q.M.C.,  retired  Officer  of  the  New  Mexico  National  Guard. 

Chalmers  Lowell  Pancoast 
305  West  45th  St., 
New  York,  19,  N.Y. 



Brigadier  General  Osborne  C.  Wood  Major  Hilario  A.  Delgado 

The  Adjutant  General  Assistant  Adjutant  General. 


Santa  Fe,  N.  M. 
OCTOBER  15,  1934. 


This  is  to  certify  that  the  name  of  CAPTAIN  CHALMERS  L. 
PANCOAST,  Q.M.C.  IS  a  retired  Officer  of  the  New  Mexico  National 
Guard  and  his  name  was  placed  on  the  retired  list  on  January  1st.  1904. 

Osborne  C.  Wood, 
The  Adjutant  General 




Special  Orders  October  15,  1934. 

No.  81. 

3.  Regimental  Quartermaster  Sergeant,  Chalmers  L.  Pancoast, 
First  New  Mexico  Infantry  is  promoted  to  the  grade  of  CAPTAIN, 
Q.M.C.  New  Mexico  National  Guard  on  January  1,  1904,  and  his  name 
is  placed  upon  the  retired  list  of  the  New  Mexico  National  Guard  as  of 
that  date. 


Osborne  C.  Wood 

The  Adjutant  General. 

Dear  Sir, 

By  Professor  Worcester's  article  in  the  April  number  of  the  RE- 
VIEW, I  see  that  he  agrees  with  the  Handbook  of  American  Indians  (B. 
A.  E.  Bull.  30,  art.,  Apache)  in  deriving  the  name  "Apache"  from  the 
Zuni  word  apachu,  "enemy."  May  I  put  the  case  for  another  explana- 
tion?— namely,  that  the  Zuni  word  is  derived  from  apddje,  "people," 
the  name  by  which  the  Apaches  of  Yuman  speech  call  themselves ;  that 
these  Apadje  were,  at  an  early  period,  the  typical  enemies  of  the  pueblo 
people;  and  that  when  the  Athapascan  Dine  whom  we  know  as  the 
Navaho  arrived,  they  were  classified  as  a  variety  of  Apache. 

As  for  the  name  Apaches  de  (not  del)  Navajoo  and  related  Span- 
ish forms,  they  were  taken,  apparently,  from  the  Tewa  language — not 


unnaturally,  since  Benavides  and  other  missionary  writers  made  ac- 
quaintance with  the  Navaho  through  the  Tewa.  At  Hano  one  hears  the 
expression  (though  not  with  special  reference  to  the  Navaho) ,  di  nava 
hulu,  "they  make  fields,  or  plant,  in  the  washes" ;  so  that  in  New  Mexi- 
can Tewa,  where  I  is  regularly  replaced  by  a  stop,  apddje  di  nava  hu'u'i 
would  mean  "Apache  who  make  fields  in  the  washes,"  i.e.,  a  semi- 
agricultural  though  non-irrigating  variety  of  Apache — a  reasonable 
description  of  the  Navaho  practice — and  might  be  represented  in  Span- 
ish as  Apaches'*-  de  Navajoo  or  de  Navaju. 

It  remains  to  consider  Benavides'  assertion  (Memorial,  1630,  chap- 
ter "Conversion  de  los  Apaches  de  Navajo"),  "que  aunque  son  de  la 
misma  nacion  Apache  que  la  antecedente"  (i.e.,  as  the  Gila  Apache) 
"estdn  sujetos  a  otro  capitdn  mayor  y  tienen  otro  modo  de  vivir,  porque 
los  de  atrds  no  sembraban,  sino  que  se  sustentaban  de  caza.  .  .  .  y  estos 
de  Navajo  son  muy  grandes  labradores,  que  eso  significa  Navajo,  se- 
menteras  grandes."  In  the  first  place,  Benavides  was  mistaken  if  he 
thought  that  what  his  Tewa  informant  gave  him  was  a  tribal  name: 
the  Athapascan  Navaho  called  themselves  dine,  "people,"  and  the  Tewa 
called  them  njwansave.  It  must  have  been  a  descriptive  or  explanatory 
phrase.  Possibly  the  informant  used  a  quasi-noun-phrase,  navahu'u, 
"arroyo,  wash  or  Canada  with  field  or  cultivable  land  in  it"  (see  J.  P. 
Harrington,  B.A.E.  Ann.  Rep.  29,  p.  79).  More  probably,  I  think,  he 
used  the  phrase  with  quasi-verbal  prenominal  prefix  di,  "they  make 
fields  in  arroyos";  because  (A)  this  fits  the  context — he  was  explaining 
what  these  people  do  which  constitutes  a  "different  mode  of  living" 
from  that  of  the  Gila  Apache;  they  are  semi-agricultural,  they  make 
fields  in  arroyos ;  and  quite  probably  he  went  on  to  elucidate  that  phrase 
by  reference  to  some  large  arroyo-field  already  known  to  Benavides, 
and  from  this  Benavides  got  the  idea  that  Navajo  meant  "sementeras 
grandes."  And  (B)  this  di  accounts  for  "Apaches  de  Navajo." 

Yours  sincerely, 
Broughton,  Hampshire,  England 
June  5,  1951 

Protest  Against  Slanderous  Charges* 

Valid  by  the  third  seal  for  the  years  1827  and  1828 

Seiior  Honorable  Political  Chief: 
Citizen  Juan  Geronimo  Torres,  neighbor  and  resident  in  the  new 

1.     New  Mexico  Spanish,  like  Andalusian,  being:  apt  to  suppress  final  s. 

*  Prepared  for  publication  by  Dr.  Lynn  I.  Perrigo,  Head  Department  of  History 
and  Social  Sciences,  New  Mexico  Highlands  University. 

See  NEW   MEXICO  HISTORICAL  REVIEW,   April,   1951,   for  first  installment  of  these 
documents  and  for  explanatory  note. 

[The  above  documents  represent  the  second  part  of  the  series  of  the  Torres  papers. 


jurisdiction  of  Sabinal ;  before  your  lordship,  subject  to  your  pleasure, 
I  present  myself  and  say :  That  obligated,  by  the  necessity  of  defending 
my  honor  and  rights,  to  make  representations  against  the  vexations 
and  insults  which  the  new  Alcalde  of  my  community  has  inferred 
against  me  publicly;  I  proceed  to  Your  Lordship  petitioning,  in  the 
fullest  way,  that  for  the  said  Alcalde  there  may  be  exposed  to  you 
his  responsibility  for  abuse  which  he  has  made  from  his  superior  posi- 
tion, compared  with  me,  taking  advantage  of  this  in  order  to  shame  me 
by  word  of  mouth,  telling  me  in  the  presence  of  more  than  a  dozen 
persons  that  I  am  a  "rebel,"1  an  expression,  among  many  of  which,  he 
used  to  give  vent  to  his  resentment,  and  maltreating  my  person,  which 
he  has  been  doing  repeatedly,  thereby  degrading  me  with  what  to  me 
is  such  an  insulting  word ;  hence  may  you  do  the  favor  to  order,  if  you 
esteem  it  proper,  that  the  aforesaid  Alcalde  prove  to  me  before  a  pub- 
lic sitting  of  an  impartial  and  competent  tribunal,  how,  when  and  where 
he  has  seen  me  commit  such  a  serious  crime,  and  how  it  is  likely  that 
knowing  it  (1)  he  (as  the  sole  authority  of  most  restricted  jurisdic- 
tion) has  permitted  that  he  may  remain  in  contradiction  of  an  attempt 
at  equal  respectability.  (2)  Sir:  in  my  poor  judgment  it  it  so  irrecon- 
cilable as  to  believe  an  authority  to  avail  himself  of  his  office  in  order  to 
express  to  a  citizen  insults  which  scandalize  the  hearing  of  citizens 
of  honor  and  judgment;  whose  high  regard  I  have  procured  to  keep  in 
order  to  merit  the  esteem  of  my  co-citizens,  as  is  public  and  well 
known,  and  in  consequence  of  this  it  is  excessively  infuriating  to  me 
that  an  individual,  like  the  citizen  Alcalde  Ramon  Torres,  whose 
quarrelsome  tendency  has  always  characterized  his  activities,  may  feed 
his  passion  and  ill-will  which  he  has  for  me,  maltreating  me  publicly 
with  stigmatizing  and  insulting  words  in  the  highest  degree.  Wherefore 

OF  YOUR  HIGHNESS,  I  ask  and  beg  that  you  may 

please  order,  because  of  being  the  sole  recourse  that  I  now  can  have, 
that  the  responsibility  may  be  charged  to  the  said  Alcalde  hereby  liable 
under  the  law  of  the  red  seal,  as  much  over  the  abuse  of  his  authority 
as  the  proof  that  I  am  a  "rebel,"  a  point  which  I  shall  never  lose  sight 
of  until  I  shall  see  my  honor  completely  vindicated,  leaving  myself  in 
the  meantime  the  comfort  that  I  am  appealing  to  a  superior  who  knows 
the  individual  against  whom  I  direct  my  just  complaint,  certain  that 
never  will  the  aforesaid  Alcalde  prove  to  me  the  calumny  which  he  has 
employed  in  order  to  avenge  his  well-known  and  base  passions. 
Santa  Fe,  June  30, 1827  Juan  Geronimo  Torres 

Last  Will  and  Testament 
1.  In  the  name  of  God  all-powerful,  Amen. 

I,  Don  Juan  Geronimo  Torres,  native  of  Belen  and  resident  of 
Sabinal,  legitimate  son  of  Juan  Torres  and  of  Dona  Rita  Garcia,  both 
deceased,  my  deceased  father  a  native  of  the  city  of  Santa  Fe  and  my 

1.     rebolucionario. 


mother  of  Tome,  finding  myself  by  divine  mercy  sick  in  bed  but  in  full 
soundness  of  faculty,  believing  and  communing,  as  I  faithfully  bow 
and  confess,  the  Mystery  of  the  Trinity,  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit, 
three  persons,  which  although  actually  distinct  have  the  same  attributes 
and  are  only  one  true  God  and  one  essence  and  being,  and  all  other 
of  the  mysteries  and  Sacraments  which  our  Holy  Mother  the  Apostolic 
Roman  Catholic  Church  believes  and  confesses,  whose  true  faith  and 
creed  I  have  lived,  do  live,  and  swear  to  live  and  die,  as  a  faithful 
Christian  Catholic:  taking  as  my  intercessor  the  ever  Virgin  and  Im- 
maculate Queen  of  the  Angels,  the  Most  Holy  Mary,  Mother  of  God,  and 
Our  Lady,  of  the  Holy  Guardian  Angel,  my  custody,  and  that  of  my 
name  and  devotion,  and  moreover  of  the  Celestial  Court,  in  order  that 
they  may  plead  before  our  Lord  and  Redeemer  Jesus,  that  by  the 
infinite  virtues  of  his  most  precious  life,  suffering,  and  death  he  may 
pardon  all  of  my  sins  and  take  up  my  soul  to  enjoy  his  presence :  fearful 
of  the  death  which  is  so  natural  and  necessary  for  all  human  creatures, 
so  uncertain  its  time,  for  this  to  be  prepared  with  a  testamentary  dispo- 
sition of  affairs  when  it  arrives ;  to  resolve  with  mature  deliberation  and 
reflection  all  things  pertaining  to  the  unburdening  of  my  conscience; 
to  avoid  with  clarity  the  doubts  and  disputes  which  without  this  could 
be  stirred  up  after  my  death,  and  not  to  have  at  that  hour  some  tem- 
poral care  which  might  hinder  my  asking  God  with  all  earnestness  the 
remission  which  I  hope  of  my  sins:  I  procure,  I  make  and  I  order  my 
testament  in  the  following  manner;  today  the  sixth  of  October  in  the 
year  of  the  Lord  1849. 

Juan  Geronimo  Torres 

First  Article.  I  commit  my  soul  to  God  our  Lord,  who  created  it  from 
nothing  and  I  send  my  body  to  the  earth  of  which  it  was  formed,  which, 
become  a  corpse,  I  want  enshrouded  with  the  habit  of  our  Seraphic 
Father  Saint  Francis  and  buried  in  the  church  of  this  village  of 
Sabinal,  of  which  I  am  a  parishioner. 

Second  Article.  It  is  my  wish  that  (if  he  may  be  present)  the  parish 
priest  Antonio  Otero  may  minister  at  my  interment,  due  to  not  having 
a  full  number  of  the  religious  order  of  Our  Father  Saint  Francis ;  and 
my  interment  may  be  attended  by  persons  who  so  desire. 

Third  Article.  I  request  that  on  the  day  of  my  interment,  there  being 
time,  or  if  not,  on  the  day  immediately  following,  there  may  be  per- 
formed a  mass  for  my  soul,  with  my  body  present,  with  deacon,  vigil, 
and  responsary,  alms  being  offered  according  to  custom. 

Fourth  Article.  I  leave  sixty  pesos  in  order  that  masses  may  be  offered 
to  the  Holy  Sacrament. 

Fifth  Article.  I  declare  myself  to  have  been  married  legitimately  to 
Dona  Maria  Josef  a  Chavez,  in  which  marriage  we  have  procreated,  and 
we  have  as  our  legitimate  children  Don  Juan,  Don  Pedro,  Dona  Maria 


Rita,  Dona  Ana  Maria  and  Dona  Catalina  Torres,  all  married  and  freed 
from  tutelage,  for  which  he  vouches. 

Sixth  Article.  I  name  as  my  executors  Don  Vicente  Pino  and  Don  Juan 
Torres  and  Don  Pedro  Torres,  in  order  that  they  may  take  charge  of 
affairs  under  this  testament  or  memorial. 

Seventh  Article.  In  order  to  execute  all  the  devout  desires  contained 
in  this  will,  and  which  this  memorandum  might  contain,  in  case  I  should 
leave  it,  I  name  as  my  executors  the  above  named,  and  by  the  same 
request,  that  they  may  concur  and  to  each  in  solidum,2  and  upon  them 
I  confer  full  power  that  they  may  immediately  after  I  die  take  posses- 
sion of  my  belongings  to  sell  those  most  suitable  and  necessary  in 
public  auction  or  otherwise  and  from  the  returns  to  execute  this  and 
pay  all  which  may  fall  to  their  duty  within  the  legal  year,  and  the  more 
time  that  may  be  necessary,  then  it  may  be  lengthened. 

Article  Eight.  After  the  fulfillment  and  payment  of  all  aforesaid,  for 
the  remainder  of  my  belongings,  household  goods,  property  rights  and 
grants  present  and  future  I  establish  as  my  sole  and  universal  heirs 
the  aforesaid  Don  Juan,  Don  Pedro,  Dona  Maria  Rita,  Senora  Ana 
Maria  and  Dona  Catalina  Torres  y  Chavez,  my  five  children,  and  the 
above  mentioned  Dona  Maria  Josefa  Chavez,  my  wife,  and  any  addi- 
tional descendants  of  legitimate  matrimony  which  I  may  have  at  the 
time  of  my  death,  and  they  shall  be  my  heirs,  in  order  that  they  may 
possess  and  obtain  my  goods  by  the  order  and  degree,  according  to  the 
authority,  and  dispose  of  it,  by  the  laws  of  this  territory,  with  the 
blessing  of  God  and  of  myself. 

Ninth  Article.  And  for  the  present  I  revoke  and  annul  all  wills  and 
other  testamentary  dispositions  which  up  to  the  present  I  have  pre- 
pared in  writing,  or  orally,  or  in  other  form,  in  order  that  none  may  be 
valid  nor  have  judicial  nor  extra-judicial  effect,  except  this  said  testa- 
ment and  memorial  which  I  wish  and  request  may  be  respected  and 
binding,  and  observed  and  executed  in  its  full  provisions  as  my  last 
deliberate  wish;  or  in  the  way  and  form  which  it  may  have  a  better 
position  by  law.  Thus  I  procure  and  sign  it  in  this  village  of  San  An- 
tonio del  Sabinal  on  the  sixth  of  October  of  this  year  of  the  Lord 
eighteen  hundred  forty  nine,  having  as  witnesses  Mariano  Silba,  Jesus 
Silba,  Santiago  Frugio  and  Balentin  Basques. 

Inventory  of  Possessions 

We  the  undersigned,  in  order  to  execute  faithfully  the  last  will 
and  testament  of  the  deceased  Juan  Geronimo  Torres,  and  as  executors 
according  to  the  title  we  obtain  by  nomination  of  the  abovesaid  de- 
ceased, and  as  much  by  this  as  by  the  confirmation  and  authorization 
which  we  have  received  from  the  F.  C.s  Prefect  of  Valencia  County,  Don 

2.  As  one,  or  in  unity. 

3.  Possibly  it  is  an  H.  for  Honorable,  rather  than  F.  C. 


Manuel  Antonio  Otero,  to  whose  jurisdiction  this  matter  belongs,  in 
employment  of  the  powers  which  the  laws  fully  allow  us,  we  prepare 
(applying  ourselves  together  by  common  consent)  the  following  in- 
ventory or  account,  in  order  to  carry  out  both  our  duty  and  the  order 
of  the  Prefect,  which  thus  is  his  authority  meriting  attention. 

For  his  faithfulness  and  corresponding  objectives,4  thus  we  sign 
it,  the  three  in  accord,  in  this  village  of  San  Antonio  del  Sabinal,  to- 
day, October  29,  1849. 

1.  Executor  Vicente  Pino 

2.  Executor  Juan  Torres 

3.  Executor  Pedro  Torres 

By  such  authority  is  how  the  following  is  to  be  known : 

Grants  and  possessions  as  established  by  documents  in  the  house 
of  the  deceased,  in  Socorro  and  in  La  Joya  de  Sevilleta  he  has  property 
by  title  of  purchase. 

We  declare  faithfully  he  has  a  grant  right  in  Belen,  as  also  is 
evident  by  the  documents  that  he  has  there  three  hundred  fourteen 
yards5  from  north  to  south  and  from  east  to  west  five  hundred  yards 
of  arable  grain  land.6 

Houses  in  this  place,  Sabinal. 

There  is  in  the  first  place  the  house  in  which  resides  the  family 
of  the  deceased,  which  consists  of  nine  rooms,  its  small  court,  with 
its  exterior  and  interior  doors7  and  its  corresponding  back-yard  and 
timber  enclosure;  an  orchard  well  planted  with  trees,  with  its  mud- 
wall  at  its  base,  said  orchard  consists  of  three  hundred  vines  bearing 
grapes,  twenty-six  trees  of  peaches,  all  fruit-bearing,  sixteen  the  same 
of  apples,  one  the  same  of  quince,  this  and  those  of  apples  also  fruit- 

In  addition,  three  kettles,  one  large  and  two  of  medium  size,  six 
silver  dishes  with  their  covers,  a  silver  tankard,  besides  eleven  pieces 
of  apparatus  among  which  one  is  of  elk  hide8  (equipped),  three  carts 
and  five  plows,  all  with  their  respective  supplies. 

Besides  the  house  noted  above  there  are  seven  more  in  this  same 
village,  in  which  are  lodged  the  servants  of  this  same  deceased,  who 
altogether  owe  two-hundred  seventy-nine  pesos. 

Moreover,  charges  by  effective  deeds  and  documents,  one  thousand 
one  hundred  seventy-one  pesos  and  two  reals. 


In  this  same  town  of  Sabinal  there  is  property  from  east  to  west 
five  hundred  seventy  two  yards  of  land,  from  north  to  south  three 
hundred  fourteen  yards,  all  of  arable  grain  land. 

4.  Y  para  su  constancia  y  fines  correspondientes. 

5.  Varas,  actually  33  inches  each. 

6.  de  pan  llevar. 

7.  aportalada  par  dentro  y  fuera,  apparently  meaning  double  doors  on  the  en- 
trance through  the  house  to  the  patio,  for  defense. 

8.  uno  es  de  anta. 



The  animals  consist  of  the  following:  eleven  pair  of  oxen,  fifty 
eight  head  of  cattle,  fifteen  yearling  calves  and  eighteen  new-born. 

Besides,  ten  mares  and  the  stallion,  make  eleven,  and  eighteen 

Evaluation  of  Property 

Grant  Rights 

Inventory  of  the  belongings,  cattle  and  furniture 
of  the  deceased  Juan  Geronimo  Torres  of  the  County  of  Valencia 
2 — Grant  rights  in  Socorro  and  in  la  Joya,  one  in  each 
of  these  villages 


9 — Rooms  of  house  in  Sabinal  in  which  lives  the  fam- 
ily of  the  deceased,  its  value $    300-0 

1 — Vineyard,  consisting  of  three  hundred  vines 75-0 

backyard  and  yard,  its  value 50-0 

House  Ware 

3 — Kettles,  one  large  and  two  medium,  their  value  ....  50-0 

6 — Silver  dishes  and  their  covers 42-0 

1 — Silver  tankard,  its  value 5-0 

11 — Pieces  of  apparatus,  their  value 5-0 

3 — Carts,  equipped 24-0 

5 — Plows,  same 2-0 

Other  Houses  in  Sabinal 
7 — Houses  in  which  the  peones  live 21-0 

Debts  of  Each  Servant 

Jose  Alderete  16-0 

Vicente  Fajardo  2-0 

Encarnacion  Torres 46-0 

Fermin  Gomes  63-0 

Juan  Jose  Chaves 51-0 

Manuel  Barreras 6-0 

Jose  Sanchez 24-0 

Cristoval  Archuleta 9-4 

Debts  by  Obligations 

Gonalin  Chavez  owes  obligation $    146-0 

Andres  Montano 217-0 

Nestor  Dolores  Gallegos 262-0 

Manuel  Romero  15-4 

Jose  Chaves  y  Noriega 749-2 



11 — Pair  of  oxen,  their  value $    242-0 

58— Cattle 464-0 

15 — Yearling  calves 30-0 

18 — Same,  new-born 18-0 

11 — Mares,  their  value 90-0 

18 — Goats,  at  one  peso 18-0 

$3,127-6  [sic] » 

In  this  village  of  Sabinal  there  are  five  hundred  seventy-two  yards 
of  land  in  length,  which  is  from  east  to  west;  and  in  width  three 
hundred  fourteen  yards,  which  is  from  north  to  south;  and  in 
Belen  there  are  two  hundred  yards  of  land  in  length,  and  in  width 
one  hundred  fifty,  of  arable  grain-land,10  or  more  of  the  grant  as 
provided  by  law. 

We,  Jesus  Silva  and  Valentin  Vasques  as  witnesses  for  this  current 
estimate,  this  inventory  appearing  legal  to  us,  sign  it  today  the 
eighth  of  October,  A.D.  1849  in  Sabinal;  but  excuse  any  error  or 

Jesus  Silva  Valentin  Vasques 

(To  be  continued) 

9.  The  total  is  3,043  pesos  and  2  reals. 

10.  dc  pan  ttevar. 

11.  mas  salvo  hierro  u  omicion. 

Book  Reviews 

Tombstone's  Epitaph.  Douglas  D.  Martin.  Albuquerque :  the 
University  of  New  Mexico  Press,  1951.  Pp.  xii,  272.  $4.50. 

The  little  Arizona  town  of  Tombstone  has  come  to  be  a 
pretty  big  gun  in  the  increasing  Western  salvo.  And  this  is 
largely  justified.  In  a  very  brief  space  of  time  Tombstone 
certainly  corralled  more  than  its  share  of  what  has  come  to 
be  known  as  colorful  characters.  It's  gotten  so  big,  in  signi- 
ficance, as  a  matter  of  fact,  that  the  name  has  taken  on  a 
kind  of  generic  symbolism.  The  slug,  "The  Town  Too  Tough 
To  Die,"  a  press-agent's  classic,  has  in  a  way  become  quite 
true.  Tombstone,  which  actually  lived  and  died  in  a  very  few 
years,  has  been  reborn,  with  the  help  of  some  publicity-wise 
citizens,  and  with  a  planned  nostalgia,  the  place  feasts  on  its 
past,  with  as  many  invited  (paying)  guests  as  possible. 

Now  again  and  again  writers  have  been  intrigued  into 
attempting  to  recreate  with  their  art  the  dubious  glories  of 
the  original  inhabitants  of  Tombstone,  and  some  good  and 
bad  books  have  come  out  of  it.  It  remained,  however,  for  an 
expatriated  easterner  to  come  along  and  realize  that  no  one 
needed  to  write  the  story  of  Tombstone,  that  Tombstone  had 
written  its  own  story,  and  well,  when  the  noise  of  its  ex- 
plosion was  highest. 

There  was  a  newspaper  published  in  Tombstone,  started 
by  the  ex-Indian  agent  John  P.  Clum,  in  1880,  called  The 
Epitaph,  for  obvious  reasons.  And  in  this  little  newspaper, 
which  others  carried  on  after  Clum,  daily  the  events  were 
recorded  which  have  since  provided  grist  for  the  book  and 
movie  mill,  recorded  with  none  of  the  romance  and  faking 
of  hindsight  and  all  of  the  clarity  and  immediacy  of  good 
newspaper  reporting  and  writing. 

The  existence  of  this  newspaper  has  been  known,  of 
course,  to  many  writers,  who  have  from  time  to  time  pored 
through  its  yellowed  files  to  find  the  facts  for  their  fiction. 
It  was  Douglas  D.  Martin,  Pulitzer  Prize  winning  former 
managing  editor  of  the  Detroit  Free  Press  and  now  head  of 



journalism  at  the  University  of  Arizona  who  realized  that 
the  items  in  the  paper,  in  their  own  way,  were  better  than 
any  of  the  oat  operas  which  were  dreamed  up  from  them. 
Using  a  judicious  and  impeccable  editorial  sense,  he  pro- 
ceeded to  abstract  from  the  files  of  the  paper  its  own  account 
of  its  own  history.  The  result  is  a  minor  triumph. 

For  here,  in  this  book,  is  the  story  of  Tombstone  as  it 
has  never  been  presented,  as  it  otherwise  could  never  have 
been  presented.  Clum  and  his  successors  had  no  manifest 
sense  of  historic  mission:  they  were  just  good  newspaper- 
men, intent  on  getting  out  a  good  sheet.  We  are  the  bene- 
factors today,  because  we  have  the  feeling,  going  through 
this  book,  of  peeping  into  the  past,  with  no  20th  Century 
embroidering  and  an  absence  of  Gary  Cooper. 

The  big  stories  are  all  here  just  as  they  broke — for  in- 
stance the  ruckus  which  involved  the  Earps,  Doc  Halliday, 
et  al,  which  has  been  gone  over  endlessly  ever  since  in  Tech- 
nicolor— but,  and  this  is  more  important,  all  the  little  stories 
are  here,  the  incidents  too  trivial  to  attract  high-powered 
fictioneers,  which,  relevant  irrelevancies,  make  up  the  fiber 
and  breath  and  air  of  a  community. 

By  a  slow  mosaic  process  the  life  of  the  town  is  recreated, 
the  church  meetings,  the  parties,  the  social  notes,  the  odds 
and  ends  of  daily  occurrences,  the  laughs,  the  sorrows,  the 
drama,  the  ordinary.  When  you're  finished  you'll  have  lived 
for  a  little  while  authentically  in  an  interesting  community, 
oddly  removed  from  and  at  the  same  time  linked  to  the 
hoopla  memories  of  today.  This  book  is  for  a  person  who 
wants  to  travel  back  in  time.  On  that  basis,  it  is  recom- 
mended highly. 


Arizona:  The  History  of  a  Frontier  State.  Rufus  K.  Willys. 
Phoenix:  Hobson  and  Herr,  1950.  Pp.  xv,  408.  Maps,  ill. 

Dr.  Willys,  social  studies  head  at  State  College  at  Tempe, 
is  long  known  as  chief  living  authority  on  Arizona  history. 
Trained  under  Dr.  H.  E.  Bolton  at  the  University  of  Cali- 


fornia,  he  is  author  of  books  both  on  northern  Mexico  and 
on  Arizona. 

Here  in  one  medium-length  volume,  we  have  the  full  his- 
tory of  Arizona,  complete  and  authentic,  as  entertaining  as 
it  is  informative.  The  book  is  similar  in  outline  and  organi- 
zation to  other  best  recent  histories  of  single  states.  A  brief 
survey  of  plant  and  animal  life,  geography  and  topography, 
precedes  the  historical  account  proper,  which  is  part  chron- 
ological and  part  topical.  A  clear  account  is  given  of  pre- 
historic as  well  as  later  Indian  life ;  of  Spanish  pioneers  such 
as  Coronado,  Onate  and  Kino — founder  of  the  first  mission 
settlement  near  present  Tucson ;  Anza  and  Garces.  Not  Ari- 
zona silver  but  beaver  furs  drew  the  first  Anglo-Americans, 
in  the  first  third  of  the  1800's ;  such  members  of  this  reckless 
breed  of  men  as  Carson,  Williams,  Pattie,  Robidoux,  Young, 
St.  Vrain,  and  Wolfskill. 

A  survey  of  Mexican  missions  and  early  incursions  by 
Americans  forms  a  background  for  the  story  of  conquest  in 
the  Mexican  war,  stressing  Kearny  and  the  Mormon  Bat- 
talion, and  of  minor  skirmishes  during  the  Civil  War.  Topi- 
cal treatment  is  given  to  territorial  origins,  Apache  Indian 
Wars,  public  lands  and  settlement,  cattle  and  sheep  ranch- 
ing and  irrigated  agriculture,  commerce  and  industry,  poli- 
tics since  admission  as  the  youngest  and  48th  state.  For 
thirty  years  Arizona  has  led  all  other  states  in  copper  pro- 
duction, less  glamorous  and  romantic  than  gold  and  silver 
mining  of  earlier  days. 

The  book's  value  is  increased  by  a  dozen  old  photographs, 
eight  specially  prepared  maps,  and  an  excellent  bibliography. 

University  of  Nevada 


Abeyta,  Aniceto,  318 

Administrative  reports,  143ff 

Aguirre,  Peter,  cattleman,  208 

Aitken,  Barbara,  letter,  338 

Alabado,  New  Mexican,  250 

Alcaldes  (1819),  158f 

Alderson,  Mrs.  Nannie,  15 

Amado,  Manuel,  cattleman,  209 

Amole  soap,  130 

Anderson,  Arthur  J.  O.  and  Dibble,  Floren- 
tine Codex,  rev'd.  by  Thompson,  85 

Andrews,  William  H.,  182 

Apache,  derivation  of  word,  102,  338 ;  en- 
durance, 135 ;  scouts,  296 

Arrastra,   293 

Architecture,  ranch,  3f 

Arizona  cattle  industry,  18  passim,  204 ; 
geography,  204  passim ;  National  Forests, 
33  ;  Stock  Raiser's  Association,  220 

Arizona  ....   by  Wyllys,   rev'd.,   347 

Arizpe,  Miguel  Ramos  .  .  .  ,  Report,  ed., 
Benson,  rev'd.  by  Cotner,  256 

Armijo.  Gov.  Manuel,  report   (1846),  76 

Army  education,   185  ;  life,  277  passim 

Arnold,  Elliott,  rev.,  Martin,  Tombstone's 
Epitaph,  346 

Artesia,    182 

Asplund,  Mrs.  R.  F.,  307 

Baca,  Ezquiel  C.  de,  elected  governor,  191 ; 
death,  302 

Baca,  Capt.   James,  304 

Bailey,  Flora  L.,  Some  Sex  Beliefs  and  Prac- 
tices in  a  Navaho  Community,  rev'd.  by 
Ellis,  248 

Baker,   Riley,   Otero  Co.   Sheriff,    131 

Barbadillo,   Alonso  de   Salas,   201 

Belen,  159 

Bennett,  D.  A.,  cattleman,  208 

Benson,  Nettie  Lee,  ed.,  Miguel  Ramos 
Arizpe,  Report  .  •  •  ,  rev'd  by  Cotner,  256 

Bernard,  N.  W.,  cattleman,  208 

Bilingualism,  186,  310 

Bird's  Eye  View  of  the  Pueblos,  by  Stubbs, 
rev'd.,  167 

Bishop,  H.   R.,   cattleman,  210 

Black,   Col.   Henry  M.,  277 

Bogen,  John  W.,  cattleman,  208 

Bond  fraud,  312 

Borradaile,  Col.  John,  337 

Bosque  Redondo,   148 

Boundary,  Texas,   318 

Brands,  cattle,  40 

Brewster,  Gen.  A.  W.,  286 

Brookreson,  J.  H.,  Arizona  rancher,  32 

Bruce,  C.   M.,  cattleman,  218 

Bugbee,  Mrs.  Thomas,  15 

Bullard,  Gen.  R.  E.,  286 

"Bull   trains,"    289 

Bureaus,  reports  of  N.  M.,  143ff 

Burks,  Mrs.  A.,  6 

Bursum,    H.   O.,    190   passim,   316    passim 

Calabasas  land  grant,  21 

Cameron,    Brewster,    cattleman,    218 

Cameron,   Colin,  21 

Camp  Cody,  305 

Campbell,  Mrs.  Henry,  6 

Canby,  Maj.  Edward  R.  S.,  45  note 

Canciones  lugubres    (1622),   200 

Carrillo,  Emilio,  cattleman,  209 

Carson,  Kit,  155 

Cascales,  Francisco,  202 

Cattle  breeds,  220 ;  companies,  218f ;  freight 
rates,  216 ;  industry,  18  passim,  204  pas- 
sim, 289;  prices  (1880's),  214f;  range, 
Arizona,  207 ;  sheep  conflict,  22 ;  theft, 
205  ;  see  Governor's  proclamations 

Cavalry  equipment,  269 

Chamberlin,    Fred,    cattleman,    218 

Charity,  official  reports,   143ff 

Chaves,   Dennis,    318 

Chavez,  Dona  Maria  Josefa,  341 

Chinese,  283,   261,  291  passim 

Chisum,   John,   8 

Church  documents,   244f 

Citizens  of  New  Mexico    (1846),  69ff 

Cleaveland,  Agnes  Morley,  9 

Clothing,   western,   12 

Cloudcroft,    134 

Collins,  Dr.  Joseph  H.,  280 

Colorado  ranches,  8ft 

Commissions,  reports  of  N.  M.,   143ff 

Compton,  C.  M.,  192 

Connelly,  Henry,  letter    (1846),  82 

Constitution,  State,  191 

Convention,  State  Constitutional,  192 

Cook's  Canyon,  295 

Coronado,  see  J.  Wesley  Huff 

Cotner,.  Thomas  E.,  rev.,  Arizpe,  Report, 
ed.,  Benson,  256 

Court  of  Private  Land  Claims,  24 

Cowboys  and  Cattle  Kings,  by  Sonnichsen, 
rev'd.  171 

Cowboy  life,  3ff 

Craig,  George,  321 

Crampton,  E.  C.,  307 

Crile,  A.  D.,  306 

Custom  house  (Silver  City),  293 

Cutting,  B.  M.,  307 

Davis,  S.  B.,  307 
Dent,  Col.  John,  284 

Depredations,  Indian,  44  ;  vs.  Navaho,  59 
Desert  Land  Act,  19 

Dibble,   Charles   E.    and   Anderson,   Floren- 
tine Codex,  rev'd.  by  Thompson,  85 
Documents,  68,  158,  242,  338 
Doolittle,  Col.  A.  O.,  148 
Doolittle,  James  Rood,  letter,  148 
Douglass,  Col.  Henry,  277 
Dress,  western,  12 
Drought  in  New  Mexico   (1860),  49 
Dugout  house,  3ff 

Eddy,  J.  A.,  134 

Education    reports,    143ff;    see    Governor's 


El  Pinto,  Antonio,  Navaho  chief,  113 
Election    procedures,    195 ;    see    Governor's 

Elias,  Juan,  cattleman,  208 
Elias,  Tomas,  cattleman,  208 
Ellis,   Florence   Hawley,  rev.,   Bailey,   Some 

Sex   Beliefs  .  .  .  ,    248 
Emory,    Lieut.    W.    H.,  Report,    ed.,    Ross, 

rev'd.  Wyllys,  256 
Enclosure,  public  lands,  21 




Fairley,  John  H.,  182 

Fall,  Albert  B..  319ff 

Family  names,  158 

Farm  implements,  287 

Fauntleroy,  Col.  T.  T.,  47 

Federal  Emergency  Relief  Adm.,  publica- 
tions, 64 

Federal  Indian  policy,  40f 

Fees,  forest  grazing,  34f 

Fencing,  range,  21 

Fergusson,  Harvey,  Grant  of  Kingdom, 
rev'd.  by  Wynn,  169 

Field,  Neill  B.,  322 

Findley,  Carrie  (Mrs.  S.  H.  Sutherland), 

Findley,  Eddy,  gambler,  129 

Fish,  E.  N.,  cattleman,  19,  208 

Flora,  desert,  39 

Florentine  Codex  (Fray  Bernadino  de  Sa- 
hagun),  eds.,  Anderson  and  Dibble,  rev'd., 

Food  habits,  llff 

Forest  income,  distribution,  35 

Fort  Fauntleroy,  65 

Fort  Union,  277 

Foster,  Bennett,  rev.,  Sonnichsen,  Cowboys 
and  Cattle  Kings,  171 

Fountain,  Colonel  Albert  J.,  132 

Freight  rates  (cattle),  217 

French,  James  A.,  307 

Fuller,  Clarissa  P.,  148 

Gadsden  Purchase,  18-43 

Garcia,  Dona  Rita,  340 

Garcia,  Felix,  321 

Garrett,  Mrs.  Pat,  15 

Gates,  C.  W.,  cattleman,  216 

Geography,  Arizona,  204  passim 

Goodnight,  Mrs.  Charles,  7 

Gosper,  J.  J.,  cattleman,  220 

Government,  see  Governor's  proclamations 

Governor,  annual  reports,  66 ;  messages  of, 

137ff;  proclamations,  225,  325 
Grant   of    Kingdom,    by    Fergusson,    rev'd., 


Grasshoppers  (1868),  157 
Grazing  Homestead  Act    (1916),  25 
Green,  Bill,  teamster,  292 

Hall,  James  A.,  192 

Haller,  Col.  G.  O.,  277 

Hanna,  R.  H.,  307 

Hansford,  J.  S.,  21 

Harness,  stagecoach,  98 

Harvey,  John  N.,  cattleman,  210 

Hastings,  James  K.,  "A  Boy's  Eye  View  of 

the  Old   Southwest,"   287-301 
Haughton,  Amanda   (Mrs.  W.  E.  Lindsey), 


Havasupai,  and  Navaho,  107 
Hawkins,  W.  A.,  307 
Heaton,  S.  E.,  cattleman,  223 
Hervey,  J.  M.,  attorney,  188,  322 
Heyman,    Max    L.    Jr.,    "On    the    Navaho 

Trail:    the   Campaign   of   1860-61,"   44-63 
Hillsboro,  founded  1877,  98 
History,  see  Governor's  proclamations 
Holidays,  see  Governor's  proclamations 
Hallenbeck,  Cleve,  Land  of  the  Conquistado- 

res,  rev'd.  by  Walter,  165 
Homestead    Act     (1862),    18;     (1909),    25; 

grazing  (1916),  25 
Hooker,  E.  R.,  cattleman,  83 
Hooker,  H.  E.,  cattleman,  205,  212 
Hopi  and  Navaho,  113 
Hospitals,  reports  of,  143ff 
Huff,    J.    Wesley,    "A    Coronado    Episode," 

119-127  ;  death,  148 

Hughes,  L.  A.,  306 
Hughes,  Samuel,  cattleman,  19,  224 
Hughes,  Thomas,  19,  318 
Hutcheson,    Austin    E.,    rev.,    Wyllys,    Ari- 
zona ....  337 

Ihde,  Ira  C.,  "Washington  Ellsworth  Lind- 
sey," 177-196,  302-324 

Indian,  289  passim ;  alarm,  281 ;  attitude 
toward,  157 ;  document,  148 ;  Federal 
policy,  40f;  see  Governor's  proclamations 

Irrigation,  Pecos  Valley,  182f 

Jesuit  Beginnings  in  New  Mexico,  by 
Owens,  rev'd.  by  Reeve,  86 

Judiciary,   see  Governor's  proclamations 

Karr,  H.  B.,  307 

Kaseman,  G.  A.,  307 

Kearny,  S.  W.,  letter  (1846),  80 

Kelly  bond  fraud,  312 

Kenedy,  Capt.  Mifflin,  5 

Kingston,  founded  1882,  97 

Ladrones,  Navaho,  50 

Lake  Valley  Railroad  Co.,  91  note 

La  Lande,  town,  181 

Land  grants,  Arizona,  204  passim ;  manage- 
ment, 18  passim  ;  sale  ( 1819 ) ,  162  ;  specu- 
lations (Arizona),  20;  titles,  Mexican,  23 

Land  of  the  Conquistadores,  by  Hallenbeck, 
rev'd.,  165 

Land,  W.  C.,  cattleman,  217 

Lang,  George  W.,  cattleman,  217 

Larrazolo,  O.  A.,  319 

La  Tourrette,  Genevieve,  "Fort  Union 
Memories,"  277-286 

La  Tourrette,  Capt.  James  A.  M.,  277 

La  Tourrette,  Mary,  279 

Lawlessness,    see    Governor's    proclamations 

Leonard,  W.  C.,  at  Kingston,  93 

Liberty  Bonds,  World  War  I,  308 

Lindsey,  Washington  Ellsworth,  governor, 

Liana,  Francisco  Murcia  de  la,  200 

Llewellyn,  W.  H.  H.,  313 

Looscan,  Mrs.  M.,  15 

Luna,  Solomon,  193 

McAllister,    Dan,    "Old    Settlers    in    Otero 

County,"   128-136 
McAllister,  R.  L.  D.,  316 
McDonald,  W.  C.,   191 
McKibben,  Davidson  B.,  rev.  of  Revista  In- 

teramericana  de  Bibliografia,  172 
McLaws,  Capt  Lafayette,  48 
McPherson,  D.  A.,  307 

Mabry,  J.  C.,  quoted,  185 

Machuca,  Bernardo  Vargas,  203 

Mac-Neil,  D.  A.,  cattleman,  215 

Magoffin,  Susan,  14 

Mann,  Pamelia,  14 

Manning,  Mrs.  Eugene,  15 

Map,   Lake   Valley  to  Kingston   stage   line, 

91 ;  of  Santa  Fe  Trail,  See  Kenyon  Riddle 
Martin,    Douglas   D.,    Tombstone's   Epitaph, 

rev'd.  by  Arnold,  846 
Massie,  James  A.,  306 
Maurigade,  Saez,  198 
Maury,  Capt.  D.  H.,  45 
Maxwell,  Lucien,  152 
Medicine,  frontier,  13 
Merchandise  prices  (1819),  161 
Mesa,  Cristobal  de,  202 
Mexican  land  titles,  23 
Mexico  During    the    War    with   the    United 

States,  by  Jose  Fernando  Ramirez,  rev'd., 




Military  (1819),  159;  see  Governor's  proc- 

Militia  (1819),  159 

Ming,  Dan,  cattleman,  214 

Mining,  92  note ;  method,  288,  293 ;  near 
Silver  City,  287  passim 

Missionary  work,  See  Ramon  Ortiz 

Missions  among  Navaho,  HOf 

Mister,  Fred  W.,  92 

Mizner,  Col.  Henry  R.,  277 

Montgomery,  John,  cattleman,  213 

Montoya,  Juan  Martinez  de  (1607),  197 

Montoya,  Martinez  (1600's),  198 

Moore,  F.  L.,  215 

Mormons,  211 

Muller,  Capt.  Fritz,  261  note,  264 

Murphey,  Dan,  cattleman,  211 

Names  of  citizens  (1819),  158 

National  forests  in  Arizona,  33 

National  Guard,  262,  304 

Navaho  culture  (1780),  115;  document,  148; 
during  Spanish  regime,  101 ;  mission 
(1749),  HOf ;  origin,  103;  origin  of  name, 
838;  resources  (1786),  114;  sex  beliefs, 
248;  society,  52  passim;  treaty  (1861), 
57;  war  (1860),  see  Heyman,  Max  L.  Jr. 

New  Mexican  citizens    (1846),  69ff 

New  Mexico :  constitution,  191 ;  National 
Guard,  262,  304;  ranches,  8f ;  in  World 
War  I,  304  passim 

Nolan,  Jerry,  336 

Official  reports  of  N.  M.,  143 

Officials  (1819),  158 

Ogle,    R.   H.,    rev.,    Porter,   Ruxton   of   the 

Rockies,  83 

"Onate,  Cristobal  de,"  by  Rey,  197-203 
Orchard,  L.  W.,  at  Kingston,  92 
Otero,  Manuel  Antonio,  343 
Otero,  Miguel  A.,  262 
Otero,  Sabino,  19 
Outlaws,  262 
Owens,    M.    Lilliana,    Jesuit   Beginnings  in 

New  Mexico,  rev'd.  by  Reeve,  86 

Pancoast,    Chalmers    Lowell,    reminiscence, 


Papago  Indians,  40f 
Peonage,  344 

Perrigo,  Prof.  Lynn  I.,  see  documents 
Pierce,  Shanghai,  7 
Pino,  Vicente,  342 
Plow,  287 

Plummer,  Gen.  E.  H.,  286 
Poe,  Sophie,  2 
Poisonous  desert  flora,  39 
Political  officials  (1819),  158;  reform,  302 
Politics,  see  Governor's  proclamations 
Pollard,  A.  W.,  320 
Portales  Irrigation  Co.,  183  ;  Townsite  Co., 

Porter,  Clyde  and  Mae  Reed,  Ruxton  of  the 

Rockies,  rev'd.  by  Ogle,  83 
Prentice,    Royal   A.,    "The   Rough  Riders," 


Price  list  (1819),  161 
Prohibition,  189 
Public  domain,  18  passim 
Putney,  R.  E.,  307 

Rael,    Juan    B.,    The    New    Mexican    Ala- 

bado,  rev'd.  by  Robb,  250 
Rafter,  Jim,  96 
Railroad,  Lake  Valley,  91  note;  and  cattle, 

Ramirez,  Jose  Fernando,  Mexico  During  the 

War  with  the  United  States,  rev'd.  by 
Rippy,  173 

Ranch  architecture,  3ff;  diet,  llff;  life,  Iff 

Range  cattle  industry,  18  passim 

"Range,  Home  on  the,"  by  Tressman,  1-17 

Reay,  William  J.,  stagecoach,  89  note  and 

Reeve,  F.  D.,  rev.,  Owens,  Jesuit  Begin- 
nings in  New  Mexico,  86 

Regents,  reports  of,  143ff 

Reid,  R.  C.,  307 

Reiter,  Paul,  rev.,  Stubbs,  Bird's-Eye  View 
of  the  Pueblos,  167 

Reservation,  Papago,  40f 

Revista  Interamericana  de  Bibliografia  .... 
rev'd.  by  McKibben,  172 

Rey,  Agapito,  "Cristdbal  de  Onate,"  197- 

Rhodes,  Gene  Man  love,  quoted,  15 

Rhodes,  May  D.  (Mrs.  Gene  Manlove),  15 

Richardson,  Frank,  96 

Richardson,  G.  A.,  193 

Riggs,  Brannick,  cattleman,  212 

Rippy,  J.  Fred,  rev.,  Jose  Fernando  Ra- 
mirez, Mexico  During  the  War  with  the 
United  States,  173 

Roberts,  Dr.  Frank  H.  H.,  quoted,  185 

Roberts,  J.  W.,  cattleman,  221 

Robb,  J.  D.,  rev.,  Rael,  The  New  Mexican 
Alabado,  250 

Holland,  Frank,  134 

Roosevelt  County  created,  187 

Roosevelt,  Col.  Theodore,  267 

Ross,  Calvin,  ed.,  Lieutenant  Emory  Re- 
ports, rev'd.  by  Wyllys,  255 

Roualt,  Theodore,  318 

Rough  Riders,  261 

Ruxton  of  the  Rockies,  by  Clyde  and  Mae 
Reed  Porter,  rev'd.,  83 

Sabinal,  residents  of  ( 1850 ) ,  344 

Safford,  Gov.  A.  K.  P.,  19,  205 

Sahagun,  Fray  Bernadino  de,  Florentine 
Codex,  rev'd.  by  Thompson,  85 

St.  Vincent  Spring,  296 

Sanford,  Don  A.,  cattleman,  19,  207 

San  Rafael  del  Valle  land  grant,  24 

Santa  Fe  Tra